The Volokh Conspiracy
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My Collected Supreme Court Commentary for the New Term
and some thoughts about judicial fearlessness
Tomorrow is the first Monday in October, which marks the start of the newest term at the Supreme Court. In the past few weeks, I've had various pieces of commentary on the Court that I thought I'd collect here.
First, and perhaps best in my book, there are the first two episodes of the newest season of Divided Argument, my "unscheduled, unpredictable Supreme Court podcast" with Dan Epps.
The first episode, Maoist Takeover, was recorded at William & Mary Law School as part of their Scalia-Ginsburg Collegiality Speaker Series, and focuses on how to engage with people across profound disagreement, as well as on the Supreme Court's shadow-docket decisions in Yeshiva University v YU Pride Alliance.
The second episode, Horse Sausage, just dropped today and it previews the extraterritoriality/dormant commerce clause case about California's pork regulations, National Pork Producers Council v. Ross.
But I've also found myself getting lured into some more general Supreme Court commentary. I appeared on this virtual panel at Harvard Law School on "Law and Politics in the Roberts Court" with Amanda Hollis-Brudsky, Adam Liptak, Leah Litman, and Janai Nelson, where I took the unpopular position that the Court tries to pursue a vision of law that is quite independent of politics, even though the Justices were put there by politics.
I also had some related and more wide-ranging discussion of the Court (and the state of our institutions more generally) with Bill Kristol on his show, Conversations with Kristol.
And finally, I gave an interview to Ruth Marcus of the Washington Post which resulted in this passage in her opinion essay on the coming Supreme Court term:
"Fearless." That's the adjective that University of Chicago law professor William Baude applies to this court, and in his view, that's not a bad thing. "The court's not sitting out the hard cases now," he said. "Change happens. New Justices were put in the court by politics, and that's how the court's supposed to work. Everybody understands that putting new justices on the court who are different from the old justices has consequences. That's never been something the court could or should try to immunize itself from."
This passage has gotten a lot of attention on Twitter, and to my mind the most interesting response is this thread from Richard Re, beginning:
Two kinds of judicial fearlessness: (1) doing what's right even when it's contrary to "elite" opinion; (2) doing what's right even when it will disappoint or frustrate your allies, or the people who put you on the bench. Folks seem to focus opportunistically on one or the other.
— Richard M. Re (@RichardMRe) October 2, 2022
and ending:
What is this obviously unplanned thread about? Maybe it's about how judges are praised or criticized in a partisan age, including by one another. A pat rhetorical structure is always available, stunting real thinking or engagement. It avoids facing EITHER the merits OR politics.
— Richard M. Re (@RichardMRe) October 2, 2022
Relatedly, there are Rick Pildes's and Orin Kerr's earlier posts about the concept of judicial courage. And also Scott Alexander's "Against Bravery Debates."
One upshot of all of these is that I think it's probably not helpful to try to characterize one Court or set of Justices as particularly more fearless than an another. Just as with the discussions of law and politics more generally, a lot of these characterizations may in the end reduce more fundamentally to legal disagreements, about what our law is and what it demands of our judges.
Anyway, that's enough of that kind of commentary for now. For some slightly more extended arguments about the Court's role, you can read my recent-ish articles on The Real Enemies of Democracy or on Supreme Court reform (Reflections of a Supreme Court Commissioner).
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Nobody could possibly genuinely believe that killing babies should not be mandated by federal law. It has to be just a craven political move!
Wait. What? There is/was a federal law that REQUIRED people to kill their babies?!?!??? Man, you should totally report that . . . seems like the kind of news that would make headlines.
It seems a little overwrought to characterize filing lawsuits and trying to persuade members of Congress to do what many of them have done in the past, i.e., challenge presidential electors, as a threat to democracy. In fact, trying to persuade legislators to do things is wholly consistent with democracy: it's firebombs and looting that are the real threat.
It seems a little overwrought to characterize filing lawsuits and trying to persuade members of Congress to do what many of them have done in the past, i.e., challenge presidential electors, as a threat to democracy.
I'm not seeing where in Baude's article there is any such characterization, or any discussion of those events at all, for that matter.
As to the merits of your statement: I am getting really tired of this argument, but one more time, the Electoral Count Act neither gives nor was intended to give Congress the ability to reject the Electoral Votes of any state. It is only to be the final place to settle disputes over who the legally binding Electors were, if that is still in question when Congress meets to count the Electoral Votes and announce the next President. The handful of Democrats that objected in 2000, 2004, and 2016 were wrong to object because there was no such dispute. That said, they also knew that their objections would have zero impact other than to further vocalize their displeasure with something about those elections. They viewed what they were doing as protests that would not harm democracy since it wouldn't affect the outcome at all, or delay the certification significantly. (They didn't have anything close to enough votes to actually affect anything. I don't think they had both House Representatives and Senators any of those times to force votes by both chambers, either.)
On Jan. 6, 2021, however, the plan was for far more than a set of protest objections. The goal was explicitly to change the outcome. The claims of fraud were to be judged in partisan legislatures, where key states being disputed had legislatures controlled by Republicans. Somehow, in two weeks or less, those legislatures were supposed decide what to do about these fraud claims in hearings nothing like a real trial with rules of evidence and discovery and legal procedures and protections for all sides. It was absurd to think that this could be accomplished in a way consistent with principles of democracy and the rule of law.
The lawsuits Trump's campaign and allies filed and lost were their only shot to change the official results, and nothing came of any of them. That should have been the final word. Any "audits" or investigations afterwards would only be to improve procedures for the next election and satisfy reasonable people that had doubts. (Unreasonable people wouldn't be satisfied with anything other than their preferred outcome.)
In fact, trying to persuade legislators to do things is wholly consistent with democracy: it’s firebombs and looting that are the real threat.
Or threats to hang the traitor VP that would not do the "right" thing and unilaterally declare the certified votes of the people of some states to be invalid? Was that a real threat to democracy backed up with the violent breaking and entering of the Capitol?
Not if you’re on the left, then the assaults, arson and murder are “peaceful protest” whereas their opposition commits grave capitol offenses like tresspassing in their protests.
The U. S. Court of Appeals, Sixth Circuit, for the second time has ruled that Kimberly Jean Bailey Wallace Davis McIntyre Davis is not entitled to qualified immunity from suit for damages for denying marriage licenses to same sex couples while she was serving as County Clerk in Kentucky. Will this be the vehicle whereby the culture warriors on SCOTUS abandons Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U. S. 644 (2015)?
When the Davis matter was previously before SCOTUS on petition for certiorari (from the Sixth Circuit’s denial of qualified immunity at the pleading stage), Justice Thomas, joined by Justice Alito penned a screed respecting denial of cert criticizing the reasoning of Obergefell. https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/19-926_5hdk.pdf In an opinion concurring in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, Thomas called for Obergefell and two other substantive due process precedents to be expressly overruled. (Thomas was notably silent about overruling Loving v. Virginia. He apparently regards substantive due process, like affirmative action, as a really crappy idea for anyone whose First name is not Clarence or whose last name is not Thomas.) The reasoning of Dobbs regarding substantive due process would lend itself readily to overruling Obergefell.
As an aside, it takes some real brass for Ms. Davis to sit in judgment of who should or should not marry, in light of her own turbulent marital history. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3228324/Anti-gay-marriage-court-clerk-Kim-Davis-conceived-twins-adulterous-affair-lover-married-Godless-wedding-got-restraining-order-claiming-violent-man-called-w.html
Unremarkable record for a “family values” Christian Republican bigoted hypocrite
Again: Loving is an equal protection case. They threw in a paragraph at the end saying, "Oh, yeah, it violates SDP also," but that was just lagniappe.
If Davis wanted qualified immunity, she should have joined the police, then stolen money from a guy when she was supposed to be executing a search warrant on him.
https://reason.com/2020/05/19/qualified-immunity-supreme-court-jessop-theft-kelsay-police-brutality/
And she'd have been able to get qualified immunity to shoot a schoolboy, too.
https://reason.com/2019/08/22/court-rules-cop-who-shot-unarmed-15-year-old-is-protected-by-qualified-immunity/
Or been a university administrator. For some reason, the Conspirators never complain about that. https://www.thefire.org/its-time-for-the-supreme-court-to-reexamine-qualified-immunity-on-campus/
They don't?
"Change happens. New Justices were put in the court by politics, and that's how the court's supposed to work. Everybody understands that putting new justices on the court who are different from the old justices has consequences. That's never been something the court could or should try to immunize itself from."
This is contrary to the explicit statements of Chief Justice Roberts. Trump criticized a decision by "an Obama judge" blocking his administration's policy of denying asylum to any migrant that entered other than through a designated port of entry. "We do not have Obama judges or Trump judges, Bush judges or Clinton judges," CJ Roberts said in a statement shortly after that. "What we have is an extraordinary group of dedicated judges doing their level best to do equal right to those appearing before them.”
If Roberts is correct, then the President that appoints a judge or justice should not affect their rulings. Neither should the party in control of the Senate at the time. Prof. Baude, on the other hand, has a drastically different perspective. Not only is Roberts' view naive, but he is arguing that the politics should matter. After all, according to him, the process is inherently political, it is supposed to be, and that will have consequences that the Court should not try and "immunize" itself against.
I have to say, that as a non-lawyer U.S. citizen, I find this to be quite incorrect. It is without question that politics will affect the ideological and political leanings of the judiciary. But I am with Roberts at least in that the ideal is to minimize that as much as possible. The judiciary is supposed to be a branch separated from the partisan tug of war for power within what are often referred to as the "political" branches that are elected. A politicized judiciary would mean that the adjective "political" would not distinguish those two branches from the judiciary, and it would then be pointless to use that terminology.
Accepting that politics will affect the make up of the judiciary and thus the outcomes of politically charged cases as the normal way of things is a sure path to the federal courts losing legitimacy.
This is what I mean by "legitimacy" - Support of voters for federal judges having lifetime appointments and for elected politicians to obey rulings against them. If federal judges are going to be political anyway, then they should have limited terms, be elected instead of appointed, or both. If federal judges are partisan actors instead of non-partisan, then Congress and the President will be more likely to treat them that way and actually start to resist. That would jeopardize their ability to have their rulings matter. The whole constitutional system of checks and balances could come undone.
Roberts meant that judges would not pursue a partisan agenda (e.g. always supporting a president of their own party), not that their political philosophy would not influence their decisions.
If that is what Roberts meant, which I don't concede, then that would still be wrong. A judge's political philosophy should not influence their decisions any more than their partisan preferences or personal beliefs. The law and the facts of a particular case are the only things that should matter.
How could your political philosophy not influence what "process" you think is "due," or what searches are "unreasonable"?
"A judge’s political philosophy should not influence their decisions"
Some judges believe in following the Constitution, others believe in a living Constitution where they can make words mean whatever they want. Calling this a political philosophy is being charitable.
I don't know. I think some people call it legal philosophy, or judicial philosophy.
Oh, and "following the Constitution" vs. "they can make the words mean whatever they want" is itself a political framing. The Constitution is not long or detailed enough for figuring out how to apply its words to be a simple process not open to interpretation.
I agree it is called those things but it is still political.
One example of courage - being a tough-on-crime judge in Sicily.
https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/judge-slain-sicily-mafiosi-put-path-sainthood-77586588
Speaking of "tough-on-crime judges," where did they all go? All I see are judges going easy on criminals (and tough on the cops). So much for "judicial fearlessness"...
Always enjoy the Divided Argument podcast. I hope you and Prof. Epps continue to find time to do it.