The Volokh Conspiracy
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Writing About People Who Don't Want to Be Written About
How, if at all, should we try to be nice in an inherently not-nice occupation?
The discussion on the Doe v. Volokh thread struck me as quite interesting, and I was particularly intrigued by some commenters taking the view that, while I have the legal right to write about Doe, I shouldn't, because she's asked me not to. Here's one comment that I think captures this view particularly well:
So this woman contacts you and asks you to stop writing about her, and to remove your prior writings about her. You respond that you have a legal right to to write about her. She files suit against you, you prevail, and then you write about the whole affair, thus adding to your public writings on the woman who initially sought to have you not write about her.
You're such a classy person.
I don't think that's the right approach, but I think it's an important and difficult question, and one that is routinely faced by people who write about court cases, including newspaper reporters, magazine writers, academics, and bloggers. "Be classy" or "be kind" can't really capture the right analysis, I think, perhaps because news reporting (which I use broadly to cover also opinion and analysis related to news, litigation, and the like) is inherently an unkind phenomenon—or perhaps, in aiming to be good to people seeking information, it may necessarily be unkind to people seeking to conceal information. Still, it bears some deeper discussion.
The problem is that, for many court cases, one or both parties would very much prefer not to have the case be discussed. (I set aside the separate point that the case should be discussed accurately; I surely have no quarrel with that.) To give just the most obvious examples,
- Criminal defendants would usually prefer not to have the allegations against them (whether true, false, or, as is often the case, a mix) publicized.
- Civil defendants would often take the same view, for instance if they're accused of malpractice or embezzlement or assault (sexual or otherwise) or a wide range of other offenses.
- Libel plaintiffs would often not want to have the allegedly libelous statements about them further publicized.
- Other plaintiffs (e.g., ex-employees) would often not want the defendants' responses ("I fired him not because of his race, as he alleges, but because he was sexually harassing coworkers") publicized in association with the plaintiff's name.
- Still other plaintiffs (again, such as ex-employees) would often not want future employers to know that they had sued someone, since they think many employers prefer not to hire litigious workers.
Often the concerns are about reputation and future employment prospects. But sometimes people might be worried that coverage of accusations against them (e.g., that they had raped someone, or that they had falsely accused someone, or that they had defrauded someone) might lead to harassing phone calls or e-mail, to threats, to vandalism, or even to physical attacks. Indeed, these risks are probably higher for mainstream newspaper articles than for blog posts (or certainly than for law review articles), just because such articles tend to have a higher readership.
What should a reporter, or a blogger, or an academic make of all this?
[1.] One possibility is to take the view that parties' names should be included only if it's "necessary." But in most situations, it's not actually strictly necessary to include the parties' names: We could just replace everyone's names with pseudonyms in our stories (even if the underlying cases aren't pseudonymized).
Yet that's not how newspapers do this, and I don't think there's any reason that bloggers or law review article authors should do it, either. Such pseudonymization would probably make our articles come across as somewhat less trustworthy. And beyond that, I think that many reporters and the like take the view that it's good for readers to know the names of people involved in various controversies. True, a few readers might misuse that information even in criminal ways. Still more readers might overreact to what are often just allegations (e.g., by shunning or not dealing with people just because of the accusations). But other readers may take this information into account in a reasonable and thoughtful way, and newspapers and blogs try to convey the truth to those readers.
Moreover, court cases in the U.S. are generally captioned using the parties' real last names. If I'm writing an analysis of Smithski v. Jonesovich, people who are interested in that case will generally search for those particular names. If I omit the name of the case, or omit the parties' names from the discussion, my article or post won't be found, and the information and insight (such as they are) in that article or post won't be available to people interested in the case. I don't think there's any real obligation, as a matter of manners or morals and not just of law, to make the article thus unfindable by people who are interested in the case and searching for the case's name.
Just to give an example drawn from the Doe v. Volokh litigation: Doe's appeal of a decision that depseudonymized her (the decision that led to my writing about her in the first place) will soon be considered by the Tenth Circuit. I expect that the Tenth Circuit will affirm, and thus write a significant (and quite likely precedential) opinion on the law of pseudonymity, including Doe's real name. (I'm an intervenor in that case, and did the bulk of the briefing as to why pseudonymity is indeed improper.) I plan on writing about that case, as I do about other important cases in the area. That writing would be much less effective and useful if it didn't use the case name and thus Doe's real name.
To be sure, this post and my earlier one don't cite the relevant cases, precisely to avoid mentioning Doe's real name. This is chiefly because I have a motion opposing pseudonymity pending in Doe v. Volokh, and I think that, out of respect for the judge's ability to meaningfully decide that motion, I ought to err on the side of not including Doe's real name in my posts while that motion is pending. (Note that I'm certainly not legally barred from including Doe's real name in these posts; there is no gag order on me, nor for that matter any motion even authorizing Doe to proceed pseudonymously.)
But there are substantial costs to this decision, I think: It makes it harder for people interested in Doe's other cases to find my post and read the analysis in it. And it makes the post less credible, because I talk only vaguely about Doe's other cases (including the case that led to my writing about her and thus to her attempt to gag me) rather than actually citing and linking to them. I'm willing to accept these costs in the rare situation where I have a motion pending on the subject; but I think it would be bad to incur the costs in writing about Doe and those like her more generally.
[2.] Another possibility is to take the narrower view that the names should generally be removed when the person asks. That is consistent with some customs in ordinary life, but, for much the same reason as those given above, I don't think this should apply to news/opinion/analysis coverage of litigation.
Moreover, in practice this may end up being not that much narrower a view. True, in my experience few people ask to have their names removed from blog posts (or, I expect, online newspaper articles), but I think that this is largely because they know that they're likely to get a "no." If it were accepted that simply asking to have your name removed would entitle you to have it removed (again, even just as a matter of morals or "class" rather than law), many more people would ask.
[3.] Still another possibility is to take down the names of litigants who say that they had gotten threatening messages (or other such reactions) based on the newspaper article, blog post, law review article, and the like. But I'm pretty skeptical about that. Part of the reason is that it's often hard to know whether that sort of harassment is real, or just made up by someone who is actually just concerned about reputation and employability. As the Grey's Anatomy writer hoax story reminds us, people sometimes lie about being victimized in various ways.
And surely it must be tempting: Here you are, the subject of a story about a criminal prosecution or a lawsuit. The story mentions (however accurately) allegations that you think are unfair or highly private or what have you. You think that the reason you aren't finding a job is that prospective employers Google your name and see the story. (Maybe the real reason is that you aren't that well-qualified, or you come across badly in interviews, but of course we'd all much prefer to focus less on that possibility.) You learn that a publisher has a custom of removing names from stories if the story has supposedly led to threatening messages. Many people—even otherwise decent people—would, I expect, fake a threatening text or voice-mail if that's what it takes to (in their view) put their lives back together.
Plus beyond that, let's think again about the newspaper article about an accusation that might indeed lead to such occasional threats. A local professional is accused of mistreating a vulnerable client. A local teacher is accused of being cruel to a student. Someone is accused of racist insults. And, for the clearest example, someone is sued alleging sexual assault or especially child molestation.
Would we take the view that the newspaper shouldn't report the person's name in a story about that criminal prosecution or civil lawsuit, because of the likelihood that some readers (however tiny a fraction of the tens or hundreds of thousands who will see the article) will misbehave based on that article? Maybe we should, but I'm hesitant to say so.
[4.] To be sure, I should note that many publications do have a policy of not naming alleged sexual assault victims, and in Doe v. Volokh, Doe claims in various lawsuits to have been sexually assaulted on various occasions. I too would normally not have published her name. But, though, in the case I wrote about, the Magistrate Judge at first allowed her to sue pseudonymously (over alleged libel by a defendant who had accused her of, among other things, falsely alleging rape), he then changed his mind (in the opinion that I wrote about), partly on the grounds that,
Plaintiff has filed numerous lawsuits, several of which involve circumstances similar to this case. In some she has been permitted to proceed anonymously; in others, she has not. Regardless, Defendant maintains that Plaintiff is a "vexatious litigant." This goes directly to Plaintiff's credibility, and Defendant should not be hampered in pursuing that defense. Nor should the public be prevented from reaching its own conclusions in this case.
The District Judge affirmed that decision; and my view is that, given the circumstances that the judges described (including, as the District Judge notes, plaintiff's having tried to publicize some of her cases herself), members of the public should indeed have the information allowing them to draw inferences about Doe's position in her various cases.
[5.] Another possibility might be to include parties' last names, which again are needed to normally identify a typical American court cases, but not their first names. Indeed, there are times when I don't include parties' first names in discussing or quoting a case. But in this instance, I thought it important that my law review article include the litigant's full name, because the last name seems fairly common; including the litigant's full name is important to show the links between the litigant's various cases. (Recall that my law review article was discussing, among other things, how pseudonymity interferes with tracking potentially vexatious litigants, and I needed to establish that this was indeed a serious concern as to this particular Jane Doe.)
[6.] Finally, I should acknowledge that, as with most ethical matters, there might not be hard and fast categorical rules here. Sometimes things might turn on my own judgment calls about the importance of a matter, the character of the people asking to have their names removed, the age of the post, and more. (For instance, my understanding is that some newspapers do remove from their archives stories about people's old and minor criminal convictions, or sometimes make them harder to find via Google searches for the people's names.) And of course that judgment may well be mistaken, and not entirely consistent from case to case.
Still, I thought it would be helpful to write up some general thoughts of mine on this subject, and see what others think about this.
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"I was particularly intrigued by some commenters taking the view that, while I have the legal right to write about Doe, I shouldn't, because she's asked me not to."
That is not my view.
https://reason.com/volokh/2022/09/30/court-refuses-to-order-me-to-remove-references-to-frequent-litigant-from-law-review-article/?comments=true#comment-9727863
That's your comment, which Eugene quoted accurately.
Can you elaborate? I thought that was an accurate paraphrase of your comment. (Other commenters in that thread argued that EV should merely refrain from using the litigant's name when writing about her lawsuits and behavior.)
When did you change your view? That was clearly what you were saying in the comment Eugene quoted.
My original comment (broken down by sentence) was:
1.) So this woman contacts you and asks you to stop writing about her, and to remove your prior writings about her.
2.) You respond that you have a legal right to to write about her.
3.) She files suit against you, you prevail, and then you write about the whole affair, thus adding to your public writings on the woman who initially sought to have you not write about her.
4.) You’re such a classy person.
I don’t “clearly” say anything in that comment. It is more a passive-aggressive, snarky, quip, that conveys a general sense of disapproval. My view was not, and is not, that Eugene had a legal right to write about the person, but shouldn’t have, because she asked him not to. That’s a silly, overly simplistic, view. But Eugene wanted to set-up a simple counter-argument to his actions, which he could then knock down with his reasons for doing what he did. He decided that, among all the comments in his previous post, my snarky quip best served this purpose. Since I don’t really say anything, he can give my comment a nice, simple, interpretation, which he can then use as a foil in explaining why he’s justified in doing what he did.
Uh, EV quoted you verbatim. Exactly as you did, without the annoying enumeration, which I am fairly certain was not in your original comment. He then says that this is not the right approach, and makes a length multi-part argument stating why, on several occasions, he had added to the public writings about "this woman" by him AND others. Your sarcastic final statement makes it clear that you think EV was not "classy" in his initial post about the litigation (even though he didn't then, and didn't in his writing about your comment, use this woman's name). Rather than impute yet more unethical behavior to him, like setting up a straw man, or using you as a foil, you could actually argue against his argument (if you are capable), which was based on the four sentences that you wrote If they reveal a simplistic, silly, view, well, then maybe you should have made a complex, serious argument).
So your comment is like the quantum box cat; it exists in a position of both saying something and not saying anything?
Nice!
Your words were quoted exactly as you wrote them. You claim that he's misrepresented your position, and yet you offer no other plausible interpretation.
Not only do you refuse to offer a plausible interpretation which differs from what was attributed (accurately) to you, you don't offer one at all.
There is no backtracking from what you literally wrote, and what was properly, accurately, and completely quoted by Eugene.
It's amazing that you would even bother to try, instead of being a man and standing behind your own words.
This might be the first time I've seen someone defend their writing by saying it was unclear and that a reader wrongly thought it was clear.
Everybody understood what you were saying. If that's not what you intended to convey, you should work on your communication skills.
If this individual is in fact a vexatious litigant, and/or chose to sue you over a law review article that relatively few people read (Streisand effect), I think you have justification to write about her.
But I think as a society it would be nice to adjust to our new reality after the last couple decades, where so much more is “out there” than before, and it’s often searchable/discoverable forever. (This may reflect my age and my appreciation for how things used to be, and maybe individuals who have grown up in the Internet and social media age and have never known anything else, do not have much of a problem with how things are.)
Just as an example, I can think of a time when I was in college and out at a party with people from work, and had too much to drink and was laying face up on the sidewalk. Back then, nobody had cameras with them, there was no such thing as social media, and there was barely much of an Internet, and I can be totally comfortable sitting here today knowing that an image of such a low or embarrassing moment is not out there on the Internet with my name attached for anyone to see.
Or thinking back to my first year of college, when people were away from home for the first time and may have had a one-night stand with another student (and maybe the female did not appreciate that there was not a longer term relationship or interest in the cards after the fact), I can (and do) certainly regret treating sex so casually on a few occasions back then, but there wasn’t such a thing as an upset female going on Twitter or Facebook or whatever and calling me out online, to be preserved forever for my future spouse, in-laws, prospective employers, etc. to see.
These are relatively minor examples, and obviously there are people who have much more embarrassing, shameful, or traumatic/painful things about them that will forever circulate and be preserved online, that in the 1980s or even 1990s would likely have been forgotten forever after a short amount of time.
What to do about it, other than trying to convince our children or grandchildren not to have social media accounts, and to try to avoid ever being in a potentially compromising or embarrassing situation? I don’t have any answers, just some lament. I don’t know if the European concept of “right to be forgotten“ is even workable over there, or would be permissible here with our First Amendment. But I would be very interested in reading serious analyses by people on both sides of the issue, who are thinking about these things deeply.
(Sorry for any typos. No time to proof/edit.)
Society does adjust to this new public world. It continues adjusting. That is what society is -- the interactions of the people that make up society.
Too many people conflate government with both nation and society. You aren't, here, but you make the same kind of mistake in thinking of society as some fixed status quo, and that people need to restrict their behavior to match society. That is the opposite of how it works.
“I can think of a time when I was in college . . . and had too much to drink and was laying face up on the sidewalk.”
Who hasn’t been there, done that?
Well, you could try to convince people not to judge people based on embarrassing situations from years ago when those people were in college.
First amendment does not approve every action it allows. we have a higher law. I will not argue for prior restraint, which would be just what FJB and Kamala would like (Remember, SCOTUS rebuked the VP for her actions in exposing anonymous donors as California AG)
But a person who is judged to have abused that right, even once, esp a public figure, should be chastised by public opinion.
I dunno, shouldn't the knowledge that your really stupid fuck ups have a visibility and permanence that they didn't used to have encourage people to behave better? And the people who make that choice will do better in life because of it? Isn't that a good thing?
No mention of the partisan angle (the Publius Doctrine, for example)?
I assume no politician would want to be written about, except possible by their publicist.
Why? That assertion vividly conflicts with my experiences.
For what it's worth, I think you have the right approach. Enough information to be distinguishable as needed, but not enough to target.
I think, for example, if you highlighted the person's name and street address that would be too much. The address wouldn't help much, except to target the person. But too many Doe references just blend together.
Everyone's a critic. And I should know for the number of people that judge me for eating from the tree of knowledge.
Which tree is that? Fungi aren't plants, much less woody ones....
By the way, how were Adam and Eve supposed to know not to disobey G*d without first having the knowledge of good and evil?
Following orders doesn't require knowledge of good and evil.
knowledge of good and evil is probably idiomatic (meaning 'knowledge of everything'). There's a very similar idiom in ancient Egyptian with that meaning, and the Hebrews had been in Egypt (and were close enough there was trade with Egypt).
I have often wondered if the Hebrews were ever in present day Egypt or if they simply continued to live in Israel during one of the Egyptian dynasty's expansion into present day Middle East. IIRC, at several times, Egyptian territory extended almost to present day Turkey. With the expansion and contraction of Egyptian territory, Hebrews could enter and leave Egypt without having moved at all.
One possibility is to take the view that parties' names should be included only if it's "necessary." But in most situations, it's not actually strictly necessary to include the parties' names: We could just replace everyone's names with pseudonyms in our stories (...).
Yet that's not how newspapers do this
Not in the US anyway. In the Netherlands, it is good practice since time immemorial to write about criminal defendants (or even convicted criminals) as Simon M. or Peter D. The courts, in the published versions of their judgments, simply write [defendant ] or, if there's more than one [defendant 1].
In criminal cases Dutch newspapers only deviate from this rule when the defendant is so (in)famous that anonymising references to them would be silly, because everyone already knows their name anyway. But even then, when the formerly successful quiz show host Frank M. was accused of conspiracy to smuggle €23m of cocaine into Belgium, they initially referred to him as Frank M. even though everyone knew who they were talking about.
Civil suits are typically not reported on at all. The courts use the same anonymisation rule as in criminal cases: individuals become [plaintiff] or [defendant], corporations are referred to by their normal names.
Newspapers, in theory, exist to inform. While presenting information not relevant to the article can be bad, things like the identity of the person or persons doing the specific things the article is about is almost always important and relevant information.
Substituting pseudonyms is not informing - it is, in fact, presenting false information. The partial and worthless "anonymization" of "Frank M." is possibly the worst choice you can take. You give enough information to narrow the identity down to a small group of people, but still don't quite finish the identification - leaving enough uncertainty to open other innocents up to misidentification. And of course, it's all done under the false fig leaf of "privacy".
the identity of the person or persons doing the specific things the article is about is almost always important and relevant information.
If that's so obvious, I'd be grateful if you could offer some arguments in favour.
And I promise you that writing about "Frank M" in no way allows you to "narrow the identity down to a small group of people" unless you know the story is about a celebrity, i.e. a small group of people to begin with. Writing "Frank M" instead of "the accused" or "the defendant" is just a way of making newspaper copy less boring to read. Unless it's a very odd first name, no other Frank M in the country would get misidentified as a potential coke smuggler.
If you don't believe me, a quick Google suggests that there are several criminals who share my name and last initial, including the corrupt cop who murdered famous drug kingpin Klaas Bruinsma. Someone even wrote a book about him. But no one has ever seen my name and thought it was him. (Bruinsma being an example of someone who is notorious enough to end up in the press with his full name.)
If you're suggesting that knowing the identity of the people that perform newsworthy actions is not an important part of keeping the people informed, I'd rather here why you think so.
Knowing if someone has been accused of a crime is important. Among other things, it allows third parties to track the case over time, and distinguish it from other cases. If all you ever see is "defendant", how do you differentiate between multiple people arrested for similar crimes?
Knowing who is accused of what also allows people to track the actions of the government. When you find that the government consistently charges people of a specific race or religion, it can prompt concern - and trigger review of potential problematic polices of the government. Privacy and restricted reporting merely helps the government conceal any potential misbehavior.
As for "Frank M.", you vastly overestimate how many such people there are in any group. Let's do a quick example - In the UK, the most popular first name is "James", with 0.6%. The most popular surname is "Smith", with 0.7%. "John Smith"s can be blindly expected to make up 0.0042% (0.006 * 0.007) of people. That's 42 per 1,000,000 people. In other words, in a moderately-large city, that's only 21 males, and includes everyone from pensioners to infants. For less popular names, the rates go down dramatically. Outside the top 20 or so names, you rarely break 0.1%.
BUT! The occurrence rate for last initials must help, right? Well, sort of. The most popular UK surname first initial is 'S' - with almost 10%. That means a moderately-large city would have 210 or so "James S."s in it. While larger, with even the slightest extra clues - like knowing who lives in what neighborhood, has what sort of job, is of what age, who disappeared for a few days during the period the article was referring to, etc, still leaves only a small group of people.
Read a little about how easy it is for advertising companies to identify and track you. Just a few pieces of information is enough, and does not include name.
I put my comment in the wrong place. I meant to make my own. Moving it there.
it allows third parties to track the case over time, and distinguish it from other cases.
Hence the partial anonymisation. People following court cases more closely can, of course, rely on the usual court document/filing numbers.
When you find that the government consistently charges people of a specific race or religion, it can prompt concern
Agreed. But how does knowing the defendant's full name help with that?
...
Without the identity of the person, how are you supposed to know the race, religion, ethnicity, or whatever of the people?
Do you think it should a law that newspapers be required to list all possible group attributes of a defendant in a case, but also maintain privacy? Because that's impossible.
As I pointed out in the post you responded to, even a small number of additional traits beyond first name and last initial is sufficient to positively identify you. "Frank M., a 48 year-old security guard from Bristol..." is enough to positively ID someone - or narrow it down to a very small number.
"Partial anonymisation" is either no different than complete anonymity, as all potential identifying information is concealed, or is no different than full reveal, because there is enough information to positively identify someone. You're stuck with no in-between option, however much you want it.
How does the public follow the business of the courts, and develop any reasonable belief in the fairness of the courts, if they cannot know who the parties are before the courts to see if the judgments are fair?
Unless you have personal knowledge of the case, which people generally wouldn't, the identity of the parties is irrelevant for assessing the court's actions.
More generally, the press will normally know the identity of the parties, and will investigate if there is anything to investigate.
I came by to post a classic Orwell quote to the effect that informing the public was synonymous with publishing things people did not want published. But I checked it first, and the authorship is uncertain: https://blogs.umb.edu/quoteunquote/2012/09/25/even-if-it-looks-sounds-walks-and-quacks-like-an-orwell-quote-it-still-might-not-be-an-orwell-quote/
Perceptive whoever said it.
It is also wrong, at least as a general rule.
I’m not about to say that Eugene is not “classy”. He certainly is. I’ve gotten a great deal out of reading this blog these 15, 16 years or so.
But missing from this broad analysis is the possibility that the person who doesn’t want you to “out” her really has been the subject of physical threats. The fact that the judge “outed” her does not make his finding of “no actual harassment” conclusive. It doesn’t mean you have to pile on too. As I said before, it doesn’t matter even if she’s a crazy person and a vexatious litigant.
Well what does matter?
Your question is, When is violence justified?
1. self-defense or defense of others
2. in combat
I can't think of any other reason. Outside of the above situations, this person can do anything at all and should not be subject to violence. If you can prevent it, you have a duty to do so.
No, that was not his question. His question was, I think, why EV should be responsible for violent threats by some other person when he neither enabled nor encouraged those threats.
I don't think anyone here believes the threats were justified, but there's a large gulf between the threats being unjustified and EV being morally required to change his behavior.
If my behavior, even if well intentioned, resulted in threats, then yes, I am morally required to change my behavior.
captcrisis: Can you elaborate, please? Say a newspaper writes about a lawsuit in which some is accused of fraud, or of sexual assault, or of racist or sexist behavior. Unsurprisingly, this leads some tiny fraction of the newspaper's readers to send the person threats. (Let's assume that in that situation the threats were indeed indisputably made.) The person complains, and asks that the newspaper remove the story, and stop writing about the allegations in the future. Is the newspaper morally required to change its behavior?
You're a law professor and accustomed to think via analogy. I don't know what a newspaper would have done. But when something touches one personally one can't think so abstractly. If someone told me she was being threatened by my conduct, I would stop it, unless there was a clear reason not to, which doesn't exist here.
So Heckler's Vetos are a good thing, then?
'I got some threats. They must have come from somewhere. I have no evidence this blog post was the source, but it's got my last name in it, so that should stop.'
How far do we take this?
A random person on the street: 'I find it threatening when people wear suits, you should stop wearing one'.
Would you really stop wearing a suit if someone said that to you? I'm inclined to believe you'd think they were a crazy person, or in the alternate, you're a crazy person for taking them seriously enough to change your behavior.
There's literally no way to do anything in public without *someone somewhere* perceiving it to be threatening. (Especially if you're black). So I guess we should all hide in our basements. No, wait, someone probably thinks that's threatening too.
This was behavior directed at a specific person, who had asked to stay anonymous.
What if your behavior didn't result in threats, but someone claimed it did? Are you morally required to change it then?
And even if your behavior did, why are you morally required to change it? Why are you morally responsible for what unknown, unrelated third parties do?
"If my behavior, even if well intentioned, resulted in threats, then yes, I am morally required to change my behavior."
What about the actual situation here, where someone CLAIMED your behavior resulted in threats, but you have no evidence that the threats even exist and nothing connecting it to your behavior? It's not like he was posting "Here's this terrible person, go get 'em!" He posted a factual article about a legal issue in a law review and blog posts on a legal blog. Yes, it's conceivable that maybe some crazy came across it and that was the trigger for them sending threats. Or maybe one of the people she's vexatiously sued in the past or is exhibiting similar behavior to now -- or friends or relatives of one of those people -- is threatening her, and she's just seized on Volokh's articles as the only possible explanation when it isn't?
In short -- if my good-intentioned behavior is directly harming someone, I would change it, or at least consider if the benefit I'm trying to achieve through my behavior is more important than the harm. But if someone claims my good-intentioned behavior is harming them with no proof and no rational connection between my behavior and the harm, I'm not changing anything.
" The fact that the judge “outed” her does not make his finding of “no actual harassment” conclusive."
Don't you think it's the best available evidence, given how self-serving her own claims are?
Someone who engages in frivolous litigation imposes real costs upon the targets of their suits. Those persons have no right to strike out at others and then go run into the shadows and protest when they've been exposed. They deserve to be exposed.
This. I was about to say the same.
Does anybody know which of the Volokh Conspiracy's fans is Michael Sheppard? What screen name did he use here?
I have a few hunches, but they're merely guesses.
I yearn for the days when the consensus was that a gentleperson's name appeared in the newspapers three times: When they are born, when they are married, and in their obituary.
From looking at old newspapers, it seems there were a *lot* of non-gentlemen and non-gentlewomen in those days, not only getting in trouble but having social events and other innocuous things.
Wikipedia says the Brandeis-Warren article on the right to privacy was inspired by people having their names in the social pages.
(Brandeis was in the social pages when he had the biggest balls of all.)
I'd rather insult historical figures, with an emphasis on dead ones.
As soon as Elvis dies, I'll insult him.
Just kidding about that last part, I wouldn't insult Elvis.
It's okay, Elvis is never going to die, anyway.
Without public access are the litigants better positioned to claim, publicly or privately, that the legal system is corrupt?
Looking to the Bible for guidance, it says judges should have no respect for persons, as a matter of impartiality. In order to treat everyone equality, treat everyone terribly.
https://www.billkochman.com/VerseLists/verse049.html
Shared privacy might create a cordial relationship between the judge and the litigants, but that is not good, because the judge is supposed to be mean.
Judge Judy is the ideal judge in this regards
This comes to mind...
https://www.youtube.com/clip/UgkxVOzfpcQB92ERm0GuXSapvoqQjVVbdZmI
EV's insistence is risible that in a case where he has personal involvement he is merely acting as a news reporter. On professionally run newspapers, a reporter's personal involvement earns a quick transfer to a different assignment. A professional reporter thus entangled would go on his own initiative to a superior to request the transfer.
Among EV's supporters on these issues are a disheartening number who manifestly suppose the internet is especially valuable because it empowers the worlds' ever-plentiful supply of Inspectors Javert.
As is too often the case, Professor Volokh should reflect carefully on the meanings his enthusiasts take from his comments. That process becomes an inescapable manifestation of EV's advocacy, and adds appreciably to its public meaning.
There is little point for any public advocate to repeat, "No, no, I meant this," while a mob of supporters choruses instead, "Thank God he finally said that." When that happens, the public advocate should either figure out something else to say, or reconcile himself to be identified among bystanders with his contrary-minded fans.
You are being incoherent (again). You have a habit of articulating "standards" that nobody else sees as standards.
If a "reporter" writes something and is sued without merit over what he wrote, then the newspaper pulls him off the case and doesn't let him write about it anymore? He is professionally involved when someone sues him about what he writes about proffessionally.
I've never seen that.
As one example it got extremely personal between Trump and Jim Acosta of CNN including lawsuits, did CNN pull Acosta off of covering Trump and the Whitehouse because it got personal?
Nope.
Kazinski: I should also note that there are two completely different questions being asked here: (1) When should an outlet stop writing about cases on the grounds that such writing is supposedly harmful to the litigants? (That's the question that most of us have been discussing.) (2) What should an outlet do to make sure the coverage of a case isn't unduly biased by the author's personal stake in the case? (That's the question you're responding to.)
I suppose one could say that it was perfectly proper for me to write about Jane Doe's past cases -- but now that she's sued me, I shouldn't write about this case (because I'm biased), and perhaps shouldn't write about her other cases in the future (since I might still be biased given her having sued me). But that would be a pretty poor result when it comes to reporting on the cases, since if I don't write about this, pretty much no-one else will. (I'm not just the only person who knows about this case, but I'm also pretty much the only person who routinely writes about American pseudonymous litigation more generally.) Nor is it good to have a rule under which someone can stop an outlet from writing about her simply by suing. Plus, as I noted in my original post, I think our readers are entitled to know what I'm being accused of, how it might bias my coverage, and what my defense is.
Perhaps if I had staffers to whom I could assign the story, I might do that, with the instruction that they cover it objectively, and perhaps more objectively than I could. (I'm trying to be objective here, but perhaps I'm failing.) But I don't have staffers, so the question is having me cover it, or have no-one cover it.
And in any event, all this has nothing to do with the underlying question of writing about people who don't want to be written about (though it may have something to do with the question of how one maximizes objectivity in an environment where the outlet doesn't have a wide range of reporters to whom a matter can be assigned).
But surely you see the problem somewhat like a hecklers veto, A litigants veto, someone doesn't like you writing about them, so they file a frivolous lawsuit against you, now according to Lathrop you shouldn't write about them again even if its dismissed quickly under SLAPP.
Then there is also the distinction between personal and professional, there may indeed be an ethical conflict when you are sued by someone you are having a personal conflict with such as a property dispute with a neighbor or an ex-spouse, and you are writing about them in your professional capacity. But when the dispute is solely about writing professionally about a subject that involves a person who sues you about your writing then I think the assumption should be there isn't any appreciable conflict.
Yes, indeed, I think we largely agree.
Kazinski, my general context for this critique was the comparison to newspaper reporting, not comparison to beat reporting on broadcast news, nor even to scholarly law reviews. Whatever standards apply to those different kinds of activities, I think it is unseemly for Professor Volokh to insist he merely does what newspapers do. He does not. He seems not to know what practices leading newspapers follow. Nor do you.
By the way, that point about newspapers strikes me as especially important, in the larger context of this discussion about online publishing. Online publishing differs markedly from newspaper publishing, even when the latter also happens online. To assert equivalence between a medium which practices prior editing of just about everything, and another medium which applies prior editing to almost nothing, is not a likely aide to useful insight about what practices will best serve the unedited medium.
In the opening footnote of his Hasting Law Journal article, Eugene writes,
Later in the article, when discussing a particular case, he writes, "The judge ultimately agreed that redacting the other case names was the better alternative to outright sealing—but only after a third party moved to intervene and unseal, something that wouldn’t happen in most cases [fn. 90]."
"[fn. 90] That third party was me."
His activism becomes the subject of his scholarship. His scholarship is the topic that he reports on. And his reporting is the content that he distributes (via The Volokh Conspiracy).
Activist, scholar, reporter, content distributer. Now that's how you influence public policy!
No other scholars are activists, and no other activists put out press releases?
Complaining that someone tells other people about the interesting things they do in their field of specialty, as if those roles needed to be separate, seems odd to me.
I suppose scientists also shouldn't write journal articles about the research they're doing - they need to get someone else to write about it for them.
QuantumBoxCat: I'm not sure just how much I'm influencing public policy. But I'm pretty sure that my scholarship improves my blogging and my litigation (because it means I know more about what I'm writing about). My blogging and my litigation improves my scholarship, because they expose me to interesting cases. (Indeed, my The Law of Pseudonymous Litigation article came about as a result of various cases I got involved in, and various others that I wrote about in blog posts.) My litigation also especially improves my scholarship because it exposes me to the practical realities -- indeed, one basis on which many professors are faulted is that they're too ivory tower and don't see how the actual practice of law operates; I'm trying to avoid that pitfall. And I like to think that all of these also help my teaching, both substantively and in improving my credibility with my students, who after all mostly want to become practicing lawyers.
Of course, there are also possible costs to doing all of that at once, for instance that my litigating will undermine the objectivity required for honest scholarship (or honest blogging). That, for instance, is one reason that I generally note when I'm writing about something I'm litigating. But I think that on balance doing a mix of these things is good.
And, of course, as Toranth notes, lots of other people take the same view. For instance, the most cited American legal scholar of our generation (and I think one of the most respected), Stanford Prof. Mark Lemley, is also a top intellectual property litigator. Likewise, many other law professors routinely get involved in pro bono litigation in their own fields, and some also in consulting. (The great bulk of my litigation is not paid consulting, though some is.)
My litigation also especially improves my scholarship because it exposes me to the practical realities — indeed, one basis on which many professors are faulted is that they’re too ivory tower and don’t see how the actual practice of law operates; I’m trying to avoid that pitfall.
To conflate the practice of law with, "practical realities," is a poor fit for repeated assertions that control of procedure is the real super power which lawyers command. I will offer a suggestion which you may find helps you think more clearly about, "practical realities," and the law.
Consider what is needed to claim useful ability to practice law. On the one hand, the formal practice of law requires a knowledge of what the law says, and also of how it is enforced as a practical matter. It requires an ability to reason in terms of distinguishing some precedents, and to identify others as on point. It requires ability to research, and to write well. It requires an ability to, "think like a lawyer." It requires some experience and familiarity with tendencies and quirks which particular judges may bring to management of cases. If jury trials will figure in the practice, there is the whole repertoire of speech and behavior which adds up to a persuasive jury presentation. Also, a good lawyer needs skills to be a good negotiator.
In all that I am merely carrying coals to Newcastle. Surely you can greatly enlarge that list on your own. But however enlarged, how relevant will anything on a list detailing attributes of formal legal practice be to questions regarding law and policy?
To ask the question is to note a disconnection. It is the disconnection which divides the practical realities of legal practice on the first hand, from the different practical realities of using law to make policy on the other hand. The latter is an entirely different kind of activity.
To say you understand the law, you have to understand what the law says, and how it works within a formal system. To say you know what the law means, you have to understand the activities the law purports to govern, wherever they occur.
Where the practice of law requires discernment and focus, the application of law to policy requires enlargement and generalization. To predict how a judge will decide a case is not at all alike with predicting what outcomes will happen when a law is applied to govern commonplace activities of society and commerce.
It turns out that the practical realities necessary to understand what the law says in the context of legal practice barely intersect at all with with the different set of practical realities necessary to understand what the law means for policy. What you and many commenters on this blog seem not to notice is that many of the pitfalls you seek to avoid arise from conflation of those different kinds of insights.
Lathrop doesn't know the law or understand how the legal system works — look at his embarrassing misunderstandings regarding the Sackett case's procedural posture — but he nevertheless thinks that he knows enough to understand what the law means for policy.
Not embarrassing at all for me. Procedural questions should never be litigated at the Supreme Court level except in context of the facts of a case. The fact that the Court picks before hearing the case the questions it will decide gives the Court too much power to bring to the docket its own policy preferences and prejudices. It is an embarrassment for the Court.
The Sackett case illustrates vividly what can go wrong. Before the Supreme Court considers any procedural claim, it should first evaluate whether the plaintiff has at least a reasonable possibility of winning on the merits. If it finds that question in the affirmative, then review of procedures should be confined to whatever procedures are necessary to elucidate contested factual claims. No one with a bullshit factual claim should be allowed into the Supreme Court to try to get factually irrelevant policies struck down despite a non-meritorious case or controversy. If there is no factual basis upon which the Court can grant a remedy, that should mean there is no remedy, no case, and no victory for the plaintiff.
In fact, no such thing “turns out” at all. You're just saying this as an excuse for why your lack of knowledge of law isn't important. ("Oh yeah? Maybe I don't know the law, but I understand the 'practical realities,' unlike you.")
Nieporent — My lack of knowledge of law would be important if I were to ignorantly critique the practice of law. I do not do that, at least not on purpose. I did in a comment above critique Supreme Court legal practice, but at least brought to it knowledge of the cases and controversies clauses, and a coherent argument. I urged a limiting principle applicable to the Supreme Court, to leave off decisions about legal procedures not directly relevant to some remedy which could justly be granted by the facts of a case. I have not seen that limiting principle offered by anyone else. I think it ought to get consideration. It would focus more judicial attention on facts, and reduce judicial efforts to implement by law judges' preferred policies and prejudices. I do not think control of procedure is wisely regarded as a superpower lawyers (including judges) ought to possess.
If someone like you wants to set me straight on why all that might be impossible, undesirable, or merely too inconvenient on the basis of legal practice, I will pay close attention, and maybe stand corrected. But sneering at me won't get the job done.
I do also critique arrogance to suppose knowledge of the practice of law is somehow qualification as a policy expert on every question whatever. If that were true, the nation would have no need for the political branches; it could let the judicial branch rule at pleasure. That is pretty much what it tries to do anyway.
If you do not understand the activities a particular law purports to govern, then no matter how great your purely legal knowledge may be, you cannot claim to understand what a particular law means. Lawyers need to get that through their skulls. They can know the law perfectly, and still not have any idea what they are talking about. Happens all the time.
I admire your competence on legal questions. You are obtuse and arrogant as a policy expert. You are inclined to suppose others' specialized expertise about activities the law governs ought to be discounted to zero, so that people like you can make your governing decisions without hindrance. The notion: Congress proposes, the judicial and legal communities dispose, cannot be a wise rule of governance for this nation.
If you have ever on this blog had occasion to stand corrected by a non-lawyer commenter on any point of specialized non-legal insight, I haven't seen it. You are in plentiful company in your profession. Absent the comments section, this blog would show practically no other kind of advocacy.
Missing entirely from your post... Volokh started this whole saga out purely in his reporting capacity, he wasn't personally involved.
But even setting that aside, why shouldn't somebody who is the target of this woman's awful actions have every right to publicly identify her and call her out for it?
tkamenick — Anyone publicly targeted by awful actions ought to have a right to publicly respond. Given the subjectivity of, "awful actions," and the unpredictable character of self-identified targets, I question the wisdom of choosing as the appropriate public remedy unedited resort to world-wide cost-free publishing. I can see how that could tend toward results opposite the public interest in just outcomes after shorter conflicts.
Might it make more sense for the self-identified target to exercise in a court that right to publicly identify? That was long customary, and seemed to work. The offended party seeks a legally prescribed remedy. Disinterested bystanders make publishing decisions based on the legal outcome. The public learns the results without any troublesome overlay of unresolved, unseemly, public calumny.
https://www.businessinsider.com/murderer-right-to-be-forgotten-internet-search-german-court-2019-11
Being nice to all the wrong people...
First, vis a vis "The discussion on the Doe v. Volokh threat struck me..." -- not a true threat, I think.
Second, it might be useful to think about where, precisely the ecalumny problem originates. It's not that the courts need to be wary, because information relating to the litigation is being amplified in the public sphere, possibly unfairly bringing the parties and the courts into disrepute. It's the opposite. Since litigation information is gold-standard internet fodder, compared to the scraped property records, algorithmic automated writing, and high-school rival Facebook screeds that usually pass for information here, it exercises a disproportionate hold in the information market. Possibly one justification for courts exercising prudential restraint is the recognition that they now hold this power of being info-publishers of the first water, and just as an injunction might not issue in a situation where there were known factors that might disproportionally magnify its effects, a court might, for example, routinely adopt a practice that removed parties names from cases not recommended for publication that are published on its website. (It's odd that so much of the common law is no longer precedential.)
The point is that, as opposed to importing a decision rule about the historical practice of the courts, or mining a Brandeis brief for the catalogue of social harms that will result if these historical practices aren't changed, it might simply be a matter of recognizing that courts do things with words, and where they know that these acts have certain effects, they might (as they always have, in every age of the world) elect to do slightly different things with those words, to largely the same jurisprudential effect.
Mr. D.
Thanks for the correction, and the funny way of putting it!
I often warn clients — and potential clients, and pretty much anyone who'll listen — about the Barbra Streisand Effect. I'm aware of a great many people who've suffered from its unpleasant consequences. Some of them well and truly deserved that suffering; others less so; and a few not at all, for whom I can feel professional compassion.
You know who I can't possibly feel professional compassion toward, when it comes to having suffered unpleasant consequences of the Barbra Streisand Effect?
Barbra Streisand.
Your position is the correct, ethical, and justified one on this matter, Professor Volokh. Carry on.
"news reporting (which I use broadly to cover also opinion and analysis related to news, litigation, and the like) is inherently an unkind phenomenon"
Journalism is no more or less a phenomenon than lawyering. Lawyering and journalism are trades, but law in academia holds itself to a higher standards of civility. Law professors are told to be polite, and in America so are journalists. But lawyering and journalism are vulgar. Reporters complain if they're attacked for "doing journalism", as if it were delivering pizza or teaching Elizabethan poetry. If you're a reporter and you're not being attacked by someone you're not doing the job. Maggie Haberman's problem is that she wants to be taken seriously, so she saves things for books that will be forgotten in 20 years, rather than just doing her job as a hack. I think the confusion people are having is that they're treating you as a law professor. It's your confusion too. If it's not necessary to use her name, then maybe you shouldn't use it. But if you want to then you're behaving like a lawyer and you shouldn't apologize for following your reflexes.
People were upset that Neal Katyal defended corporations against lawsuits by their former child slaves. He's a lawyer defending a client. The problems start when he wants to be a liberal talking head defending morality. The hypocrisy is wanting to have it be both ways: the be the white night and the tradesman. He's like Haberman but at least he's smarter. Just make up your mind.
You seem to be describing the hypocrisy known as the Volokh-Publius Hypocrisy
People’s lives can be destroyed simply by being accused of a crime and the publicity that comes with it, even if it later turns out that they did not actually commit the alleged crime. I do not believe that the media, blogs, etc. should be in the business of ruining people’s lives because of criminal allegations, at least until the person has been found guilty. Putting aside the issue of possible harassment/threats, we know that even being accused of crime can seriously limit someones employment prospects. Seriously hampering someone’s career for a story or to tell the public information they do not need to know is not something I think should happen. The public should, at least in my opinion, not have a right to know everything about a legal case just because it is a legal case.
If I am understanding Eugene correctly, one of the reasons why he thinks peoples’ real names should be used is so others people interested in the case can find out more about it. That seems to be saying that real names should be used so that your content can reach a larger audience, which would be you wanting to use the name to help yourself. If I misunderstood what you said, I apologize.
" If I am understanding Eugene correctly, one of the reasons why he thinks peoples’ real names should be used "
You should not assume that to be true, particularly not without examining the partisan angles.
This is culture war, not principle or scholarship.
If someone is accused of, say, sexual assault, and the media isn't allowed to publish the name of the accused, that precludes the possibility that 17 other people come forward to say they were assaulted by the same guy. If the person is a politician, it prevents the public from assessing their fitness for office. It prevents people from noticing that one of the parties is the judge's cousin.
But that's not the responsibility of the people doing the reporting. That's the responsibility of the people deciding how they react to it.
So she’s “Pro Se”? If she’s not getting “assistance” with those briefs and documents, I have to pay her a compliment: She writes and thinks like a lawyer.
I wonder when she is going to attend law school?
I've spent about an hour searching for Doe's real name and have not been successful. Obviously someone who REGULARLY files frivolous/vexatious lawsuits should be named and named again. Does anyone have any tips on how/where to search?