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Sunstein Challenges Originalists on Bolling v. Sharpe (Updated)
If the Supreme Court was correct in Dobbs, was it wrong in Bolling?
In a lengthy guest post at Ius & Iustitium (aka the "common good constitutionalism" blog), Harvard law professor Cass Sunstein argues that Bolling v. Sharpe, in which the Supreme Court held that racial segregation of public schools in the District of Columbia violated the Due Process clause of the Fifth Amendment, cannot be reconciled with originalism, particularly not as embraced in the Supreme Court's recent Dobbs decision.
Here is how Professor Sunstein's post begins:
Uh oh.
For constitutional theory, Bolling v. Sharpe has always been a bit of a puzzle, but it is suddenly much more than that. In Bolling, the Supreme Court held that the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment forbids Congress from segregating the schools in the District of Columbia. That holding is important in itself. Actually, it is much more than important in itself, because it is the source of the broad idea that the national government may not engage in racial discrimination. But Bolling is important as the foundation of an even broader idea, which is that principles of equal protection generally apply to the national government. Because the Equal Protection Clause can be found in the Fourteenth Amendment, and not the Fifth, we have to do considerable work to generate a theory to make sense of Bolling. In Bolling, the Court itself offered some of the essential ingredients of such a theory (as we shall see).
In Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Center, the Court cut the legs out from under Bolling. In essence, the Court held that to qualify for protection under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, a litigant must show that the relevant right is "deeply rooted in this Nation's history and tradition" and "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty." It is exceedingly hard to show that a right to be free from segregation qualifies under this test – not least because segregation was required by the Black Codes, enacted throughout the South in the 1860s, and because the Supreme Court upheld segregation in 1896 and did not strike it down until 1954 (under the Equal Protection Clause). Racial segregation was both practice and permissible for about a century. Insofar as we are speaking of the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment, the idea of a right to be free from racial segregation stands, under the Dobbs approach, on very shaky ground. In fact it is worse than that. For the approach in Bolling, Dobbs is an earthquake.
(footnotes omitted.)
And here is how Sunstein concludes:
My conclusion is that under the approach that commands a majority on the current Court, Bolling was wrongly decided; the question is not even a difficult one. Under that approach, discrimination on the basis of race and sex, or on any other ground, is subject to rational basis review (at most) – and under prevailing standards, must generally be upheld. If that is an unacceptable conclusion (and I believe that it is), it is a strong point for some version of Bolling and against the approach in Dobbs, at least under one view about how to choose a theory of constitutional interpretation.
I suspect some originalist scholars might have thoughts on this.
UPDATE: In United States v. Vaello Madero, Justice Thomas made the case that the Fourteenth Amendment's Citizenship Clause prohibits the federal government from discriminating on the basis of race. Professor Sunstein rejects the Citizenship Clause argument, but it is worth noting nonetheless as an originalist argument for the result in Bolling that does not rest on Due Process.
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Well he's had his fun, but he is pinning his argument on very shakey ground:
"and because the Supreme Court upheld segregation in 1896 and did not strike it down until 1954"
Is he saying Brown was wrongly decided? Brown reversed Plessy, so he can't really rely on that precedent.
Brown and Bolling were decided on the same day, but of course they couldn't use the 14th amendment in Bolling because it only applies to the states.
Now it may well be that under the Constitution that DC is the only place in the US where racial segregation of schools is constitutionally permissible, but Congress has long since passed laws that forbid the practice. Not every injustice needs a constitutional remedy.
But perhaps if Sunstein is that concerned he'll support devolving the residential sections of DC back to Maryland and Virginia, leaving just a rump federal district consisting of capitol Hill the Supreme Court, Whitehouse and the National Mall.
Thomas's point is great, but hardly needed.
There is no constitutional principle, or Supreme Court ruling that outlaws sex discrimination in DC schools either. Only about 40 federal laws and dozens of local DC laws would forbid it.
Where is the moral panic that there is no originalist constitutional principle that forbids sex discrimination in DC? Federal law, and local cultural standards, seems sufficient to prevent the Taliban slate from taking over DC schools and forbidding girls getting an education.
The previously Virginia sections of DC were retroceded in 1847. They're now Arlington County and (part of) the city of Alexandria. Only Maryland needs to take back its wayward citizens.
Correctly decided, but wrong on the legal reasoning.
14A would seem to be the correct amendment. Segregation was rooted in society (as through out most of the world)
However, 14A specifically overrode what was rooted in tradition.
That's his gimmick, Brown applied the 14th amendment, but that doesn't work for DC because the 14th only applies to the states.
And the debate is far from academic, does any one doubt the DC school board wouldn't go back to at least partial segregation if they legally could? All Black classrooms for at least some subjects with Black teachers mandated doesn't seem like it's totally out of the question if they could get away with it.
Bingo: He's cited the standard for recognizing an unenumerated right. But anything actually found in the 14th amendment would be an enumerated right.
Now, the 14th amendment DOES say, "no state shall", and "nor shall any state". And so wouldn't ordinarily apply to the federal government. But in DC, and federal properties purchased with the consent of a state legislature, the federal government rules as though it were a state, making it reasonably subject to the 14th amendment.
Elsewhere? It wouldn't apply, but of course, from an originalist standpoint, how much scope does the federal government have for discriminatory laws, anyway? Most of what it does today is outside its powers from an originalist standpoint.
I suppose you could make an argument, though, that once the 14th amendment had been ratified, it was questionable whether any federal discriminatory law could be regarded as "proper".
IANAL and especially on such specialist distinctions. Doesn't DC have its own laws against murder, assault, theft, etc? I know Congress has overridden DC laws sometimes; is that what you mean?
Sure, but the whole DC government was created by federal statute, is has no independent constitutional status.
I'm no expert on whether Bolling v Sharpe can be reconciled with original meaning.
However, the continual pattern of argumentation is: "But if we follow original meaning, at least according to conservatives, 'X' horrific thing would be permitted by the Constitution!"
Why is the morality of a policy relevant to the question of whether the policy is required or permitted by the Constitution? Must every immoral policy be made unconstitutional, leaving no function for States or localities or even Congress to decide? And not made unconstitutional by amendment, but by reinterpretation?
Why do advocates of making 'X' unconstitutional never propose a constitutional amendment to effect it?
It's relevant because if a court has multiple plausible ways to read the text, as it frequently does, it should choose the one that doesn't produce atrocities as a result.
Advocates of making X unconstitutional sometimes do proposed amendments, but in general the amendment process is so unwieldy that it's an impractical suggestion. (Whether making it hard to amend is good public policy is a separate question.) We are so completely polarized at this point that I'm not sure much of anything could command 2/3 support in Congress and 3/4 of the states. So, the choices are to allow bad policies to continue, or try to find a workaround.
I don't agree that when presented with a difficult question that seems ambiguous, judges should substitute the Constitution for their personal judgments of morality or politics -- which are arguably inherently subjective.
Instead, here's one way it was put in this short paper, "If the original meaning of the text remains obscured, then courts lack authority to use the text to interfere with the political process." https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2463&context=law-faculty-publications
If state powers are taken over by the federal government, even if originally done for a "good cause," this new structure can easily be used for a bad cause, and cannot easily be dismantled. So this is also an atrocity in and of itself, and can lead to even greater atrocities.
If people are committing "atrocities," those atrocities are not "produced" by the failure to impose force of questionable legitimacy to stop it. Do you think that Biden's withdrawal from Afghanistan "produces" atrocities when the Taliban doesn't respect women's rights?
Of course, "multiple plausible ways to read the text" is doing a lot of work in your theory. Who decides what is plausible? The fact is, with the right critical mass of academic stupidity and political dishonesty, anything can become plausible, such that words can have no meaning at all.
No, the amendment process is not "too hard." Neither is the state legislative process. By admitting that you can't get people to agree with you, you are revealing that your self-assured view of absolute objective moral truths is doubtful.
when presented with a difficult question that seems ambiguous, judges should substitute the Constitution for their personal judgments of morality or politics
Good thing Krychek_2 said nothing about morality or politics, only avoiding atrocities.
Atrocity, noun. An extremely wicked or cruel act.
So what's an atrocity is just a moral call to you?
Huh.
Oh, so whether people agree with me is determinative of whether something is good policy? What kind of luck do you think I would have had getting Mississippi voters to agree to abolish slavery in 1860?
And it’s not a question of getting people to agree with me, it’s how many people have to agree with me. 2/3 of Congress and 3/4 of the states is completely ridiculous.
Well, the whole point of it was exactly that you WOULD only be able to make changes that were widely agreed to.
If there's any problem, it's just that the interests of Congress and the people have diverged enough that Congress has no interest in originating amendments that would have a good chance of ratification. Of course, that's what the convention process is for, and I suspect we will see a constitutional convention before another decade.
No, the problem is not that the interests of Congress and the people have diverged, though I agreed that is *a* problem, just not the on relevant here. And I will point out that there's far less of such divergence in countries that don't have anti-democratic institutions like the Senate and electoral college; actually being accountable to the voters is remarkable at making the legislature responsive to the voters. In this country public opinion is largely irrelevant precisely because of those anti-democratic institutions.
No, the problem that relates to this specific conversation is that our system allows a relatively small number of obstructionists to stall progress indefinitely. We can have a conversation about what number of obstructionists should be able to stall progress indefinitely -- obstructionists have rights too -- but my argument is that the current number is way too small. The majority has rights too.
"And I will point out that there's far less of such divergence in countries that don't have anti-democratic institutions like the Senate and electoral college;"
That's possibly due to the fact that our government, with a hiccup in the 1860's, has been operating for over 200 years. This is true of practically no other country. So we've had time for all sorts of problems to develop that haven't ripened in other countries.
Brett, go with the obvious: If you're the GOP, you know that you don't have to care about urban areas (which happens to be where most of the population lives). There is simply no reason for you to. So one of our major parties can simply write off majority public opinion as being irrelevant. And that's no way to run a country.
People disagreeing with a premise, even a lot of people, does not prove the premise is not an objective moral truth. You are right about that.
It's not really relevant because: 1) Bolling only applies to DC.
2) the same Congress that needs 2/3 majority, and 3/4 the states to pass a constitutional amendment only needs a simple majority to forbid discrimination in DC schools.
3) they've already passed such legislation, and racial discrimination in DC schools is against the law whether Bolling is reversed tomorrow or not.
The atrocity was averted 60 years ago with the civil rights act of 1964.
Well almost averted, maybe we should all acknowledge the regardless of Bolling or the Civil Rights Act of 1964, or Title 1-99, DC schools are currently segregated.
More than 86% of the Students are Black and/or Hispanic.
The principle recognized in Bolling that the Fifth Amendment Due Process clause embraces a guaranty of equal protection applicable to the federal government does not apply only to DC.
It's hardly unknown for lawmakers (eg, on the federal level) to impose laws on others which they don't wish to observe themselves.
So if due process by itself doesn't mean nondiscrimination, then I guess we'll have to just rely on Art. 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the UN race discrimination convention, both of which the U. S. ratified.
And as a special bonus for the woke, there's a bit of an affirmative action exception in the race treaty.
So everyone wins, really. No need to hyperventilate about the Fifth Amendment.
" And as a special bonus for the woke, "
Are there any bonuses for the conservative and Republican bigots?
Yes, indeed, the United Nations' International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination is really part of a conservative, Republican plot to promote white supremacy.
Prof. Sunstein's larger point being what exactly?
I imagine most thoughtful originalists would agree that
1. Bolling v. Sharpe was wrongly decided.
2. That fact means that programs that are popular among many on the left, like race- or sex-based affirmative action, are not unconstitutional if done by the federal government.
3. The federal government should treat people equally, and constitutional amendment requiring as much would be a good idea.
Noscitur a sociis
August.17.2022 at 4:36 pm
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"3. The federal government should treat people equally, and constitutional amendment requiring as much would be a good idea."
maybe We could pass a constitutional like maybe 14A
most thoughtful originalists
noscitur - this is the rub, isn't it? It separates the unprincipled hiding their unpopular policy preferences behind originalism from the actual principled folks.
I can tell you my bet on where the majority will fall.
Kudos to Justice Thomas. Sunstein was being too clever by half.
The invention of alleged "substantive" rights arising out of a pure procedural [due "process"] right never made any sense. Its anti-textual.
It's a work around to overturn the effects of the Slaughterhouse cases, without openly admitting the Court had gotten it wrong back then. They really should have just admitted that the Bill of Rights was a non-exhaustive list of the Privileges and Immunities the amendment referred to, and incorporated them that way against the states.
There could be a test case coming soon in the case of Caryn Strickland whose sex discrimination claim against the federal courts was allowed based on the Fifth Amendment.
"rational basis review (at most) – and under prevailing standards, must generally be upheld"
Racial discrimination utterly lacks a rational basis. Its all surface differences, no race difference can support unequal treatment.
Perhaps we can reconsider the blank check "rational basis" gives government.
The Court never reversed Plessy’s holding that segregation has a rational basis. It facilitates public convenience and promotes public peace. The whole reason for the strict scrutiny doctrine was that that doctrine’s targets had passed rational basis. This is no different
"The Court never reversed Plessy’s holding that segregation has a rational basis. "
So? Plessy was wrong on that issue as well, the "facilitates public convenience and promotes public peace" are bulls**t arguments, not rational at all. Among other reasons, having two separate systems is a tremendous waste of resources.
That last sentence is backed up by the railroad itself not wanting to double up on everything.
Rational basis would ask "is it possible that public order would be improved by separating blacks and whites on trains, Bloods and Crips or boys and girls in schools, or requiring everybody to eat broccoli once a day?" And it is possible, even if it happens not to be true or if the costs outweight the benefits. Government very rarely loses on rational basis grounds.
For an irrational law, see the section of California's anti-gun law which says the law ceases to have effect if the Supreme Court of Texas declares an unrelated Texas law invalid in toto.
I'm a big believer in revisiting the blank check that rational basis gives to the government. That said, if someone wanted to argue that racism is rational, there are arguments for it that can be made. (NOTE: Just because I'm about to articulate them doesn't mean I agree with them. I think they're bullshit. But I also think they could pass rational basis if rational basis is understood to be a rubber stamp, and I have heard racists make these arguments.)
1. Racist public policies simply acknowledge the reality that many if not most people are racist, and the majority is entitled to pass laws that favor its own interests.
2. As with squabbling children being separated by their parents, maybe the best solution to racial problems is segregation. If people can't get along with each other, maybe separating them is the best solution.
3. There was far less violent crime when people were segregated and the legislature is entitled to infer a connection.
4. The most harmonious societies are the ones in which the population is mostly homogenous, like Japan and pre-Muslim-immigration Scandinavia.
5. Because the most harmonious societies are the ones in which the population is mostly homogenous, society has an interest in encouraging minorities to move somewhere else by making it unpleasant for them to live here.
Now, are those awful arguments? Yes. Do they have enough surface plausibility to pass rational basis? Probably.
The casesare easily distinguishable. Dobbs concerned nontextual claims. But racial discrimination is much closer to the constitution’s text and the actions of its framers than abortion ever was. Race was at the heart of what the 14th Amendment was about. While there was no movement to legalize abortion after the 14th Amendment, Congress passwd civil rights laws which the Supreme Court promptly struck down ad beyond its powers.
I think there should more difference between the rules for Congress and the states than current Supreme Court doctrine allows. I think for example that Congress may be freer to consider race in remedial schemes than the states. But while I don’t think the Due Process Clause by itself treats every use or mention of race as inherently evil, I think the Court was within its rights to regard it as prohibiting out-and-out caste systems. And I think the evidence that segregation as practiced had resulted in or at least was perpetrating an out-and-out caste system was pretty solid.
No, Bolling v. Sharpe can't be reconciled with the original meaning of the 5th amendment. It's a completely result-driven decision. The Supremes wanted to uproot segregation, and they could (just barely) coax a no-segregation principle out of the 14th amendment's equal protection clause. Then, when they turned to the federal government in Bolling, they said, "Screw it, it can't be that the federal government can get away with something as heinous as racial segregation if the states can't, so there must be something in the constitution that forbids the federal government from requiring segregation. What really matters is not where the constitution forbids it so much as the fact that it must forbid it somewhere."
It was much the same kind of reasoning that brought about the Bivens decision: "The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 (49 U.S.C. 1983) allows lawsuits against people who under color of state law violate people's rights under the federal constitution and statutes; it doesn't make any sense that they shouldn't similarly be able to bring lawsuits against people who do that under color of *federal* law." A completely result-driven holding.
(Similarly, Justice Black's atrocious decision in Oregon v. Mitchell: "No, Congress doesn't have the power under section 5 of the 14th amendment to lower the voting age to 18, but it does have the power to lower the voting age for U.S. senators and representatives, under the provision of Article I that gives it the power to 'make or alter' state regulations regarding the 'times, manner, and places' of choosing senators and representatives. That being the case, it would be unseemly if Congress couldn't also lower the voting age for presidential electors, even though there's nothing in Article II or the 12th amendment explicitly giving Congress a parallel authority to make or alter state rules on the choosing of electors.")
A lot of decisions by the Supreme Court in the civil rights context during the 50s, 60s, and maybe the 70s was completely result-driven and had little grounding in the text of the constitution. Perhaps we should all just agree that racial discrimination was an evil so great that the Supreme Court was justified in running rough-shod over the law, but that its lawlessness in that context should be regarded as literally an act of revolution, and not as legal precedent to be invoked for any cause not equally as noble. (No, transgender rights doesn't qualify.)
There are suits against federal officials violating rights while acting under color of law going back to the founding. With no immunity doctrine. Instead, Congress could (and did) indemnify those officials and paid their court fines for them if they felt the official's conduct was reasonable. Bivens didn't need to invent it - common law already recognized a cause of action with monetary damages. It's the court ignoring that history that made Bivens necessary in the first place.
My Alabama Pubic High Screwel that was 50/50 Black White in 1980 is now 98%/2% Black/White, no Segregation, just almost every White person has moved out of the City, except for the unfortunate suckers (Mostly Air Farce families from States with real Education Systems, too cheap to send their kids to private school or move out to the Burbs)
On the brighter side, a Military Recruiter friend of mine says those 2% are some of the toughest Mo-Fo's he's ever seen, they look at Marine Corpse Boot Camp/Army Ranger School as summer camp.
Frank
Cass is trolling at best.
The 14th amendment pretty clearly establishes that you can’t treat black people as second class citizens.
And should be aborted at a rate 3 times any other ethnic group, yay Affirmative Action (just as they're executed more, sort of a ying/yang thang)
Frank
From Thomas' opinion in U.S. v. Vaello Madero:
The primary sources that Thomas then references are:
1. C.J. Taney - lead opinion in Dredd Scott
2. Senator Stephen Douglas - speech given in Springfield, IL
3. Civil Rights Act of 1866
3.1. Rep. Samuel Shellabarger - congressional debates on the Civil Rights Act of 1866
3.2. Rep. Henry Jarvis Raymond - congressional debates ...
3.3. Rep. William Lawrence - congressional debates ...
3.4. Sen. Jacob Howard - congressional debates ...
3.5. Sen. John Conness - congressional debates ...
4. J. Bradley - dissenting opinion in Slaughter-House Cases
5. J. Field - dissenting opinion in Slaughter-House Cases
6. Civil Rights Act of 1875
7. J. Harlan - dissenting opinion in Civil Rights Cases
8. J. Harlan - majority opinion in Gibson v. Mississippi
9. J. Harlan - dissenting opinion in Plessy v. Ferguson
Thomas concludes the section with:
That certainly is "considerable historical evidence" that "offers substantial support" for his view.
Dammit, don't you realize CT is an idiot pervert who watches VHS Porno movies with Ginny???
Hot?
How many justices, and how many originalist justices, declined to join Justice Thomas' opinion?
The answer is the same to each branch of that question: None.
In essence, the Court held that to qualify for protection under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, a litigant must show that the relevant right is "deeply rooted in this Nation's history and tradition" and "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty."
I've been saying what will follow for a while around here, and I am not seeing much argument against it. This idea that substantive due process claims must be "deeply rooted" in history and tradition is giving all of the authority to decide what rights people have now to those that absolutely did not fully recognize the rights of more than half the adult population when the 14th Amendment was ratified. Non-white men and women of all races were regularly denied the right to vote, among many other fundamental rights. Why should we defer to the "traditions" of people that have such a poor record of respecting the rights of all of the people?
"Non-white men and women of all races were regularly denied the right to vote, among many other fundamental rights."
The 15th and 19th Amendments banned voting discrimination for race or sex reasons. There was a long stretch when certain states ignored the 15th Amendment and the courts let them get away with it, but I'd suggest that was a form of judicial abdication. This abdication is hardly the best precedent for courts stretching the law today.
This abdication is hardly the best precedent for courts stretching the law today.
I'm not trying to use that as justification for 'stretching the law today', but to argue that only relying on history and tradition is unwarranted and likely to be unjust. If I put on my cynic hat, I would say that conservatives want to rely only on history and tradition because it tilts things in favor of their preferences.
This idea that substantive due process claims must be "deeply rooted" in history and tradition is giving all of the authority to decide what rights people have now to those that absolutely did not fully recognize the rights of more than half the adult population when the 14th Amendment was ratified.
Exactly right. The whole "deeply rooted" business is a massive tilt of the playing field. It's nonsense.