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West Virginia v. EPA: Getting to Actual Delegation
The Court should assimilate the “major questions” doctrine of West Virginia v. EPA and its precedents—including Chevron and what came even before that—to an approach that asks whether Congress has made an actual delegation. Only this will serve the relevant separation-of-powers principle.
Both the Chevron doctrine and West Virginia v. EPA are based on ideas about the delegation of interpretive authority from Congress to administrative agencies. Chevron introduced the idea of "implicit" delegations, and the doctrine spawned by it eventually held that any ambiguity in an agency statute is an implicit delegation. West Virginia is effectively an unacknowledged carveout. Without the majority's mentioning Chevron, the case posits that when a "major question" is involved, a delegation must take the form of a clear statement; presumably, only express delegations or something close to this will count.
Both positions are extreme. The idea that any ambiguity is a delegation transfers too much power to the administrative state. The view that only express delegations will do for major questions concentrates too much power in reviewing courts.
The better position, as suggested in my recent book, The Chevron Doctrine: Its Rise and Fall, and the Future of the Administrative State (Harvard University Press 2022), is that courts should condition any strong form of deference to agency interpretations on a finding that Congress has actually delegated authority to the agency to resolve the issue. This means more than finding ambiguity; courts must carefully interpret the statute and conclude that Congress left a gap for the agency to fill.
But it does not mean the delegation must be express; the delegation can be implicit but actual. For example, when Congress delegated authority to the EPA to promulgate emissions standards for new stationary sources (by the agency's determining the "best system of emissions reduction"), this was an implicit but actual delegation to the agency to interpret the meaning of "best system" for that purpose (Section 111(B)(1)(B) of the Clean Air Act).
There are multiple reinforcing reasons for requiring courts to find an actual delegation before deferring in a strong sense to an agency's interpretations. This was the universal assumption before Chevron. See, e.g., Social Security Bd. v. Nierotko, 327 U.S. 358, 369 (1946) ("An agency may not finally decide the limits of its statutory power. That is a judicial function."). It is required by the Administrative Procedure Act. See 5 U.S. C. § 706(2)(C) (authorizing courts to set aside agency action "in excess of statutory jurisdiction, authority, or limitations, or short of statutory right"). It is, as I argue in chapter 3 of The Chevron Doctrine, most likely what Justice Stevens had in mind in Chevron when he concluded that Congress left a gap in the Clean Air Act about the meaning of "stationary source" and implicitly delegated authority to the EPA to fill that gap.
Importantly, independent judicial judgment about the existence of an actual delegation is critical to preserving the separation-of-powers principle, reaffirmed in West Virginia, that "[a]gencies have only those powers given to them by Congress" 142 S.Ct. at 2609.
Tasking courts with determining, as a matter of independent judgment, that there has been an actual delegation to the agency requires courts to do something as to which they have a comparative advantage: statutory interpretation. There is no simple test for identifying the limits of agency authority, no escape from a court's examining all relevant aspects of the statutory language, structure, purpose, and the evolution of the statute over time.
Sweeping presumptions, such as any ambiguity = delegation or any major question = no delegation, will only disserve the underlying separation-of-powers principle, which is that Congress has exclusive authority to decide the scope of agency authority.
This does not mean that courts must proceed in a purely ad hoc or unguided fashion. As I discuss in the new book (chapter 11), it is possible to identify a number of rule-like principles here. Express delegations, when they exist, should be enforced according to their terms. Issues as to which some other entity exercises decisional authority should not qualify as a delegation to the agency. Agencies have no delegated authority to override incontrovertible statutory limits, as when the EPA sought to interpret "250 tons" of air pollutant to mean "100,000 tons." See Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302, 325 (2014).
There are also situations that should qualify as "red flags," requiring courts to engage in a more searching examination of the scope of agency authority. One is when an agency adopts an interpretation that deviates from the settled understanding of the scope of its authority, as when the FDA decided that it had authority to regulate tobacco products after consistently disclaiming such power. FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U.S. 120 (2000). Another is when an agency adopts an interpretation that sharply expands or contracts the scope of its authority, as when the FCC decided that its authority to "modify" tariff filing requirements permitted it to deregulate much of the long-distance telephone industry. MCI v. AT&T, 512 U.S. 218 (1994).
These sorts of red flags should not be regarded as rule-like constraints on agency authority, but they should alert courts to the need to engage in closer scrutiny of the statute in order to determine if the agency is either overstepping the bounds of its delegated authority or abdicating a type of function it is expected to perform.
The appropriate use of these red flags brings us back to West Virginia and the major questions doctrine. Decisions such as Brown & Williamson, MCI v. AT&T, and Utility Air were precedents heavily relied upon by Chief Justice Roberts in support of recognizing a major questions doctrine. The crucial difference, however, is that in these previous decisions, observations about the "economic and political significance" of the agency interpretation, or its potential for "radical or fundamental change," or its "unprecedented" nature were offered in the course of the Court's exercise of traditional statutory interpretation to determine the scope of the agency's authority.
The provenance of the major questions idea gives rise to hope that West Virginia can be assimilated to the complex of norms about statutory interpretation—which is to say, to the world of conventional interpretation, as displayed in the precedents upon which West Virginia draws.
To be more specific, it would be desirable if the Court, in some future encounter with a question about the scope of agency authority, did not proceed as if West Virginia established a hard-edged clear statement rule, requiring first an abstract determination (based on multiple factors of uncertain weight) whether the question is "major" and, if so, then demanding a clear statement from Congress authorizing the agency to address the issue.
It would be better to treat West Virginia as requiring, in every case, that the agency possesses actual delegated authority over a question before the court will defer to its interpretation. And the circumstances that led the Supreme Court to deem the question in West Virginia "major" should be cited as ones that alert the reviewing court to the need for a particularly careful examination of the agency's claim of authority.
We live in a perilous world in which the rule of law is vulnerable to being crushed in a universal game of political "hardball." The Chevron doctrine was a notable attempt to distinguish the realm of "law" from that of "policy," and to define the role of the courts as being the enforcers of law, with agencies given primacy in the realm of policy.
Over time, as I set forth at length in my book, the Chevron doctrine proved to have a number of shortcomings. But the Court, in its efforts to define something better, needs to tread cautiously, lest it make the ideal of the rule of law, and the courts' role in enforcing it, more difficult to attain than ever before.
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Why is the word, all, so hard? It means no exception. Congress must approve every judicial review and every executive regulation or it is void. Don't like that? Amend Article I Section 1.
Much cant from a lawyer denier of the language in the constitution. Publication by Harvard al so means, his views are dismissed withoit reading. They are just big government tyranny masking ideology and promulgationof antiscientific quackery.
Who should enforce Article I Section 1? The Supreme Court? No. The DOJ. Arrest the insurrectionists. Read their legal utterances in court for an hour. Sentence them to 10 years at hard labor in federal prison. To deter them, not others.
What should be done when Congress exceeds its authority? If there's no independent body to keep Congress in check, then Congress has unlimited power.
Congress should approve all judicial review, and all executive regulation, written by the experts. Voters can then approve its actions, every 2 years.
Chevron introduced the idea of "implicit" delegations, and the doctrine spawned by it eventually held that any ambiguity in an agency statute is an implicit delegation.
Let me translate. Implicit is lawyer language for made up shit to take power by the vile and toxic Ivy indoctrinated Swamp lawyers.
It seems to me that actual separation of powers requires non-delegation, not "actual delegation".
That separation of powers is the thin thread by which our ever so little freedom hangs. The constitutions of the dirty Commies have far more enumerated rights of the individuals. The executive rules the dirty Commie judiciary and the dirty Commie legislative branches with guns. We are 90% Commie if you the measure the fraction of the GDP owned or controlled by government. The Commies are running the show today. They come from the dirty Commie Ivy League, and must be crushed to save our nation.
But nothing in the constitution says “separation of powers.” It’s just a theory explaining why we have three branches of government.
Congress, very early on, delegated the development of a complete law of admiralty to the courts. It delegated the development of laws for the Northwestern Territory to territorial legislatures, and to administrations in territorial divisions too small to have a legislature. There was lots of delegation going on from Day 1.
I agree administrative agencies cannot act on their own authority. But Congress can legitimately authorize them to do a lot.
I agree it’s bad policy for Congress to delegate all the tough questions to administrative agencies and avoid having to be responsible to the people for anything. But in many areas, if it is sufficiently clear about what it is authorizing, the Constitution permits Congress to operate this way.
I don’t think the writers of the Constitution ever imagined that there would be such a creature as an independent Federal agency with lawmaking powers.
Where in the constitution is either judicial review or executive regulation authorized? I cannot find it.
Article III, Section 1.
Separation of Powers isn't just a made up doctrine:
"All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives."
And Article 2 is clear that the President wields the executive power, and likewise Article 3: "The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish."
Separation of Powers is shorthand, not just some theory.
Hm. An interesting argument, but on balance is what you're asking for really all that different from what the court said? You say "if implicit, it could still be actual", while the court said "if actual, then be explicit". Both of those standards wind up at the same place: they need to be explicit about what implicit powers are intended, or they need to be explicit about what actual powers are intended, but in the end, Congress needs to be explicit.
I was thinking the same thing. It's almost like the major questions doctrine expressed another way. As I said in another recent post, carbon dioxide is not a pollutant in the same way as the original emission types covered by the current Clean Air Act(s). Those act doesn't authorize EPA to regulate just anything unnaturally put into the air.
Maybe all this is because people are still confused about this difference between weather (acid rain, smog) and climate (future average temperature increases).
Actually, carbon dioxide is a primary cause of acid rain. Carbonic acid to be exact.
But I still agree, just because your agency is named something, doesn't mean its powers are unlimited. I'm speaking of the 'E' in Environment.
Sheesh. Yeah, you get a very tiny increment of acidity out of CO2 in t the atmosphere. But the 'acid rain' that was actually an issue for a while was due to sulfur dioxide pollution.
We love democracy!
Until we don't.
One of the "points" made in favor of regulatory agencies is it takes the politics out of it!
Corruptions in Congress: We love democracy!
Hoi Polloi: We love democracy!
Corruptions: We love it so much we will use it to remove democracy to take the politics out of it!
Hoi Polloi: We love it so much...wait what? But that's why we love democracy, so you are responsive to we the voters!
Corruptions: You love democracy to get rid of democracy!
Hoi Polloi: We love dem...no, what's happening!?!
Corruptions: You love democracy so much you will use it to end democracy!
Hoi Polloi: NO...no..n....We love democracy so much we love to remove our control over it because it interferes with our control over it.
Sounds like the end of a Star Trek episode where Kirk makes a robot blow up.
"One of the "points" made in favor of regulatory agencies is it takes the politics out of it!"
Just gaslighting by Ivy indoctrinated scumbag lawyers.
Dude, what do you think political appointees are, and who do you think appoints them?
I'm also confused by all these people whose job it is to get elected in our democracy being anti-democracy.
The Bureaucracy doesn't not turnover with every election. It's a massive ship with its massive momentum and filled with unfireable lifers.
As we saw with President Trump, political appointments mean next to nothing.
“These sorts of red flags should not be regarded as rule-like constraints on agency authority, but they should alert courts to the need to engage in closer scrutiny of the statute in order to determine if the agency is either overstepping the bounds of its delegated authority or abdicating a type of function it is expected to perform”
I think that the big reason that this subject is so contentious now is that it’s so political. The theory was that the Executive branch bureaucrats are the experts, and so we should trust them. But as has become obvious in recent years, that isn’t what is happening. Instead, the current Administration declares, often at the very top, a change in policy, and shortly thereafter agencies in the government announce changes in policy furthering this change. We see this, in this Administration with its sharp left hand turn in environmental matters, seizure of power in regards to the pandemic, the switch from pursuing Islamic terrorism to “White Supremacy”, etc. No doubt previous administrations can be accused of similar.
On the one hand, it makes sense that the Executive Branch follows the policy proscriptions of its elected political leadership - that is their position in our constitutional republic. They are supposed to follow the President’s policy prescriptions, because he has plenary authority over the Executive Branch. But then, under Chevron, the courts are supposed to defer to their unique agency expertise in their assigned subject area. Except that their changes in direction is not based on their agency expertise, but due to changes in the political control of the Executive Branch. So, we now have the EPA trying to regulate CO2, and probably soon, Nitrogen, in order to fight “Climate Change”, because the Biden (and Obama before it) Administration, and their Dem allies, see that as a way towards massive power and profits. Same thing with these agencies seizing control over waters on private land. The changes in agency direction are driven by politics, but justified in the courts through agency expertise. And that is why, I think, that Chevron is now too broad - because it essentially takes power from the Legislative Branch, and gives it to the Executive Branch. Why should the Judicial Branch defer to the Executive, over the Legislative, when the changes in agency direction are politically, and not expertise, driven?
as has become obvious in recent years, that isn’t what is happening. Instead, the current Administration declares, often at the very top, a change in policy, and shortly thereafter agencies in the government announce changes in policy furthering this change.
We've seen many times how agencies can push back on that.
But separately, it sounds like you want agencies to be *more* independent. I'm not sure you really want that.
I don't know how you get that out of Bruce's comment. What I read is merely that agencies use the claim of independence as a source of authority then demonstrate through their behaviors that they are not in fact independent.
The logic follows that since they are not actually independent, their alleged source of authority is invalid (or at least suspect), therefore they deserve no deference.
Bruce is complaining that agencies supposed expertise is bigfooted by Administration requirements (but see Scientific Integrity requirements).
That could mean 'they're not acting as experts' but it also means 'if we keep the administration from pushing requirements to them they will be acting as experts.'
You really should read comments all the way through before you decide you know what they say.
... meant as a reply to Sarcastr0, of course.
I’m sure he did. He’s a Federal and thus has an agenda to protect his class.
A nicely stated counter-argument. I don't think we can (nor even should) do anything about "changes in agency direction being driven by politics" -- that's sort of the whole point of a representative style of governance, is it not?
The problem is that agencies are presumed to be apolitical by the courts. There's really no reason for that to be so. The agencies are "politicized" by design.
Politicized means acting on their own internal politics rather than at the whim of the democratically elected politicians. I'm more comfortable with agencies taking guidance from politicians in what their priorities are and moving forward from there using their own internal expertise.
By example: Managers who know nothing about IT themselves regularly manage IT departments. They have priorities they express downward and the experts figure out the best way to accomplish that or push back if there isn't a reasonable way to get it done. You can have both political direction AND internal expertise at the same time, which is a good thing.
We elect presidential administrations to enact their policy preferences through the agencies at their disposal. Individual administrations have been controversial, but I don't think this concept has ever been controversial until now, when the courts are trying to block legal and appropriate policies, presumably because the judge has a different political agenda.
As Bruce Hayden notes - the theory is that the executive branch employees are the experts, therefore reasonable to rely on their expertise.
However, the "experts" at the EPA pushes a lot of policies that actually increase pollution.
a few examples
1) the epa required oil base paints to reduce the voc content from 320 to 280, the result of which was much lower adheshion and hardness which therefore required much more frequent paint and the associated increase in solid waste which is far greater pollution than the reduction in trivial amounts of ground level ozone
2) ethanol - while cleaner burning per gallon, the drop in mileage results in greater pollution per mile driven.
3) refrigerants - R22 has been banned because of the harm to the ozone layer, replaced with r134, a less efficient refrigerant. R134 is now being phased out effective 2024 because it is a greenhouse gas. The planned replacement is a refrigerant which is slightly flammable. Thats going to work out great when the inevitable leak in the system occurs.
We saw similar issues with the CDC with covid, especially with numerous crappy studies pushing political ideologies. (even after the CDC was informed of the errors)
point being, the experts at the govt agencies are often not very good and shortsighted.
How can they be experts when they fail to be time travelers, and, worse, disagree with Joe_dallas?????
Given several examples of absolutely foreseeable misregulation, you choose to mention only a third example of foreseeable misregulation. Great job of living down to your reputation!
absolutely foreseeable
Not established.
Ethanol is all I'll give you, and even that is an area where reasonable minds differ.
Sarcastr0
July.29.2022 at 9:19 am
Flag Comment Mute User
How can they be experts when they fail to be time travelers, and, worse, disagree with Joe_dallas?????
Nice incoherent response -
A) What does time travel have to do with it
B) the items mentioned are basic , failure to use well known and established sciencd.
His implication was that because there have not been any child-killing flame-outs from the replacement refrigerant YET, that regulators should go ahead and mandate its use anyway, and that the only way to know about that risk in advance is through time travel.
Michael - thanks for the clarification.
Though his response is a perfect example of the typical progressive that lacks basic science knowledge and basic understanding of how things work in the real world.
Sure, that's what I implied.
You spend a lot dinging these experts for stuff that is wrong *in retrospect well after implementation*
And the rest is spent on basically them disagreeing with you on covid and ethanol and whatnot.
Like, I agree with you and against the experts on ethanol. I don't think that means expertise is not a thing.
Sarcastro - I am dinging the CDC on the covid studies on effectiveness of vaccines , claimed reduction in severity , claimed reduction in death etc, because the claimed benefits are implausible. When I obtained the raw data used in those studies, it became obvious that the data was comprised.
For example the CDC claimed a 80-90% reduction in the risk of dying if you are vaxed with similar reduction in hospitalization if vaxed. However, those stats were based on An increase In the per capita death rates 5x (in the nov/dec2021 vs the nov/dec2020/jan2021 wave) An 5x increase is totally implausible. Everyone at the CDC knew that data used in their claims was compromised, yet they continued to use the compromised data. Other tricks in the studies was to artifically cut the study periods short, in order to make their claims appear more robust.
I liked how the CDC experts relied upon the guidance from teachers unions to set policy.
Sarcastro
I will add that the errors in the studies used by the CDC are pretty easy to spot if you have basic math and analytical skills.
They knew from day one masks that were not N95 were worthless.
Some errors can be forgiven. Other errors, clearly foreseeable and predicted by others, cannot be forgiven. School lockdowns and masks worn by children in a learning environment, especially primary education, are just two examples.
Not to mention the outright lies about funding of the Wuhan Lab. It’s not actually relevant to your or Joe’s point, but does show the power and trust put in regulatory agencies is misplaced.
How could they possibly have known that "from day one"?
David - knowledge of the ineffectiveness masking was known 10-15 years prior to covid. Suddenly with the advent of science of covid, the political scientists concluded that masking works.
I don’t know. Ask Dr. Fauci
https://www.newsweek.com/fauci-said-masks-not-really-effective-keeping-out-virus-email-reveals-1596703
C'mon.
That is not a valid or even thinking reply. It is a knee jerk response to one of your antagonists.
So called expert bureaucrats make a lot of mistakes because they are often sufficiently removed from real expertise that institutional prejudices overwhelm the relevant science and technology.
I see this happen in physics that is far removed from political considerations. It has to happen when politics and economics play a heavy role.
Your argument hinges heavily on the meaning of "real expertise." Are you assuming that government employees aren't hired based on normal hiring practices, like having to meet job qualifications that align with expertise?
In my industry, it’s a well known tier structure for hiring for college graduates the top two third get jobs in industry, the bottom third get government jobs .
Well known. Many people are saying!
Some quite smart people are incentivized by things other than money.
in my industry, it is very much common knowledge
You consider yourself an expert. You don't think that's a thing once you work for the government?
I'm not an expert, but I know many very good people who are. It's ridiculous to claim they don't count because of some handwaiving about institutional prejudices. (As though those are particular to the government?!)
"As Bruce Hayden notes - the theory is that the executive branch employees are the experts, therefore reasonable to rely on their expertise."
That may be true when it comes to questions of fact.
Where it concerns questions of law, the courts are supposed to be the experts.
concur - there are two separate and distinct issues
one is the issue of the correct application of the law
two is whether the courts should be relying of the supposed expertise of the agency experts. I pointed out 3 examples of the EPA screwups, and the CDC covid science weakness.
I was simply pointed out the "expertise " of the "experts" is often pretty bad.
Where it concerns questions of law, the courts are supposed to be the experts.
Only if agencies don't have OGCs.
But they do.
ocg - organized crime group
No, the courts are THE experts on legal questions[full stop].
Under no circumstances do agencies have more expertise on the law than the courts.
No.
The courts have more authority but that does NOT mean they have more expertise.
"The courts have more authority but that does NOT mean they have more expertise."
There is absolutely nothing that would mean that the agency per-say has more expertise on what the law is than the court.
And I didn't say an agency has more expertise in law like you said the courts, ". . . are THE experts on legal questions[full stop]."
And you can't make that statement either.
Who knows who has more "expertise" in law and I'm sure the "expertise" level varies among agencies - as well as courts (and how would we even measure legal "expertise").
The courts have the final "authority" (via the SC), which - again - does not equal "expertise."
Since the topic at hand is deference or not by the courts to agency interpretations of law, what other experts would be relevant?
apedas has the right of it - authority is not expertise.
The topic at hand is what the law is.
Courts can change the law, throwing GCs catiwampus, but that doesn't make them more expert than lawyers, just more powerful.
"apedas has the right of it - authority is not expertise. "
Sure, that is your modern scholasticism speaking.
As an integrated body the Courts have more operational expertise
As an integrated body the Courts have more operational expertise
Than lawyers? Could you explain your reasoning?
Even given they may be experts of fact, does that mean they are the experts in how to translate the data into effective policy even if the courts deem the actions appropriate?
FEC, SEC, EPA, DOE (both energy and education), Transportation have all proven to be feckless. Fuck ‘em all.
These morons are still regulating raisin production a hundred years after the fact.
Blame ethanol on Iowa.
Having to please specific constituencies in particular states is part of the cost of the EC.
"Having to please specific constituencies" is a quality of all democracies.
The only difference the EC might make is which constituencies have the most influence.
Iowa’s influence is due to the timing of its primary.
But don’t let reality stop you from uncritically regurgitating the latest Leftist trope
Add on there harming children with puberty blockers.
And being a mouthpiece for whatever a teacher's union wants.
But being an expert is not enough to make the decision, even when all the facts are known, which they seldom are.
Every decision has tradeoffs, and a weighing of costs and benefits. While the experts can help us understand what those costs and benefits are, they are not the ones paying the price. It's up to elected officials, or the people through the market place to make the ultimate decisions.
Since we're talking about federal agencies. . . .
Why The USDA Is Being Sued By 22 States
In May of 2022, the USDA's Food and Nutrition Service (FNS) announced its Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) would broaden the prohibition of discrimination based on sex to include discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, in accordance with the Supreme Court's decision in Bostock v. Clayton County.
Attorneys general for Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and West Virginia have united to fight what Indiana AG, Todd Rokita calls the Biden administration's "new level of shamelessness with this ploy of holding up food assistance for low-income kids unless schools do the Left's bidding."
In essence, the 22 states that have filed suit against the USDA believe that the Supreme Court's Bostock v. Clayton County decision has been misconstrued to extend Title IX protections based on sexual orientation and gender identity. The attorneys general believe it is the right of states to define which categories of people deserve Title IX protection and the UDSA has, therefore, overstepped its bounds. The USDA's broadening of the definition of sex-based discrimination is just one of the efforts of the Biden administration to improve food security for more Americans, along with providing for healthier school lunches.
https://www.tastingtable.com/944126/why-the-usda-is-being-sued-by-22-states/
Bostock v. Clayton County
https://www.oyez.org/cases/2019/17-1618
Did you mistakenly include the list of states with lowest educational attainment?
No, but the elected AGs from these states are one of the poor results of their low educational standards, along with high crime rates, highest unemployment, highest infant mortality rate, lowest quality of life indices, etc.
Virginia is an anomaly as we have had a temporary brain fart which will be corrected in 2025.
Ooops forgot to add "perennial;" ". . . along with perennial high crime rates, highest unemployment, highest infant mortality rate, lowest quality of life indices, etc."
Chicago
St. Louis
Msp
Dc
Don't forget addiction, ignorance, uncertain connection with the reality-based world, economic inadequacy, and other features of life among the poorly educated.
Rev. Arthur L. Kirkland
July.29.2022 at 11:27 am
Flag Comment Mute User
Don't forget addiction, ignorance, uncertain connection with the reality-based world, economic inadequacy, and other features of life among the poorly educated.
Rev - you are correct - that is a major shortcoming of progressives - over educated and poorly educated.
Biden wants to hold funding from all children in a state because these “backward” states don’t think genital mutilation of children is a good thing.
Your deranged sickness knows no bounds.
Oh for Pete's sake.
"Genital mutilation" includes circumcision and modifying the genitals of children born with some aspect of both sexes. Are you arguing against circumcision and gender-conforming surgery for hermaphroditic children?
Your thoughtless parodying of culture war talking points is amusing. Don't stop.
Are you playing dumb? Or are you really dumb enough to not know what the Biden administration and myself are actually talking about?
I think you are really dumb enough not to know what you are actually talking about.
David - pot calling the kettle - though jazz's comment went way past your ability to comprehend
Prof. Merrill has provided a seemingly strong argument deftly. It seems easy to understand how he came to be associated with Columbia's law school.
Thank you, Prof. Merrill.
Wow. The Rev approves. I respected Merrill a little. Now, I do not at all.
Lawyers suck!
So now. . . you approve of lawyers???
Generally we say something sucks to mean it's bad at it's intended function.
But what about a vacuum cleaner, for which sucking is the intended function?
Thanks again for this series of posts.
Several points:
1. You start with the following: “Both the Chevron doctrine and West Virginia v. EPA are based on ideas about the delegation of interpretive authority from Congress to administrative agencies.” That is an unassailable statement. Yet many (perhaps even you) somehow claim that the delegation to interpret is legislative rather than interpretive.
2. You mention “deferring in a strong sense to an agency's interpretations.” I don’t know what you mean by “strong sense,” but taking it at face, I presume that it is a spin on Chevron. As I noted in a comment to an earlier posting, Chevron is outcome determinative only where it approves an agency interpretation that is not the best interpretation. After all, a court is not deferring at all to an agency interpretation that is the best interpretation. How often do courts really defer to a lesser interpretation by chanting Chevron? I suspect it is not often; indeed that it is rare. There are enough tools in Chevron Step One and Step Two to avoid really having to defer to an interpretation that is not the best. If that is right, perhaps then, Chevron only applies when legal interpretation is in equipoise—there is no best interpretation, so Chevron serves as a tie-breaker. (I know that, as worded, Chevron seems to go beyond a tie-breaker role, but my anecdotal research questions whether that really happens that often; stated otherwise, how often does a court specifically articulate the best interpretation but then apply a lesser agency interpretation by chanting Chevron?) If Chevron serves primarily a tie-breaker role, I don’t think that it could be fairly said to be deferring in a “strong sense.”
3. You make the claim (also made by others) that courts have a comparative advantage in statutory interpretation. I question that. Agencies are necessarily tasked with statutory interpretation responsibility to carry out the tasks they have been assigned by Congress and hence have to develop some expertise in statutory interpretation. And agencies bring additional qualities to the role of interpreter—intimate knowledge of complex statutory scheme and how it works in the real world. Courts do not have that expertise. So I just question whether courts have a relevant comparative advantage in statutory interpretation in this area.
4 I agree with you that presumptions such as “ambiguity=delegation” disserve separation of powers principles. Deference to reasonable agency interpretations was around long before Chevron gave the additional justification of ambiguity as delegation. Historical deference was a recognition of the factors I note in paragraph 3 that agencies do have special competence in interpreting, particularly in complex administrative schemes (as opposed to ad hoc anecdotal forays by judges). Perhaps that is implicit in Skidmore. I am not convinced that there is a material difference in actual outcomes under Skidmore and Chevron, particularly if the courts recognize the agency’s special interpretive competence. I guess what I am saying is not much will be different if the court were to overrule Chevron.
I mean, that's somewhat uncommon as you've phrased it, but Chevron means that they don't have to identify the best interpretation. A court applying Chevron shouldn't do what you suggest, since that's dicta.
Thanks for the comment.
If a court just stops at determining that an agency interpretation is reasonable without determining whether it is the best or not best interpretation, then we don't know whether the court is deferring or not. The best interpretation is reasonable and does not need deference. There is only deference when the agency interpretation is "reasonable" (whatever that means) but not the best interpretation.
As Judge Newman said in his article (Jon O. Newman, On Reasonableness: The Many Meanings of Law’s Most Ubiquitous Concept, 21 J. App. Prac. & Process 1, 83 (2021)), reasonanable for Chevron is an amorphous and malleable term which I quote again:
It would probably be too cynical to suggest that the courts are just accepting agency interpretations with which they agree and rejecting those they disfavor, but in some cases that almost seems to be what is happening. Clearly there is no one meaning of “reasonable” in the context of Chevron deference. Perhaps this is simply a context where there is a narrow range of acceptable agency interpretations, on either side of the disputed issue, that courts are willing to uphold, but they are ready to assert the power to reject others that, for stated, or more often unstated, reasons, they deem beyond an amorphous notion of “reasonable.”
What I am saying is that courts who do the work to determine that an interpretation is "reasonable" also know what the best interpretation is. So I ask the question how many times a court will defer to a less than best agency interpretation when there are enough explicit tools in Step One and Step Two to avoid a less than best agency interpretation or enough leeway in the term "reasonable" to avoid applying a less than best interpretation. My research is that it is not often, particularly since the courts have been applying the more rigorous Step One or Major Questions tools to avoid a less than best agency interpretation.
“The view that only express delegation will do for major questions concentrates too much power in reviewing courts”.
No. It concentrates power in the legislature, where it’s supposed to be.
All of y’all acting like these agencies are filled by gimlet eyed professional experts who objectively assess rules are pollyannas. They’re filled with (and more importantly run by) political appointees who are partisan as hell.
Take the current energy department. It’s run by someone whose expertise related to energy goes no farther than understanding that the lights usually come on when she flips the switch. Her whole life has been spent as a political hack. You’re gonna get a whole bunch of expertise out of that shop for sure.
Same with the Dept of transportation - Pete B - what expertise could he possibly have.
That sad man failed to fix the potholes of a small town. That is the experience, this Ivy indoctrinated gay man had, that qualified him to run the transportation of a continent wide nation.
"They’re filled with (and more importantly run by) political appointees who are partisan as hell."
No.
There are approx. 1,200 positions that require Senate approval, e.g., top executives (agency head, deputy, IG, etc.).
That's out of a federal civilian employment force of close to 1.9M people.
So approx. only 0.06% are political appointees.
0.06% doesn't "fill" anything.
The key is who is making decisions. That’s being done by the .06%.
So....a President who makes the appointments can't have the people he/she wants?
something something US Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 2: (The President) shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate . . . shall appoint . . . other public Ministers and Consuls . . . and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
Of course they can have the people they want. The issue is that those people abuse their authority to create the law and they aren’t supposed to do that.
Sure, the president can have who he wants, but he and his people can't make the law, that is up to Congress, they can only "faithfully execute" the laws Congress passes.
No it concentrates the power in Congress where it belongs.
"No it concentrates the power in Congress where it belongs."
Admit it, we're fucked.
535 "experts" at spending money we don't have to fix problems that don't exist. What could possibly go wrong?
You say that like the executive agencies left to their own devices would be better at fiscal discipline than Congress. I find that laughable.
Actually I would be in favor of eliminating all of the alphabet agencies.
No one in our current government has shown any fiscal disipline.
What is there to prevent a lazy and cowardly Congress from creating a super agency to, "Do good. Don't be evil." ?
Since we don't have that, I presume that it is not allowed. What specifically prevents Congress from doing that?
A desire to continue having power and authority beyond a single delegation? IOW: human nature.
Under my state's law, the governor during an emergency has all powers which the legislature could constitutionally delegate to him. Evidently we do not have a non-delegation doctrine.