The Volokh Conspiracy
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The Legality of DACA After West Virginia v. EPA
The long-standing deferred action policy fits many of the Chief Justice's criteria for majorness.
Last month, DACA turned ten years. Despite its vintage, the Supreme Court has never passed on the legality of the policy. Indeed, DHS v. Regents ducked the issue altogether, finding that the Trump Administration failed to justify the DACA rescission. (That precedent seemed to have expired with Biden v. Texas.) In Regents, I filed an amicus brief on behalf of the Cato Institute. We argued that DACA would trigger the major question doctrine.
As I read through West Virginia v. EPA, my mind kept wandering to DACA. Much of the Chief's analysis concerning the Clean Air Act would apply to federal immigration law.
DACA involves what I called "presidential discovery" of a transformative power in general provisions of the INA--a transformation that Congress repeatedly declined to enact by statute. The Chief Justice laid out some guardrails in West Virginia:
Under our precedents, this is a major questions case. In arguing that Section 111(d) empowers it to substantially restructure the American energy market, EPA "claim[ed] to discover in a long-extant statute an unheralded power" representing a "transformative expansion in [its] regulatory authority." Utility Air. It located that newfound power in the vague language of an "ancillary provision[]" of the Act, Whitman, one that was designed to function as a gap filler and had rarely been used in the preceding decades. And the Agency's discovery allowed it to adopt a regulatory program that Congress had conspicuously and repeatedly declined to enact itself. Brown & Williamson; Gonzales; Alabama Assn. Given these circumstances, there is every reason to "hesitate before concluding that Congress" meant to confer on EPA the authority it claims under Section 111(d). Brown & Williamson.
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Finally, we cannot ignore that the regulatory writ EPA newly uncovered conveniently enabled it to enact a program that, long after the dangers posed by greenhouse gas emissions "had become well known, Congress considered and rejected" multiple times. Brown & Williamson; see also Alabama Assn.; Bunte Brothers (lack of authority not previously exercised "reinforced by [agency's] unsuccessful attempt … to secure from Congress an express grant of [the challenged] authority"). At bottom, the Clean Power Plan essentially adopted a cap-and-trade scheme, or set of state cap-and-trade schemes, for carbon. Congress, however, has consistently rejected proposals to amend the Clean Air Act to create such a program. It has also declined to enact similar measures, such as a carbon tax. "The importance of the issue," along with the fact that the same basic scheme EPA adopted "has been the subject of an earnest and profound debate across the country, … makes the oblique form of the claimed delegation all the more suspect." Gonzales.
Virtually every clause in these paragraphs can be applied to DACA.
Admittedly, the "expertise" point cuts differently. The Court found that the EPA lacks expertise to create the generating shifting approach. By contrast, DHS would have the expertise with regard to DACA. Still, the Court does not require a lack of relevant expertise to trigger the major questions doctrine. Justice Gorsuch recognized this point in his concurrence:
The dissent not only agrees that a mismatch between an agency's expertise and its challenged action is relevant to the major questions doctrine analysis; the dissent suggests that such a mismatch is necessary to the doctrine's application. But this Court has never taken that view. See, e.g., Brown & Williamson, (drug agency regulating tobacco); King v. Burwell (2015) (tax agency administering tax credits).
Eventually, the DACA litigation will hit the Fifth Circuit. West Virginia v. EPA will play an important role in that case.
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The author would do well to define Acronyms at least once in the article, even well known ones. “Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)” this would certainly help the readability, particularly for the global audience.
Good lawyering requires getting out of yourself a bit to see how others might see your argument. Helps you from making too clever by half arguments that will fall apart if someone doesn't agree with your baseline worldview.
Because Blackman's characterization of DACA is not be shared by everyone, and needs to try and convince the Court.
And the gap filler bit doesn't seem factually correct at all.
I have to agree. Obama used gap-filler justification on his CO2 regulations as well, since the 100 ton permitting requirement was written into the Clean Air Act, but is exceeded by even the smallest of businesses.
Therefore, he brazenly lied.
Either the CO2 tailoring rule was temporary, regulating segment by segment until every business and even some large households would be getting EPA permits, or it was illegal.
Similarly, the DACA requirements may have been "gap-filling" on paper, but were widely publicized as permanent solutions. Either the repeated and explicit statements about how it works was a lie or the regulation itself was a lie.
1) You're using gap-filler functionally; Blackman is using it textually.
2) When an issue makes it to the Supreme Court and doesn't result in a 9-0, calling the issue a brazen lie is just bluster. It's at best a partisan question you have strong feelings about.
There are some in this comentariat who love to call everyone who they disagree with a liar. Don't be like them.
You can stop salivating now. Don't worry, when Trump gets re-elected in 2024 there will be plenty of opportunity to lock up and kick out "those people".
Illegals should go back to their homes.
DACA is blatantly unconstitutional.
How can "prosecutorial discretion" by the Executive lead to an affirmative program with benefits that costs money to implement?
Prosecutorial discretion is supposed to mean NOT doing something. Not affirmatively creating a new program for illegals.
But what do the Federals care? They only care about their own power, wealth, making everyone poor, ruling over them and White genocide.
As an observer of this issue all along, the analysis is spot on. I really do like Barak Obama. But he was not one of our better presidents. Because he had lousy political sense. The criticism from then until now has always been that this is something the congress needs to do or take care of. Which the Republicans have consistently refused & blocked. Despite making an absurd amount of sympathetic emoting about it. It is a big problem that congress is really not functioning. And the States really are abusing their power. So when the Court says, "this isn't our call", on a range of issues, or in this case, the executive order was always an overreach. It often throws the decision to the wolves. The anti-compromise, anti-anything Obama, anti-immigration new Tea Party Republicans made this a flag issue, like Obamacare. They are also the root of our current hard right authoritarians.
I am pro-immigration. I think it is one of the strengths and glories of this country. I would really like for us to have a reasonable, fair & pretty generous immigration system. But I have seen every attempt to make policy & a system trashed, every time, for the last 50 years by the rabid xenophobes. The DACA situation has suffered the same fate. So you rabid xenophobes here in the threads are a little irksome. Such is life.