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Can a State-Funded Charter School Require Female Students to Wear Skirts?
Perhaps the real question is whether such a school is a state actor for purposes of Section 1983. The en banc Fourth Circuit says it is, so that a skirt requirement for girls is unlawful.
A state-funded charter school in North Carolina may not require female students to wear skirts because it counts as a state actor, the en banc U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit concluded today in Peltier v. Charter Day School. The en banc court split 10-6.
Senior Judge Keenan wrote the majority opinion, joined by Chief Judge Gregory and Judges Motz, King, Wynn, Diaz, Thacker, Harris, Heytens, and Senior Judge Floyd. Judge Wynn wrote a concurring opinion, joined by Judges Motz, Thacker, Harris, and Keenan. Keenan also wrote a separate concurring opinion, joined by Judge Thacker. Judge Quattlebaum wrote an opinion dissenting in part and concurring in part, joined by Judges Richardson and Rushing in full, and Judges Wilkinson, Niemeyer, and Agee in part. Judge Wilkinson wrote a dissenting opinion, joined by Judges Niemeyer and Agee.
According to Senior Judge Keenan's majority opinion, the Charter Day School (CDS), a public charter school in North Carolina, "requires female students to wear skirts to school based on the view that girls are 'fragile vessels' deserving of 'gentle' treatment by boys." Plaintiffs challenged this policy as an unlawful sex-based classification. According to the plaintiffs, the policy is based upon harmful gender stereotypes and violates both the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Title IX. In Peltier, the Fourth Circuit affirmed the district court's entry of summary judgment for the plaintiffs on the Equal Protection claim, rejecting the school's claim that it is not a state actor, and vacated the district court's summary judgment for the defendants on the Title IX claim.
Key to the court's holding was the conclusion that CDS is a state actor. Here is Judge Keenan's summary of that portion of the opinion:
Ultimately, the state action inquiry in this case is not complicated: (1) North Carolina is required under its constitution to provide free, universal elementary and secondary schooling to the state's residents; (2) North Carolina has fulfilled this duty in part by creating and funding the public charter school system; and (3) North Carolina has exercised its sovereign prerogative to treat these state-created and state-funded schools as public institutions that perform the traditionally exclusive government function of operating the state's public schools. Accordingly, the public-school operator at issue here, CDS, implemented the skirts requirement as part of the school's educational mission, exercising the "power possessed by virtue of state law and made possible only because the [school] is clothed with the authority of state law." . . . Under these circumstances, we will not permit North Carolina to delegate its educational responsibility to a charter school operator that is insulated from the constitutional accountability borne by other North Carolina public schools.
Of note, the court also concluded that the management company that runs CDS is not a state actor.
On the Equal Protection claim, Judge Keenan explained why the court rejected CDS' claim the dress code could satisfy intermediate scrutiny:
we reject CDS' argument that the skirts requirement satisfies intermediate scrutiny because the dress code as a whole is intended to "help to instill discipline and keep order." Instead, we must evaluate whether there is an exceedingly persuasive justification for the sex-based classification being challenged, namely, the skirts requirement. CDS cannot justify the skirts requirement based on the allegedly "comparable burdens" imposed by other portions of the dress code that are applicable only to male students. A state actor's imposition of gender-based restriction on one sex is not a defense to that actor's gender-based discrimination against another sex.
We also observe at the outset that the agreement of some parents to the sex-based classification of the skirts requirement is irrelevant to our Equal Protection analysis. No parent can nullify the constitutional rights of other parents' children.
Applying the demanding lens of intermediate scrutiny, we conclude that the skirts requirement is not supported by any important governmental objective and, thus, falls woefully short of satisfying this constitutional test. CDS does not attempt to disguise the true, and improper, rationale behind its differential treatment of girls, which plainly does not serve an important governmental interest. In his initial response to a parent's objection to the requirement, Baker Mitchell, the founder of CDS, explained that the skirts requirement embodies "traditional values." According to Mitchell, the requirement for girls to wear skirts was part of CDS' effort "to preserve chivalry and respect among young women and men," which also included requiring boys "to hold the door open for the young ladies and to carry an umbrella" to keep rain from falling on the girls. Mitchell later elaborated that chivalry is "a code of conduct where women are . . . regarded as a fragile vessel that men are supposed to take care of and honor." Mitchell explained that in implementing the skirts requirement, CDS sought to "treat [girls] courteously and more gently than boys." CDS' Board members agreed with these stated objectives, including CDS' goal of fostering "traditional roles" for boys and girls.
It is difficult to imagine a clearer example of a rationale based on impermissible gender stereotypes. On their face, the justifications proffered by CDS "rest on nothing more than conventional notions about the proper station in society for males and females."
Judge Quattlebaum wrote the primary dissent (technically an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part). It begins:
The question is not whether we like or don't like Charter Day School's requirement that female students wear skirts, skorts or jumpers, or whether we think the requirement is good or bad for female students. We face a legal question—is Charter Day School a state actor? It's a question of our legal judgment, not our will. See The Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton) ("The courts must declare the sense of the law; and if they should be disposed to exercise WILL instead of JUDGMENT, the consequence would equally be the substitution of their pleasure to that of the legislative body."). If Charter Day School is not a state actor, 42 U.S.C. § 1983 cannot be used to prevent it from requiring female students to wear skirts, skorts or jumpers as part of its dress code. If it is a state actor, it is subject to a § 1983 claim.
Prior to today, neither the Supreme Court nor any federal appellate court had concluded that a publicly funded private or charter school is a state actor under §1983. The majority, however, breaks that new ground. In my view, in deciding that a private operator of a North Carolina charter school is a state actor, the majority misconstrues and ignores guidance from the Supreme Court and all of our sister circuits that have addressed either the same or very similar issues. The immediate casualty of the majority's decision is a small part of a dress code at a particular charter school. That is the least of my concerns. My worry is that the majority's reasoning transforms all charter schools in North Carolina, and likely all charter schools in the other states that form our circuit, into state actors. As a result, the innovative alternatives to traditional public education envisioned by North Carolina when it passed the Charter Schools Act, and thus the choices available to parents, will be limited.
But the implications of the majority's decision extend beyond even charter schools. By casting aside guidance from Supreme Court precedent, the majority significantly broadens the scope of what it means for the actions of a private party to be attributed to the state for purposes of a § 1983 claim. Frankly, it is hard to discern, much less define, the limits of what constitutes "state action" after the majority's decision.
Judge Wilkinson also wrote a separate dissent. It begins:
I respectfully dissent. The majority seeks to expand the concept of state action and the reach of Title IX to a point that will drape a pall of orthodoxy over charter schools and shift educational choice and diversity into reverse.
Because I agree with all the points made by Judge Quattlebaum on the state action question, I am pleased to join the dissenting portion of his excellent opinion. For myself, however, I would go further, and have the case remanded with directions to dismiss it.
And Wilkinson's opinion concludes:
Charter schools are proving quite popular, so much so that they are becoming difficult to restrict through legislative means. So the effort seems to be to control them through regulation and litigation, as this case makes plainly manifest.
No doubt the fight against the CDS dress code has only begun. No doubt this dress code will be attacked as retrograde, a threat to progress of all sorts. No doubt there will be sincere differences of opinion as to this. But our nation has prospered when all its citizens could freely exercise their diverse faiths. Perhaps a greater freedom of choice will likewise lessen the tensions that arise when educational establishments seek to bend school systems to their singular ends. I do not know how the political debate over school choice will evolve. I do know, however, that this court should not subject this charter school to the slow strangulation of litigation. I would return this case to the district court with directions that it be dismissed.
The Wynn and Keenan concurrences respond to points raised in the dissenting opinions.
Given the growth of charter schools, this is an issue that I expect will get more attention (and may also make for good law school exam hypotheticals).
A final note: The practice of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit makes it a practice to note the starting and ending page numbers of all concurring and dissenting opinions at the start of the published opinion. This is a practice that all circuit courts should follow, as it makes it much easier to find the various opinions.
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I agree that this is a difficult issue (and one that Dutch politicians spent the better part of the 2nd half of the 19th century arguing about, before writing into the Constitution that religious groups get to have state-funded schools that they can run as they like as long as they meet the general education standards).
That said, the guy who found it necessary to quote Federalist 78 there deserves to be smacked up the head with a (large font) print-out of his opinion.
Ivy indoctrinated feminists think they can micromanage educational policy. They cannot. These know nothing bookworm lawyers cannot set educational policy. This vile judge should be made to raise her judge robe to see if she is wearing a skirt.
Seems like a good case for Justice Amy.
Summon the handmaiden.
Something about Danegeld?
Would anyone have questioned this in 1868?
The 14th amendment interpretation is totally bogus.
Would anyone have questioned this in 1868?
This right here is why I don't accept orginalism as a way to interpret the Constitution. In 1868, women did not have a right to vote, own property independent of their husbands, etc. To go by what those that denied women those rights would have thought is to accept those views as correct. Originalism is not a neutral theory of interpretation, it is an inherently conservative one. It is aimed at preserving existing power structures, which is what it means to be politically conservative.
Indeed, inherently conservative.
I have no problem with new rights sans amendment. I have grave problems with new powers for government sans amendment, which is to say, new powers for the power hungry self-serving hacks of once and future human history.
One is in keeping with the idea The People reserve their rights, the other is to fall into the destructive trap of easy power grabs by those with the gift of gab and the ability to blow the hot air of political passion to a transitory bare majority.
The power to define and establish the contours of a right, is the power to allow infringement of that right. Or to convert it into something unrecognizable.
M L — Hence, all rights are unlimited, and those in conflict annihilate each other.
I think what follows hence is: the interpretation of laws and the divining, enforcement and protection of "rights" is rightfully just another function of self-governance, and not some ivory tower esotericism masking a sham. As such, it should be as decentralized as possible if there is to be any meaningful semblance of self-government or political accountability. The scale and jurisdiction of any governmental authority is inversely proportional to its compatibility with self-government, no matter how many elections are held or how many people check a box to "vote" or how much bleating about "muh democracy" comes from the mouthpieces.
"To go by what those that denied women those rights would have thought is to accept those views as correct."
Nope.
Once again, the question of whether a policy is normatively, morally desirable, has absolutely zero relevance to the question of whether the policy is required or permitted by the Constitution.
If you want to change the Constitution to outlaw charter schools nationwide from having different dress codes for boys and girls, you can do that. To just have a judge change the meaning of the Constitution is totally illegitimate (recognizing that reasonable differing interpretations are another matter).
The actual question is whether we have a democratic republic, where the people are self-governing and elect representatives who make the laws, or if on the other hand we have some other, different kind of system such as a grotesque byzantine bureaucracy governed entirely by unelected bureaucrats and a small oligarchy of judges. A Government By Judiciary, if you will.
To just have a judge change the meaning of the Constitution is totally illegitimate
Begging the question. The whole issue is the meaning of the Constitution.
I can easily claim that people in 1868, or 1792, were simply blind to the meaning of what they wrote.
If you said you were following the original meaning of the Constitution and I said you are changing it, that would be begging the question. I was responding to someone who rejects following the original meaning, and would instead apply a different meaning, in other words changing it without amendment.
Would anyone have questioned this in 1868?
Why does that matter?
Because they did indeed understand the meaning of the words they wrote at the time. They didn't just write down some alien language.
This presupposes that the school officials are smarter than a supreme court justice, and know what a woman is.
Actually, it really doesn't. That's the whole point of that talk about "impermissible gender stereotypes".
I should probably read the opinion first, but I'm busy, so I'll just say: the dissent is wrong. Charter schools are indisputably public schools. They are not private schools that receive vouchers; those are not state actors. They are public schools, that simply operate outside the standard education bureaucracy.
David, I think you've put your finger on the issue. If they take the king's coin, they belong to the king.
"If they take the king's coin, they belong to the king." So, TANF recipients are state actors? Medicaid recipients?
No, we're talking about institutions that undertake to perform a governmental function -- public education -- at the expense of the government. Recipients of welfare benefits aren't doing that.
So just the doctors, nurses, lab workers, technicians, specialists, office workers and janitor workers belong to the king, then?
I could see the confusion, but taking government money doesn't make you a state actor unless you're performing an inherently governmental function like law enforcement, etc.
On the margins, it's always a bit blurry, but that's the main gist.
Education need not be a government function and didn't use to be a government function. With that said, I'm pretty sure I agree that charter schools are state actors. But other schools may not be even if they are funded with government money.
Mmm....no. The concept of "State Actor" is rather different. It's a person who represents the government or acts on behalf of the government. A state actor has certain powers (and responsibilities) that non-state actors typically don't have. Among these capabilities is the right to commit funds on the part of the state, or legally use military force in a wide range of areas, or infamously on occasion...qualified immunity.
The person in this suit is the non-profit corporation that runs a series of charter schools. Admittedly, the non-profit takes an overwhelming majority of its funding from the state. But that defines the funding situation of a wide range of for-profit and non-profit organizations. Many government contractors obtain a large amount of their funding from the government. Do we really want Halliburton or Blackwater to be defined as "State Actors" and have qualified immunity for their actions since they "officially represent" the US government in their actions?
If it means that the fed can't hire them to do things that it would be illegal for the US Military to do? Then yes.
Which is the point: the government shouldn't be able to evade a limit or responsibility by hiring a contractor.
Which needs to be balanced by the point that the government shouldn't be taking money from you to do something you would be doing anyway and then give it back to you with a set of conditions.
The issue isn't merely that the schools get funding from the state; lots of private organizations (and private individuals!) receive government funding.
Charter schools are defined in state law as public schools. They are controlled by the state. Their enrollment is controlled by the state. Their budgets are set by the state. Their performance standards and curricula are determined by the state, except to the extent that the state grants them discretion. Their employees are government employees.
North Carolina has, of course, private schools. But charter schools aren't among them.
Sigh... you appear to be operating under a misunderstanding of what charter schools are.
Charter Schools may be classified as public schools. But they are controlled by their corporations. Their specific enrollments is up to the parents (and to a certain extent by the school itself, subject to certain limitations). They set their own budgets...while they get substantial funding from the state, it is not all their funding. Their performance standards are set by the state as detailed in the contract, but how they get there is there own businesses (ie, the curriculum). And critically, their employees are not government employees, but are employed by the corporation.
https://www.dpi.nc.gov/students-families/alternative-choices/charter-schools/info-role/employees#employment
They are, in short, government contractors. They signed a contract with the government to provide a service with certain goals. They are not government employees, part of the government or a state actor.
Sigh… you appear to be operating under a misunderstanding of what state actors are. The government cannot avoid the constitution by contracting a core government function to a private party.
You are wrong about the employees, who are in fact defined by law as government employees. (The link you provide says only that they are not state employees.) This is the actual statute:
Also, I'm not sure what you mean by "their specific enrollments is up to the parents." While charter schools are allowed to decide on an individual basis how many people to enroll, they do not get to decide who to enroll. Unlike private schools, but like ordinary public schools, charter schools are required to admit any eligible student who applies, and if too many apply must choose by lottery.
If the 4th Circuit can simply pull shit out of their asses and expect the public to believe it, why shouldn’t they expect somebody like a Trump to do exactly the same? A skirt requirement is a “harmful gender sterotyoe” in exactly the same way that Dominion Voting Systems conspired to overthrow the election.
Sure, it’s convenient to effecting ones personal purposes to try to get people to believe this shit. But that doesn’t make it so.
Perhaps office holders ought to be motivated by public purposes and not personal ones. But at the very least, they ought to consider whether what they say will be credible to anyone who isn’t already a hard-line follower.
The requirement was explicitly related to the concept of women being “fragile vessels,” which is obviously a harmful gender stereotype. Women and girls are not “fragile” nor are they “vessels.”
Right.
I think the school would have been better placed had Mitchell kept his mouth shut.
This distinction between "a cavity or space which contains or envelopes" and a "a container for holding something" is razor thin, as is the distinction between a womb and a vessel. It is not a stereotype to declare that human males lack a womb and are therefore not vessels for human life; however, not every human female possesses a womb, so it may indeed be a stereotype to declare every human female a vessel for human life.
We distinguish "essential workers" without uprising and may indeed need to begin to distinguish "essential females" (vessels) from dickless dudes: would "barren female" work? Or is there a better way to distinguish those necessary for human gestation from those who are not?
[I'm not sure there is such a thing as an "unacceptable stereotype" as it is impossible to distinguish an "unacceptable opinion."]
What, may I ask, the fuck are you talking about?
It's the suggestion that the only part of you that matters is your potential to be a vessel for something else instead of any qualities of your own that would be the harmful stereotype. If you're teaching a class on reproduction, that could be a way to describe the womb. Describing a person as nothing more than a walking womb is the problem. You don't describe men as nothing but potential inseminators.
You know that there was actual testimony in the record on that point (the gender stereotype, not the Dominion thing), right? The 4th circuit did not "pull it out of their asses."
If you ever need proof that circuit judges are second-rate intellects that are poor historians look no further than that ridiculous discussion of “chivalry” by Wilkinson. He seriously tries to win an argument about what chivalry is all about by citing a dictionary definition from 1989. And yet these are the people originalists claim can make objective and definitive claims about the historical meaning of words.
Yes, but only in the same way that support for abortion is explicitly related to wanting minorities to have as few children as possible.
Yes, there were eugenics folks who supported abortion who actually such things, just as there were folks who said this about skirts, just as there were BLM folks who actually said white people deserved to have their property looted.
But while one can expect no-holds-barred ideologues to find the craziest possible supporter for whatever they want to vilify and then claim all support for whatever they disagree with with is “explicitly associated” with that, judges really ought to know and do better than stupid easily-seen-through rhetorical tricks like that.
I think you’re replying to the wrong thing. But if the person imposing the skirt requirement says it’s because women are fragile vessels…then yes it’s the product of a harmful stereotype about women.
But here "the craziest possible supporter," assuming he is the craziest, is not some random ideologue but the founder of the school.
I imagine he is influential in determining its policies.
He says the reason for teaching reading is so kids can learn about Jesus.
Parent sues, saying that in this particular school, the purpose of teaching reading is to promote religion, so in this one school teaching reading is an establishment of religion and must be banned.
Correct decision?
Professor Volokh posts about the decision with headline “Can a state-funded charter school teach reading?”
Correct headline?
Good.
A government that can evade it's limits and restrictions by hiring a contractor is a government that does not have limits and restrictions.
State hires contractor to teach reading. Contractor says he is teaching reading to enable kids to read the Bible so he can spread the word about Jesus.
Illegal for the state to teach reading since reading is being taught for the purpose of promoting religion? State cannot evade its limits and restrictions by hiring contractor?
This is why everyone hated Lemon. The endorsement test makes this an easy, functional, inquiry.
Does this have an effect on (4th Circuit) Maryland Criminal Code §3-303(a)(1)(i), which distinguishes fragile vaginas from bodily orifices common to all humans?
No.
Skirts are impractical and hinder what the girls can do as compared with boys. Might as well make them wear burkas.
The Scots would like a word with you.
Not according to the women I talk to. They say they're a lot cooler in the summer.
I’ll put in main thread what I’ve said in reply threads.
The head of a charter school says that the purpose of teaching reading is to enable children to learn about the Bible so the church can spread the word about Jesus.
Should the courts enjoin the tesching of reading in this school as an umconstituional promotion of religion?
What distinguishes the two cases? If the charter school head’s purpose is attributable to the state and that purpose makes an otherwise permissable activity impermissable, why shouldn’t this be the case in both cases?
In general, if people do their jobs for a purpose impermissable for the state) and they work for the state, why shouldn’t their purpose be attributable to the state? Why shouldn’t their work as a whole be enjoined as impermissable?
One can come up with many examples where such a purpose would make an otherwise ordinary activity prohibited. What if a boss makes a point of regularly greeting workers so he can silently pray for them without their being aware of it. Should he be enjoined from greeting workers, as this is an impermissable purpose if done by the state?
The "state action" analysis by the court seems very much in tension with the Supreme Court's holding in Rendell-Baker v. Kohn, 457 U.S. 830 (1982).
That case involved a high school for "maladjusted" students. Nearly all its students had been referred to it by other high schools or school committees that in turn paid for that student's education. More than 90% of the school's funds were public funds. The Court held it was not a state actor.
I doubt very much that the Supreme Court, especially given its current membership, would agree with the Fourth Circuit's conclusion in the instant case that this charter school is a state actor.
I am looking forward to several months of hysteria about the next way the Supreme Court is going to enslave women.
This is just a raw difference of opinion, "clothed" in legal proceedings. Where in law or case history does it say that dresses are "impermissible gender stereotypes"? It doesn't. That's just the judge's own personal opinion.