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Washington S. Ct.: Whether Someone Has Been "Seized" Turns in Part on His Race
My follow-up question: There are also likely highly "disproportionate police contacts, investigative seizures, and uses of force against" men—which doubtless stem in part from men actually committing more crimes than women, but are likely also influenced by "implicit, institutional, and unconscious biases" on the part of law enforcement (and everyone else). Wouldn't the court's logic likewise apply to let male defendants claim that their sex should be considered in their favor in the seizure analysis, and what wouldn't be a seizure to a woman would be one to them?
From today's decision in State v. Sum:
This case concerns the analysis that courts must apply to determine whether a person has been seized by law enforcement for purposes of article I, section 7 of the Washington Constitution. It is well established that an encounter with law enforcement rises to the level of a seizure if "considering all the circumstances, an individual's freedom of movement is restrained and the individual would not believe [they are] free to leave or decline a request due to an officer's use of force or display of authority." Today, we are asked whether "all the circumstances" of the encounter includes the race and ethnicity of the allegedly seized person.
As the parties correctly agree, the answer is yes. Our precedent has always required that the seizure inquiry be made in light of the totality of the circumstances, and we have never stated that race and ethnicity cannot be relevant circumstances. However, we have not explicitly held that in interactions with law enforcement, race and ethnicity matter. We do so today. Furthermore, to ensure that all the circumstances of a law enforcement encounter are properly considered, including race and ethnicity, we take this opportunity to clarify the seizure inquiry as a matter of independent state law, taking guidance from GR 37.
As set forth in this court's precedent, the seizure inquiry is an objective test in which the allegedly seized person has the burden to show that a seizure occurred. To aid courts in the application of this test, we now clarify that a person is seized for purposes of article I, section 7 if, based on the totality of the circumstances, an objective observer could conclude that the person was not free to leave, to refuse a request, or to otherwise terminate the encounter due to law enforcement's display of authority or use of physical force. For purposes of this analysis, an objective observer is aware that implicit, institutional, and unconscious biases, in addition to purposeful discrimination, have resulted in disproportionate police contacts, investigative seizures, and uses of force against Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC) in Washington. Finally, in accordance with our precedent, if the person shows there was a seizure, then the burden shifts to the State to prove that the seizure was lawfully justified by a warrant or an applicable exception to the warrant requirement.
Based on the totality of the circumstances presented in this case, we hold that petitioner Palla Sum was seized when a sheriff's deputy requested Sum's identification while implying that Sum was under investigation for car theft. As the State properly concedes, at that time, the deputy did not have a warrant, reasonable suspicion, or any other lawful authority to seize Sum. As a result, Sum was unlawfully seized, and the false name and birth date he gave to the deputy must be suppressed. We therefore reverse the Court of Appeals and remand to the trial court for further proceedings.
Note that the court speaks of the experience of "BIPOC" people generally (indeed, of "the BIPOC community, as a whole"), and expressly doesn't require a showing by Sum, who's Asian, that Asians (or people who share his particular Asian subethnicity) have been disproportionately targeted by police.
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One thing I've noticed in the recent controversies about policing is that many BIPOC quietly support greater police presence in their neighborhoods, while opposing improper use of police power, because BIPOC are disproportionately targeted by criminals. Community leaders often do not speak out on this issue as much as they do about perceived police misconduct..
That's where the Burn Loot Murder squad screwed the pooch. The "national conversation" seemed to actually finally be turning to police misconduct, and they derailed it with their false racist agenda. Their integrity was again on full display soon after when they bought mansions with the donations.
Shhhhh!!! Completely innocent people are being "targeted" I tell you! What are you, a racist or something?!
re: "Community leaders often do not speak out on this issue as much as..."
I question how much it's that the "community leaders" truly are not speaking out and how much is selective hearing (and thus, coverage) by the media based on topic.
Sure, let's go with the CBC demanding greater penalties for crack cocaine as it was ravaging their communities, then 30 years later the entire conversation promulgated by the same representatives was how the disparity in crack cocaine sentences was racist and proof of White Supremacy in the US for listening and acting on the concerns of the VBC as they demanded.
What if someone "looks Asian" but is in fact white? What if he or she "looks" white is in fact of at least partial Asian heritage? What if someone "looks white" but identifies as black, hispanic, native american, or asian? If we are going to go by looks, what does it mean to "look Hispanic," when Hispanics have an extremely broad range of looks? What does it mean to "look Native American," when most people who self-identify as such in the US have mostly European ancestry?
Someone should write a book on this.
Someone should stop this (racist) crap. I'm looking at you, Washington Supreme Court.
"As the parties correctly agree"
A complete set up. No discretionary appeal to the Supreme Court either because the prosecutor is in league with the criminal.
Good luck to the citizens of Washington.
Q: What do you call it when persons of a certain (preferred / "protected") race get to get away with committing crimes (and this is formally announced and widely advertised)?
A: "Equity."
It wouldn't go to the US Supreme Court anyway--it was decided under the state constitution, not the US constitution. And states can provide greater rights to criminal defendants than the federal constitution requires. The opinion actually notes that, and cites a number of ways the Washington constitution is more protective.
"it was decided under the state constitution"
Use of race [arguably] violates the 14th amendment. A state can't have a constitutional provision or court doctrine that improperly uses race.
Like, use of race in peremptory challenges in state court proceedings.
Interesting idea, but I don't think it works under the 14th Amendment, at least not directly--14th Amendment grants rights to people, not states. It does say that states can't deny people equal protection, but I'm not sure how that could be used to get a case like this before the US Supreme Court.
If in a given situation a white person is not considered "seized" (and hence, for example, not enjoying notification of their "Miranda rights" before questioning) by the courts but a BIPOC person would be, isn't that denying the white person equal protection?
If the police had formal policy of only arresting people of race X for shoplifting, surely that would be denying equal protection. I don't see much daylight between these two situations.
My point is more about procedure than the substance of equal protection--I don't think there is a way to get THIS case to the US Supreme Court, because the only parties are the defendant (who is perfectly happy with the outcome) and the state, which even if it hadn't conceded the point, couldn't have argued that its 14th amendment rights were violated because it doesn't have any. In some future case, where a white person is "seized" under circumstances in which the court wouldn't consider a BIPOC seized, this argument might fare better.
Couldn't the state argue that the court is requiring them to illegaly violate rights, which is a federal crime?
No, it can't; the court didn't require them to do anything.
I think that would be the ideal circumstances.
Of course, I think a reasonable person who might have reasons to be apprehensive around the police might be a better objective standard anyway.
The opinion makes it clear that the decision rests upon independent state grounds. And in any event, SCOTUS is not going to review a state judgment upon grounds that have not been litigated in the state courts.
People get what they deserve.
I hope the citizens of these places suffer from their decisions. How else will they ever learn?
Nope. Not any more, it isn't.
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Slippery slope alert!!
I would actually think a female would have a stronger argument for considering her sex in the analysis, particularly if the officer is male. In such a case, it could be argued that the objective observer should take into consideration the asymmetrical power dynamics between men and women in society. A female may be more apt to believe they are "seized" by a male cop than a male would be, all else being equal.
But that would be an argument for a later case.
I think extending this to men and women will have to wait until we return to admitting there is a difference.
Would Lia Thomas be "less seized" than a woman but "more seized" than a man?
After all, the vast majority of Thomas' cultural upbringing is as a male and even included competing in men's sports at the college level. That would, presumably, make her expectations of treatment to be more consistent with that of a male than a female.
Also, I'm not sure the premise is even accurate... In the US, generally men are less physically violent towards women in public places than they are to men in similar circumstances. This is at least partially because of upbringing that tells us that "men don't hit women" and that training is either embedded in most men or, at least, they know that it's embedded in many of the males around them who will beat the crap out of them if they do hit a women. I've seen many women "tell off" men in ways that no other male of their size and strength would dare do because they would soon be visiting the ER if they did so.
Who would have standing to raise the obvious Federal Equal Protection Clause argument?
Would one have to wait for the perfect case where the police handle two people, one black and one white, similarly, and the black person is declared seized but the white person isn’t?
Couldn't a white person raise the argument on appeal if a trial court determined that they were not seized under the Washington Supreme Court's test? That, but for their race, they would have been considered "seized" under the test.
Yes.
Sure they could. Lots of people can raise lots of nonsense arguments.
This was my first thought. Whether evidence against a defendant is suppressed now turns, in part, on the defendant's race. That is plainly not permitted by the 14th Amendment.
Incredibly, this opinion was unanimous.
Not at all incredible in Washing ton.
(either one)
We are living in Democrat Banana Republic.
The Rule of Law doesn’t matter. The Rules of Feelings and Equal Outcomes does.
"plainly"? Whose equal protection was violated, exactly?
I mean, even if your argument were factually right in its understanding of racism in America, which it isn't, it would still be legal nonsense.
In other words, police should use more force when attempting to seize a white person.
A local police department's consultant wrote that Latinos had a lot of pepper in their diet and might be more resistant to pepper spray. The city council pointed out that he was recommending that police use more force against brown people. I think (hope) the advice was not enshrined in policy.
How in the heck is a cop on the street supposed to apply this reasoning? Not stop minorities unless he has more than a reasonable suspicion while feeling free to stop whites only based on a reasonable suspicion? Start tabulating how many minorites he has stopped each day and stop investigating them when he reaches a certain number?
How about maybe starting by not being a racist?
I believe it would be the racial equivalent to "let the Wookie win" which will do wonders.
This strikes me as being technically correct, but basically unhelpful. It is a tautology that the totality of the circumstances includes all the circumstances. Obviously a court need not ignore race, since it is a circumstance. But that does not mean that race is ever likely to be particularly relevant to the analysis.
The facts of this case do nothing to convince me otherwise. According to the court:
Slip Op. at *33-34 (cleaned up).
I would hope that courts applying the same standard for what qualifies as a seizure would recognize that there was a seizure in those circumstances regardless of the race of the person seized. My state uses a similar standard, and I immediately thought "that's a seizure" without reference to the suspect's race. The fact that Sum was a 'person of color' adds little, if anything, to the important circumstances of that case.
Indeed, the court's substantive analysis of the seizure, see slip op. at *34-35, makes only a token reference to Sum's race, and it doesn't really connect that reference to anything. It just seems like a bit of hand-wringing. The real work of the analysis deals with the events of the encounter. And it seems like it should be that analysis that will provide actual persuasive force when someone tries to marshal this case as a precedent.
Well, let's make this really simple for the thickos in the back of the class:
- I assume this man is Asian-American. So he got woken up by the cops and, in legal terms, "seized".
- If he was black, they might well have just shot him
- If he was white, they would have left him sleeping there. (Or, more likely, woken him up to warn him that this was a dangerous neighbourhood, and offered to escort him back to the suburbs.
Now tell me why race isn't a relevant consideration in a 4th amendment analysis.
"Now tell me why race isn't a relevant consideration in a 4th amendment analysis."
14A section 1
That's a different amendment, as you well know. (And one that does not speak directly to the lawfulness of searches and seizures.)
The decision cites U.S. v. Mendenhall (1980), a case involving a 4th Amendment search. Justice Stewart, writing for the Court, stated:
"It is additionally suggested that the respondent, a female and a Negro, may have felt unusually threatened by the officers, who were white males. While these factors were not irrelevant, see Schneckloth v. Bustamonte, supra at 412 U.S. 226, neither were they decisive, and the totality of the evidence in this case was plainly adequate to support the District Court's finding that the respondent voluntarily consented to accompany the officers to the DEA office" (emphasis added).
And in Bumper v. North Carolina (1968), another 4th Amendment case dealing with consent to a search, Justice Stewart, writing for the Court, states:
"The petitioner lived with his grandmother, Mrs. Hattie Leath, a 66-year-old Negro widow, in a house located in a rural area at the end of an isolated mile-long dirt road. Two days after the alleged offense, but prior to the petitioner's arrest, four white law enforcement officers -- the county sheriff, two of his deputies, and a state investigator -- went to this house and found Mrs. Leath there with some young children" (emphasis added).
Looks like Stewart may have put the slippery slope in motion.
For purposes of this analysis, an objective observer is aware that implicit, institutional, and unconscious biases, in addition to purposeful discrimination, have resulted in disproportionate police contacts, investigative seizures, and uses of force against Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC) in Washington.
It's weird how an objective person's knowledge of who is disproportionately impacted by police interactions in Washington state so neatly tracks the trendiest racial acronym used by the right people. Give it a little time, though, it'll probably change.
Yes, and also, we all know such biases exist and therefore we don't need to prove that they exist.
I don’t get some peoples’ consternation with race being a factor here.If a person’s race affects how they are treated by cops after adjusting for all other factors, then their race can obviously affect (even if only rarely) the determination of whether a seizure has occurred. To get pissed about this is, I think, simply confusing racism with acknowledgement of the effects of others’ (in this case, cops’) racism.
Maybe because the "all other factors" isn't actually all other factors by design.
People aren't arguing difference of facts here as you are, they are arguing difference of law.
I'm honestly not sure about how the law should operate here. Individualized proof is usually a requirement. But so is totality of the circumstances.
Can you expand on this?
I think you've answered your own question. The VC comments section is full of people who find it convenient to believe that racism in America does not exist. (Or, better still, that it does exist, but that white people are the true victims.)
As a side note I’ll just add that consideration of the race (or gender, whatever) can only add something to the extent there is evidence of tacit racism generally against the relevant subset of the population by the relevant enforcement community. That is because overt racism is already comprehended by considerations of the cops’ behavior.
Also, what Eugene said about the challenge of deciding what is the relevant population subset (and, for that matter, enforcement community).
Still, the impact is real and it should no more be ignored than any other salient circumstance.
After nearly 2 decades of Democratic governors, the Washington Supreme Court is now a Woke court.
It recently voided nearly a century’s worth of its own precedents protecting property rights.
It will be interesting to see how this ruling plays out on the street, once defense lawyers and criminals realize that they can use race to affect police interactions.
The hardest hit will be the POC crime victims that progressives claim to care about.