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Deep State Constitutionalism
My review of Adrian Vermeule's book, "Common Good Constitutionalism"
My review of Adrian Vermeule's new book Common Good Constitutionalism in the Claremont Review of Books is now posted. You can download it here. There was more in the book with which I agreed than I expected. But ultimately, I think it fails as either a critique of originalism or as a presentation of a viable alternative to it. Here is the abstract:
In this review, I explain how "Common Good Constitutionalism" taps into a deficiency of the conservative legal movement: namely, its exclusive focus on the law "as it is" at the expense of the underlying abstract normative principles that justify the positive law of our written Constitution. Due to this deficiency, the conservative legal movement gives short shrift to the Declaration of Independence and the Ninth Amendment and the natural rights to which both refer. This deficiency is in need of correction. But any such correction does not justify the jettisoning of originalism as Vermeule proposes. Nor does Vermeule defend his own conception of the common good, preferring instead merely to assert it without considering other serious alternatives.
To make his case against originalism, Vermeule adopts the approach of Ronald Dworkin, which Dworkin formulated before the development of modern originalist theory. This leads Vermeule to seriously mischaracterize modern originalism, which enables him to dismiss a straw man version of it. And yet, in defending himself from the charge that his is just a version of living constitutionalism, Vermeule adopts the fundamental tenets of modern originalism: fixation and constraint. Like living constitutionalists who are "arm chair originalists," however, Vermeule then asserts without showing that the fixed original meaning of the text of the Constitution is so abstract and thin that it permits the direct pursuit of the common good by the government actors unconstrained by the text of the Constitution.
Surprisingly, the government actors Vermeule thinks are most well suited to pursue the common good and implement the natural law are those who work in the federal administrative state. To these bureaucrats he would have the judiciary largely defer--oddly except for environmental regulations where he would allow "public interest" lawsuits to protect the environment. Vermeule provides absolutely no reason to believe that his version of the public good--assuming it is correct--will actually be adopted and served by the administrative state.
Throughout Common Good Constitutionalism, Vermeule fails to confront the strongest versions of the positions he opposes, especially when it comes to originalism. But this book is not really a scholarly project. In my review, I situate it in the current political context to show how Common Good Constitutionalism is largely a work of constitutional polemics, which some social conservatives are finding appealing. But there is very little that is conservative--socially or otherwise--about Adrian Vermeule's commitment to the unfettered regulation of Americans by the deep state.
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The problem is that if you were to ask most Americans who was more trustworthy to make laws and regulations; judges, our current legislators, or public servants, I am pretty sure public servants would top the list.
Bureaucrats are our most trusted part of government. Who do Americans trust more to create policy for the management of dams and locks on the Ohio river? An Army Brigadier General, or Madison Cawthorn (or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez)? I am pretty sure I know the answer.
One trip to the DMV ought to get such foolishness out of your head.
Cawthorn just got his ass handed to him by the voters; where do you see that accountability for an Army Corps of Engineers general (or civilian)?
People say this all the time, but I really can't think of a bad experience I've had with the DMV anywhere I've lived. A couple times in big cities the wait was kind of long, but that's about it. Maybe I've just been lucky?
How old are you? I recall at the NY DMV back in the 80s (obviously pre-internet), the forms were often very confusing, so you were never sure if you had filled them out completely, or if you had all the required documentation. There was no way to check, so you had to stand on a long line and hope for the best. The workers then seemed to take particular relish in bouncing your paperwork for whatever reason, forcing you to fix it and then go to the back of the line and start over. Plus, there was often no way to know if you were even in the right line.
Since then things have really improved. The internet makes it easier to prepare, they have added staff so the waits are shorter, and there is a screener who checks your documentation to make sure it is complete.
Gotta agree with you there. Sure, the DMV used to be a nightmare, but they really shaped up and got organized. Last time I had to go there to renew my license, I was in and out in under 5 minutes!
I suppose not enough people interact with the USCIS to know the meaning of TRUE bureaucratic horror.
Getting your passport renewed lately is no picnic either. It took six months last year. Luckily, I was not going anywhere.
Yeah, my wife just did that for a mission trip. Had to pay for the priority service to get it in time.
The USCIS, I kid you not, once spent about $10 mailing back to me a complete set of visa application and all supporting evidence, (Including an uncashed check.) because they'd raised the fee by $5 before it arrived. That's master class bureaucracy.
I arrived at the DMV well provided for. The online form for Real ID said on it that two among several types of ID would be sufficient. Knowing the DMV, I brought three types from the list. A clerk provided a patient explanation that the form was out of date, and another type not on the list was absolutely required. I was told to go home and get it.
I was patiently insisting, using my outdoor voice, when a security officer approached, hand on sidearm. It seemed an opportune time to die: DMV Customer with Required ID Shot Dead While Yelling. Not bad, for an obituary headline, I thought. But I was meek, and easily intimidated. I lost the opportunity.
That, in a nutshell, is the problem of expertise. And it's also why delegation, or something like it, will always be required given the mass of knowledge that is required now as compared to "original" times.
Madison Cawthorn and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have to spend their time raising money or angling for the next election. If there were no delegation, it would would only non-experts with insufficient time would be making any rules.
Not helping the case!
"We spend so much time fundraising we can't do our job, which is pass laws under the authority of democracy, so we'll cast that part off and blabber it's ok because we can call them."
* Which has the added bonus we can hide from angry voters because a bureaucrat did it.
Not anymore!
"public servants"
Who are those?
Don’t worry about it, Bob. You wouldn’t know your own dick if you could reach it.
The ACE designed the faulty New Orleans levee system—so you want robust oversight by representatives in Congress. So if you remember from 1980-2000s Louisiana had the most powerful congressional delegation because they were Democrats that were really Republicans and so they could make a lot of deals…but they weren’t providing oversight and instead were laying the groundwork to be future lobbyists and make millions upon retirement.
Wasn't the proximate problem there that the people in charge of levee inspection and maintenance were actually spending the money on lavish parties?
The original problem was, of course, that a levee is a foolish answer to a city being below sea level and near the sea. It just puts off the flooding. They'd have been more sensible to start putting buildings up on stilts, and transforming the city into a modern Venice.
Due to this deficiency, the conservative legal movement gives short shrift to the Declaration of Independence and the Ninth Amendment and the natural rights to which both refer.
The Ninth Amendment is not about "natural" rights- it's about unenumerated rights. Indeed, the utter BS that is "natural law" is precisely how conservative Christians like Vermeule end up with their half-baked ideas about the Constitution in the first place. They think that their contested ideological beliefs are somehow required by Nature and Nature's God, just like Jefferson claimed (when he was not raping Sally Hemings) and just like Prof. Barnett seems to think.
Meanwhile, we positivists actually have more workable approaches that don't attempt to impose contested BS on the American public.
I think I may somewhat agree with you. Maybe?
The 9th amendment has nothing to do with natural law rights as we understand them. It was simply a preservation of the status quo in terms of rights recognized at the time, a statement that existing rights, too numerous to exhaustively list, were not extinguished by the failure to list them.
Doesn't matter whether or not a right generally recognized at the time the Constitution was adopted fits into any coherent system of 'natural' rights. It just matters that it WAS generally recognized at the time. If it wasn't, it can be as 'natural' as can be, and that means nothing. If it was, it can be utterly unnatural in terms of any coherent theory, and it was preserved.
It was nothing but a preservation of the status quo against implied repeal.
If the 9th was to preserve the status quo, it would have said so.
Yet again, you do not understand the Founder's original understanding of how the judiciary works. No Constitution the Founders knew created a set of rights frozen in amber only amenable to amendment. And this Constitution never in it's text says so.
And yet you read such into the text, and pretend it is the law, and that all who deny it are lying about it.
Do you think Baude is lying when his scholarship shows your understanding to be starkly wrong?
What do you think "retained" means?
He's been asked that before.
I'm with Brett generally on this.
I do think SOME portions of the Constitution are living. Scalia's interpretation of the Eighth Amendment, for instance, seems totally wrong- why would the framers use the word "unusual" if they weren't expecting courts to look at contemporary norms?
But the Ninth Amendment is about foreclosing the argument that a right didn't exist because the framers didn't write it down.
I tend to think the 8th amendment was mostly aimed at prohibiting judges themselves from getting creative about torturing people.
Nah, the framers in another context talked about a decent respect for the opinions of humankind. In other words, they desperately wanted the new republic to be thought of as civilized by the rest of the world (or certainly at least by European powers). The cruel and unusual punishment clause represents one attempt to do that (the Constitution is replete with provisions that further this aim, such as the power of Congress to define and punish offenses against the law of nations). It makes no sense that they would want the US to fall far behind world public opinion on the issue of humane punishment. And "cruel and unusual" itself suggests contemporary standards- you wouldn't use that language if you were just trying to bar torture. You'd say "torture".
Well, sure, I'm just saying that it was aimed at the judges, not so much the legislature.
And talk about wildly different contexts.
"Unusual" does not necessarily make it a living clause. No reason why it can't me anything that was uncommon at the time of the framers. This way it prevents judges from imposing any sadistic punishment they can think of. Technically death by lethal injection was "unsual" under this definition, but it is not cruel because it is actually more humane than other methods. Glossip and its progeny are correct that if, in a particular case you believe that the method will be cruel, it is your burden to put forward a workable alternative that alleviates that issue.
I agree about the 9th amendment, obviously the concern with the bill of rights was that enumerating certain rights would mean losing all others, so the 9th clarified this, while the 10th clarified that enumerated powers that were delegated by the states worked the other way, they were exhaustive and exclusive.
However what the 9th did not do, is grant the federal government (specifically the judicial branch) additional powers over the States to enforce unspecified rights (or specified for that matter) against them. It was up to each sovereign state to determine its own subjective definitions of liberty.
If you have an issue retaining your staff, does that mean your problem does not extend to whatever new staff you hire?
No. Retention is not frozen in amber.
You're using the word wrong.
"retaining" and "Retention"
You're using the wrong word.
Its "retained", a past tense.
OK then. How about retaining composure. Does that mean no changes in your composure?
Sorry, this is not now the word is used. Nor is it how the Founders intended it to be used.
I'm not even an originalist, but I recognize your originalism to be nonsense.
You said "OK then" to him pointing out you'd changed the word, then changed the word again?
Your example doesn't help you, by the way: You can't 'retain' composure without already having it. That's just a general element of retaining.
IANAL (and I know you aren't either, Brett, but this seems like the natural place to ask the question.) If something was legal when the Constitution was written and adopted, what is it that makes that thing not an unenumerated right? If there were no right to do it at common law, would it not be illegal? I know I'm missing something, but I'm not smart enough to know what it is.
It's kind of a vague matter, I suppose not accidentally, because the Federalists really didn't want a Bill of Rights getting in their way. (It was a concession to the anti-Federalists.) Probably easier to answer at the time, as this is a question about what people would have thought were rights at the time, and it's really hard to point to evidence that something was viewed as a right, if nobody was actually trying to violate it.
It's a test that's more easily applied in the negative, as it's fairly easy to demonstrate that a proposed unenumerated right was actually often a crime, and nobody seemed to be complaining of a rights violation.
While from my reading of the review — to which I refer the readers for a more-complete understanding of Prof Barnett's argument — the quoted abstract is a good summary, the phrase to which Dilan and Brett object, in whole or in part, is not contained in the review itself. Nevertheless, it is an accurate statement of his perspective — though just a starting point. I thus cannot agree, in whole or in part with either of them.
I would agree with Brett that the “rights … retained by the people” would include rights not strictly defined as Natural Rights. Yet what is the source of these “other rights”? The concept imbued in the founding documents is that rights originate external to Mankind and are not defined by any single individual or combination of them. They are expansive rather than restrictive, each individual being vested with the Liberty to exercise them except to the extent they fatally restrict those rights of others. Natural Rights are the source of these myriad rights.
When Mankind is in combination then reconcilement and applied definition becomes requisite. Various perspectives and concepts are propounded for the performance of this task. For example, one of Prof Barnett's formulations is “a conception of justice based on the natural rights that define freedom or liberty”. Other legitimate formulations can be suggested. But none justify the jettisoning of Natural Rights as an essential feature of the state and the bulwark for our Liberty and Freedom.
We've been arguing this Federalist #84. Hamilton's notion that the government was so limited that it had no power to intrude on rights is terribly quaint now (though perhaps Sarcastr0 would hang on to that slender reed). In fairness to Hamilton, the police power was properly understood to not extend to the federal government, and even at the state level was not the absolutist abomination it was under Continental tradition. Our living Constitution would eventually embrace that broader concept of police power, both for the states and through Commerce emanations or penumbras for the feds as well.
Our living Constitution would eventually embrace that broader concept of police power,
I'm not sure I see that slippery slope as manifest. Must a living constitution eventually embrace Presidents under 35 years of age? (and that's the question, not could but must; because just as originalism contains multitudes, so does non-originalist thought).
Part of the Constitution is a framework, part of it is directive. You interpret these things differently.
Living constitutionalism eventually had to embrace broad police power for the federal government, because it was able to, AND the motive to actually do it, the desire of federal office holders to have more power to exercise, would assure that ability would be exercised.
At present, there's not much motive to bypass the 35 years of age rule. Should that motive arise, living constitutionalism has ways to deliver.
blah, blah, it doesn't really mean what it says, it means what I say, blah, blah, blah.
Due to this deficiency, the conservative legal movement gives short shrift to the Declaration of Independence and the Ninth Amendment and the natural rights to which both refer.
That must be referring to the right to violently overthrow government enshrined in The Declaration. In other words, insurrection.
For a moment I thought you might have been one of those Janov 'primal therapy' nuts.