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The Fourth Amendment and Geofence Warrants: A Critical Look at United States v. Chatrie
The first Article III opinion on a novel question.
Judge Lauck of the Eastern District of Virginia recently handed down the long-awaited opinion in United States v. Chatrie, on how the Fourth Amendment applies to geofencing warrants. I believe this is the first Article III judicial opinion on the subject. Geofence warrants raise some really interesting Fourth Amendment issues, and we're likely to hear more about those issues. Given that, I thought I would offer my take on the opinion.
My reaction, unfortunately, is pretty critical. I really appreciate the care Judge Lauck put into the case, including building an extensive record. But I also think the reasoning of the decision has some major problems. In particular, I am not sure the execution of geofence warrants involve a Fourth Amendment search at all. And if they do, then I think the Fourth Amendment standard is a lot less strict than Judge Lauck concludes it is.
This post explains my concerns. I'll start with a general background on geofence warrants and then turn to the facts of the case. I'll next cover the court's reasoning, and explain why I think key parts of the opinion are not persuasive. How the Fourth Amendment applies to geofence warrants raises some tricky issues. But I don't think this opinion points in the right direction to help find the answers.
I. Background on Geofence Warrants
First, some context. Most cell phones are logged into Google these days. And Google users often have their phones set to enable Google, by a range of means, to track their phones' location. This can be a useful tool for law enforcement. If a crime was known to have occurred in a particular place and time, Google may have records about which phones were there.
Access to Google location data is especially important to create leads when none exist. If the criminal had his phone on when he committed the crime, if his phone was logged into Google, and if his phone was set to let Google generate location information, Google will have a record of it that can be traced directly back to him.
Of course, you can't be sure that's the case. And it's unlikely that the criminal's phone will be the only one around. Other people will likely be nearby, and Google may have records of their phones in the area, too. But as a means of generating leads, Google location records are a potentially useful way of going from a cold case to a list of possible suspects.
Some details of how Google's location service works are relevant. As I understand the record in Chatrie, Google users need to opt-in to have Google services keep location records for their phone. Users who opt-in to location services can also later pause the creation of the records, or delete past records created, although they need to make a point of doing that. It's not entirely clear, though, how easy this is to do at any given time, or how widely understood it is that users can do this.
Users can also just turn their phones off, or put them in airplane mode, if they otherwise want their location tracking on when the phone is in use. Also, Google location information can be very precise and dynamic, showing where a phone was and where and how quickly it moved, But the records can also be uncertain. Google is sometimes unsure of exactly where a phone was, and it only has location estimates with confidence intervals rather than certain information.
It has not been clear that the government's obtaining Google location records is a Fourth Amendment search that requires a warrant. But Google has required warrants to obtain this information, and it has specified a three-step process that it requires investigators to follow to try to protect the privacy of Google users. In theory, an investigator could challenge this process in court rather than comply with Google's warrant requirement and process. But there are some practical reasons why investigators haven't done this, at least yet. So at least for now, Google's process has effectively become the current way geofence warrants are carried out.
Because Google requires a warrant for these location records, the legal issues raised by government access to the records has led to judicial decisions only in the warrant context. There have been a handful of opinions written by federal magistrate judges explaining why they did or did not agree to sign a geofencing warrant. And now Chatrie is the first case where the legal issues are being actually litigated in the normal course before an Article III judge. A geofence warrant was issued, a suspect was found, and the suspect has moved to suppress evidence from the geofence warrant.
II. The Facts of This Case
This particular case involves a bank robbery in 2019 in Virginia. The suspect entered the bank, handed the teller a note explaining that this was a robbery, and then showed the teller his gun. The robber took $195,000. Law enforcement had no leads. But the suspect had a cell phone with him, and the government obtained a geofence warrant from a state magistrate judge to try to identify him. The warrant sought to identify each phone logged into Google within a 150-meter radius of the bank from 30 minutes before the robbery to 30 minutes after the robbery.
A state magistrate judge signed the warrant, and Google informed law enforcement that 19 phones were responsive to the warrant. Google's production to the government also revealed the location patterns of the 19 phones during the hour window, showing the area the phones were thought to be in, and when, over the hour. The government then asked for expanded location information on the 19 phones, and Google told the government the whereabouts of the 19 phones for a full hour before and a full hour after the time of the robbery. At this point, the government had detailed tracking information on 19 phones, but no information about who had the phones.
The government then asked for the actual identity of three of the phone owners according to Google's records, reflecting the phones that investigators believed, based on the patterns of location over the two hours, were the bank robber and possible co-conspirators in the area. Google disclosed that information, and it revealed that the phone believed to belong to the robber was registered to Okello Chatrie. Chatrie was eventually charged with the robbery, and now has moved to suppress the fruits of the geofence warrant in his criminal case.
III. Does Obtaining Geofence Information Constitute a "Search" At All?
The first legal issue raised is whether obtaining geofence information is a search at all. As this issue is litigated in the context of a motion to suppress, the legal issue is whether the defendant has standing: Were his records searched as a matter of Fourth Amendment law? For a motion to suppress to succeed, the defendant has the burden of showing that his interests were "searched." See Rakas v. Illinois, 439 US 128, 130 n.1 (1978).
This is a tricky issue. Under the third-party doctrine, voluntary disclosure of information relinquishes a reasonable expectation of privacy. Granted, the Supreme Court limited that principle in Carpenter v. United States for the creation of cell-site records on the ground that creating such records was not truly voluntary. You need to use a cell phone to participate in modern life, the Court reasoned, and you can't opt out of creating cell site location records as they are automatically and necessarily created by using a cell phone.
The question is how does this apply to Google location records that users need to affirmatively opt in to begin, and that they can stop, but that they might not know how to do. In the framework of Carpenter, is it possible to participate in modern life without opting into Google location services? And do we treat the generation of those records as voluntary because users can control those records or involuntary because users may not know those records are being created?
The Chatrie court does not answer this, unfortunately. Because the court ultimately rules for the government on the good faith exception, it need not and does not take a position on whether a search occurred. Instead, Judge Lauck mostly speculates about what the judge perceives as problems with existing doctrine and suggests that perhaps legislatures should ban geofence warrants:
[T]he Court is disturbed that individuals other than criminal defendants caught within expansive geofences may have no functional way to assert their own privacy rights. Consider, for example, a geofence encompassing a bank, a church, a nearby residence, and a hotel. Ordinarily, a criminal perpetrator would not have a reasonable expectation of privacy in his or her activities within or outside the publicly accessible bank. See United States v. Knotts, 460 U.S. 276, 281, 103 S.Ct. 1081, 75 L.Ed.2d 55 (1983) ("A person travelling in an automobile on public thoroughfares has no reasonable expectation of privacy in his movements from one place to another."). He or she thus may not be able to establish Fourth Amendment standing to challenge a time-limited acquisition of his location data at the bank.
But the individual in his or her residence likely would have a heightened expectation of privacy. Silverman v. United States, 365 U.S. 505, 511, 81 S.Ct. 679, 5 L.Ed.2d 734 (1961) ("At the very core [of the Fourth Amendment] stands the right of a [person] to retreat into his [or her] own home and there be free form unreasonable government intrusion."). Yet because that individual would not have been alerted that law enforcement obtained his or her private location information, and because the criminal defendant could not assert that individual's privacy rights in his or her criminal case, United States v. Rumley, 588 F.3d 202, 206 n.2 (4th Cir. 2009), that innocent individual would seemingly have no realistic method to assert his or her own privacy rights tangled within the warrant. Geofence warrants thus present the marked potential to implicate a "right without a remedy." Hawkins v. Barney's Lessee, 30 U.S. 457, 463, 5 Pet. 457, 8 L.Ed. 190 (1831) ("There can be no right without a remedy to secure it.").
As this Court sees it, analysis of geofences does not fit neatly within the Supreme Court's existing "reasonable expectation of privacy" doctrine as it relates to technology. That run of cases primarily deals with deep, but perhaps not wide, intrusions into privacy. See, e.g., Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27, 34, 121 S.Ct. 2038, 150 L.Ed.2d 94 (2001) (considering the validity of using thermal imaging on one's home); United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. 400, 402-03, 132 S.Ct. 945, 181 L.Ed.2d 911 (2012) (construing "the attachment of a [GPS] tracking device to an individual's vehicle" for twenty-eight days); Carpenter, 138 S. Ct. at 2217 n.3 (considering whether "accessing seven days of [an individual's cell site location information] constitutes a Fourth Amendment search").
At base, these matters are best left to legislatures. See Zach Whittaker, A Bill to Ban Geofence and Keyword Search Warrants in New York Gains Traction, TechCrunch (Jan. 13, 2022), https://tcm.ch/35mLHkP (discussing a recently introduced New York bill that would ban the use of geofence warrants statewide). This case has arisen because no extant legislation prevents Google or its competitors from collecting and using this vast amount of data. And, as discussed below, despite its ongoing efforts to improve, Google appears to do so under the guise of consent few people understand how to disable. Even with consent, it seems clear that most Google users do not know how the consent flow to control their collection of data works, nor do they know Google is logging their location 240 times a day. It is not within this Court's purview to decide such issues, but it urges legislative action. Thoughtful legislation could not only protect the privacy of citizens, but also could relieve companies of the burden to police law enforcement requests for the data they lawfully have.
To the extent this as read as addressing the question, it's hard for me to see how it's helpful.
It seems to me that the key question for standing under Carpenter is whether opting in to Google location services is voluntary, and is not required to participate in modern life, so that the decision to have Google generate and store those records is a third party disclosure under the third-party doctrine cases that Carpenter did not disturb.
If I understand the record's explanation of the technology correctly, it sounds pretty voluntary to me. And it's hard to think of why you would need Google location services on to participate in modern life, which seems to be the Carpenter standard. If that's right–a big if, perhaps, but run with it for now–then I would think that access to Google location services records shouldn't be a search under the third party doctrine for any users. (For more on this view, see my chapter, Implementing Carpenter.)
Maybe the record in Chatrie is wrong on that, or some of the ambiguities in the court's view of the facts are wrong or incomplete. And I like the idea of requiring a warrant as a matter of policy. But if my understanding of the facts is right, I would think that the case may end there on the ground that no search occurred, and no warrant was necessary. How the Fourth Amendment would apply if this were a case of secret tracking–which is what the court focuses on, looking to the idea that a perpetrator doesn't have a reasonable expectation of privacy around a bank, but a person would in their home–doesn't seem particularly irrelevant unless and until you deal with that issue.
Anyway, I don't have strong feelings about this particular issue, and I'll concede that Carpenter leaves wiggle room in the voluntariness standard. But I didn't think Chatrie addressed the standing issue well.
IV. What is the Standard for Probable Cause?
The next issue is how the probable cause standard applies. Assuming that collecting geofence information about the location of a person's phone is a search of their Fourth Amendment interests, what kind of probable cause must be shown to obtain a geofence warrant to collect that information?
Critically, Judge Lauck reasons that the standard is probable cause as to each specific phone discovered in the geofence. That is, the Fourth Amendment requires probable cause that each and every phone that has records that end up being revealed was itself, considered individually, evidence of the crime:
At base, probable cause demands that law enforcement possess "a reasonable ground for belief of guilt … particularized with respect to the person to be searched or seized." Maryland v. Pringle, 540 U.S. 366, 124 S. Ct. 795, 800, 157 L.Ed.2d 769 (2003) (emphasis added); see Ybarra v. Illinois, 444 U.S. 85, 91, 100 S.Ct. 338, 62 L.Ed.2d 238 (1979) ("Where the standard is probable cause, a search or seizure of a person must be supported by probable cause particularized with respect to that person.") A "person's mere propinquity to others independently suspected of criminal activity does not, without more, give rise to probable cause to search that person." Ybarra, 444 U.S. at 91, 100 S.Ct. 338. . . .
Although cloaked by the complexities of novel technology, when stripped of those complexities, this particular Geofence Warrant lacks sufficient probable cause. The United States Supreme Court has explained that warrants must establish probable cause that is "particularized with respect to the person to be searched or seized." Pringle, 124 S. Ct. at 800. This warrant did no such thing. It first sought location information for all Google account owners who entered the geofence over the span of an hour. For those Google accounts, the warrant further sought "contextual data points with points of travel outside of the" Geofence for yet another hour—and those data points retained no geographical restriction. (ECF No. 54-1, at 4.) Astoundingly, the Government claims that law enforcement established probable cause to obtain all information (Steps 1, 2, and 3) from all users within the geofence without any narrowing measures. Yet the warrant simply did not include any facts to establish probable cause to collect such broad and intrusive data from each one of these individuals.
I don't see how that can be the correct Fourth Amendment standard.
The ordinary standard for a search warrant is that there must be probable cause that evidence will be found somewhere in the place to be searched. There is no requirement that there must be probable cause as to each individual person's evidence being itself evidence. For example, imagine the government has a warrant to search a home where four people live. Investigators don't need evidence that all of the four people are involved in the crime to get the home warrant. In fact, the government doesn't need evidence that any of the four people are involved in the crime. All that matters is that there is probable cause to believe evidence or contraband is somewhere in the home. They can search the place for the evidence regardless of whose stuff it is, or how many people live in the home. Given that, I don't see how the standard for a geofence warrant can be that probable cause must be shown as to each phone that will be revealed in the geofence.
Judge Lauck's opinion misses this by mistaking an exception for the rule. There is an exception to the usual rule for search warrants for searching the physical body of a person under Ybarra v. Illinois. Ybarra involved a search of a tavern where the bartender, "Greg," was suspected of selling drugs. Agents obtained a warrant to search the tavern and to search Greg. But when they executed the search, they searched customers at the tavern and found drugs on one of them, Ybarra. The Supreme Court held that physically searching the person of customers not suspected of involvement the crime required its own probable cause:
Each patron who walked into the Aurora Tap Tavern on March 1, 1976, was clothed with constitutional protection against an unreasonable search or an unreasonable seizure. That individualized protection was separate and distinct from the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment protection possessed by the proprietor of the tavern or by "Greg." Although the search warrant, issued upon probable cause, gave the officers authority to search the premises and to search "Greg," it gave them no authority whatever to invade the constitutional protections possessed individually by the tavern's customers.
I don't see how Ybarra can be relevant to the Fourth Amendment standard for geofence warrants. The line drawn in the cases is between (1) a search of places and things and (2) search of the body of persons, on the other. Assuming that gathering location data from Google is a search of a person's Fourth Amendment interests somehow, it seems pretty obvious it's not actually a search of their body. Revealing that records currently exist at Google in California indicating that a person's phone was in an area around a bank in Virginia in 2019 seems pretty clearly different from rifling through a person's pockets and otherwise subjecting their physical body to a search.
V. What is the Standard for Particularity?
The final question is, assuming there was probable cause, how broad could the search be? This isn't definitively decided in Chatrie because the (in my view erroneous) probable cause analysis is doing so much work. If the government must establish probable cause that each phone that appears in the geofence is involved in the crime, then the particularity requirement would seem to be defined by that: The government needs to articulate a warrant so that no innocent person has their phone included in the geofence. It's not obvious that is possible, as Judge Lauck acknowledges.
But here's the key passage from the opinion on particularity:
Indeed, it is difficult to overstate the breadth of this warrant, particularly in light of the narrowness of the Government's probable cause showing. Law enforcement knew only that the perpetrator "had a cell phone in his right hand and appeared to be speaking with someone on the device." (ECF No. 54-1, at 6.) After the police failed to located the suspect via reviewing camera footage, speaking with witnesses, and pursuing two leads, law enforcement simply drew a circle with a 150-meter radius that encompassed the Bank, the entirety of the Church, and the Church's parking lot. The Government then requested location information for every device within that area. See Carpenter, 138 S. Ct. 2206, 2216 (2018) (describing cell phone location information as "encyclopedic").
What is more, in one instance, this Geofence Warrant captured location data for a user who may not have been remotely close enough to the Bank to participate in or witness the robbery. Because the radius of one of the users' confidence intervals stretched to around 387 meters, the Geofence Warrant might have reported that user's location data to the Government, notwithstanding the fact that he may have simply been present in any number of nearby locations. For example, that person may have been dining inside the Ruby Tuesday restaurant nearby. The person may have been staying at the Hampton Inn Hotel, just north of the Bank. Or, he or she could have been inside his or her own home in the Genito Glen apartment complex or the nearby senior living facility. He or she may have been moving furniture into the nearby self-storage business. Indeed, the person may have been simply driving along Hull Street or Price Club Boulevard. Yet the Government obtained the person's location data just the same. The Government claims that footage depicting the perpetrator holding a phone to his ear—and nothing else—justified this sweeping warrant. That, however, is simply not "[ ]reasonable." U.S. Const. amend. IV.
I'm not sure this is a particularly helpful analysis. Granted, assuming obtaining Google location information is a search, the particularity of the "place" of a geofence warrant raises some really interesting conceptual questions. Is it like the search of that physical place? Is it bounded by probable cause alone? Is it based on the motion of the phone alone, without any identifying information? Or is it based on the identification of the subscriber? I think those are interesting and important questions, and that judges should be grappling with those questions.
But Judge Lauck seems to be focused instead on the possibility that the government might learn of the identity of someone who is not involved in the crime. It's not 'reasonable," Judge Lauck suggests, for the government to learn information about an innocent person while executing a warrant trying to identify a guilty person. I think that's a fine concern as a matter of policy, and it's certainly understandable for Google to consider that in its business role. To the extent there is irrelevant information that the government has no interest in having, there's no point in them having it.
But it's not clear how that prospect alone makes the warrant unconstitutional. The government comes across evidence about innocent people when executing warrants all the time. Recall the search of a home: The government might search a house for evidence and search the bedrooms of people not involved in the crime. That's not ideal, either for those people or for the government. Everyone would prefer a world in which the government always finds the bad guy and never learns anything about anyone other than the bad guy. But traditionally that has not been a Fourth Amendment requirement.
One wonders if the possibility that technology can enable the execution of warrants in a more privacy protective way than traditional warrants is leading Judge Lauck to in effect seek a new Fourth Amendment standard that requires warrants to be executed in the most privacy protective way the new technology allows. That's an interesting idea, but would be a pretty dramatic shift in the law. And even if that's the goal, it would seem to be better implemented through use restrictions than ex ante limits on probable cause.
Conclusion
Judge Lauck ends up concluding that the warrant "plainly" violates the Fourth Amendment, but that the good faith exception applies because the legal issues are novel. This means that we may see this warrant and these legal issues raised on appeal before the Fourth Circuit eventually. I agree that the legal issues are novel, and it will be interesting to see how other courts address them. As always, stay tuned.
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You (like your work) deserve better than to be published in this white, male, movement conservative, downscale, fringe blog, Prof. Kerr.
The instinct that led you to largely disassociate yourself from this blog was reliable. Why stain your work and reputation with exceptions? There is ample opportunity for you to contribute beyond the clingerverse.
More direct: Why diminish your reputation by having your scholarly work appear above and below the . . . pick an adjective . . . work of Josh Blackman?
"It's not entirely clear, though, how easy this is to do at any given time, or how widely understood it is that users can do this."
It is not super one-click easy, but it does not require hacking skills.
The "delete my location history" screen is about four or five levels deep, and not exactly intuitive, but it can be done. It took me about ten minutes of wandering around the setting pages to dig it out.
And no one has any 'reasonable' expectation of privacy carrying a cell phone, at home or out side. Those devices are specifically designed to take every bit of privacy that has ever existed and toss it to get at data that can be sold at a profit.
Period.
Prof Kerr still doesn't get it. The third party doctrine is broken and needs to be entirely discarded except where the subject explicitly and knowingly waives his/her expectations of privacy. I put my money in a bank because the government requires it (for certain transactions) and because modern life makes anything else impractical to the point of impossibility. I put my money in the bank with the expectation that they will keep my transactions private. They have no right to sell my data to others nor to use my image in their advertising without explicit permission. That means I also did not give them permission to share my information with the government.
Even if the "consent" to share location information with Google was entirely voluntary and informed (and it is neither for most people), that does not imply a consent for Google to share that information with anyone else, especially the police. Can the police still force the production of that data? Yes - with a warrant. It most explicitly was a search.
Prof Kerr seems to start from the position that stricter enforcement of the Fourth Amendment will make it harder for cops. Missing is that that's the point!
That said, I have to agree with Prof Kerr that Ybarra is off-point for the geofence situation. His analogy to the warrant of a home with four residents is more compelling.
You are assuming your conclusion. What makes it "your information" or "your data"? It is certainly information about you, but it is also information about the bank. But let's suppose that it is information only about you. What makes it yours?
If I look out my bedroom window at your house across the street and log every time you enter and leave your home, is that log that I have maintained "your information"?
On this point, I am a copyright maximalist: my life is my performance before God, and by the Berne Treaty, when it is placed in"permanent" form it damned well ought to belong to *me*. This applies both to warrants (as here) and to the selling of it...
A problem with that analogy, Nieporent, is that it depends on instance-by-instance agency by you, not by the person you are surveilling. With phone calls, the agency comes not from the third party, but from the caller.
Sure, the company owns the equipment which stores the record the caller creates—but even that equipment is paid for courtesy of phone company customers. They might enjoy paying their phone bills a lot more if the phone company were required by regulators to pay for all its physical capital by selling shares.
By the way, how do you define a person's, "effects?" For this discussion I am tempted to define the word as the physical result of activity performed by exercise of that person's agency. On that basis, maybe the 4A focus should be shifted from who owns data recording equipment, to who created the data.
Rossami, we disagree about what the Fourth Amendment should do and how it should work. I think you don't get it; you think I don't get it; so it goes. And here, it seems we aren't trying to do the same thing: You're trying to come up with a new Fourth Amendment that matches what you want the Constitution to be, and I'm working under the assumption that trial judges are bound by Supreme Court precedent. Again, so it goes.
Professor Kerr, I am always grateful for your advice about what the law actually is. But did you not concede at the outset that geofence warrants are a bit of a legal novelty?
If so, do you recognize any practical advantage to add to your review of precedent a forthright discussion based on what the developing new law ought to be? Maybe even to include discussions not based solely on precedent, but also including other factors? Is it really your intention to rule those out? Or do you welcome such discussion, but just rule out your own participation? If so, why?
That is a fair criticism and I apologize if I was unclear. You have always worked to describe what current precedent is. Some of your statements do imply that you think the current precedents are the right ones however, and you are correct that I disagree on that point.
Rossami, you might be happier in the EU where the GDPR would give you some portion of the control you are looking for (but unfortunately not over disclosures to law enforcement). On the other hand living there would also make you subject to "hate speech" laws, so you win some and you lose some.
I am far more familiar with the GDPR than I ever wanted to be. The GDPR had a kernel of a good idea but then they buried it under several tons of bad implementation.
I agree. The problem with third party doctrine is the notion that sharing data obliviates the requirement for a warrant, rather than just changing who the warrant is directed against; The information is still somebody's effects, after all, so a warrant should still be required.
OK, so now I know that the next time I rob a bank, I'll leave my cellphone home, right? And the geofencing issue will only apply to people who are too dumb to do that, right again?
Most robbers are dumb (not all criminals are dumb, but most robbers are, right?).
I have Google maps on my i-phone. The default setting (I just checked) is to allow location access "While using app". So if I believe that, I could rob a bank in safety unless I used Google to provide my route to or from the bank. Right?
But since most robbers are dumb, and they don't know that their cellphones can rat on them, and I don't favor robbery, I guess I'm OK with using cellphone data this way.
Many modern cars have a similar tracking/reporting device, for what it's worth. It might be used for the roadside assistance feature, or telematics, or whatever else. So next time you rob a bank, make sure your escape vehicle is a bicycle.
Thanks Michael, but at my age my escape on a bike would be petty slow. I guess I'm doomed to a law-abiding life.
"So next time you rob a bank, make sure your escape vehicle is a bicycle."
And make sure it's not an exotic bicycle.
It would be more apt to ask if one can participate in modern life without opting into *any* location services, not just Google's. The government can just as easily get a warrant for Apple's records, after all.
Or maybe we should ask if one can participate in modern life without doing *any* things which might result in third-party tracking of any kind. Can the government get a reverse warrant for, say, people who searched for news of the robbery, on the grounds that the criminals would be interested in those stories and thus likely to search for them? Where does it end?
And... Well. Considering that the government thinks there's probable cause that evidence will be found by asking Google *without* knowing in advance that the person even used Google, I think that speaks in favor of it being kind of ubiquitous and perhaps necessary to some degree.
"Can the government get a reverse warrant for, say, people who searched for news of the robbery, on the grounds that the criminals would be interested in those stories and thus likely to search for them?"
They can and they have:
https://www.forbes.com/sites/thomasbrewster/2021/10/04/google-keyword-warrants-give-us-government-data-on-search-users/
The Chicago magistrates rulings have much better diacussions of this issue. And read Google's amici brief in Chatrie for info on how omnipresent the Company is.
If Google Location Services are opt in, the opt in is either new or buried in the terms you agree to at the start.
As someone with both an interest in electronic privacy and a high level of computer skills, I know the only way I was able to stop it was to log into my account and opt out.
But as I understand it, iOS has for a long time, and Android has in the past few years, asked if you want to grant apps location permission. So I suspect whether it's opt in or opt out has a lot to do with what mobile OS and version you're talking about and which particular services you're talking about (you *can not* opt out of Google Play Services at all on Android without taking elaborate technical steps to bypass your phone's security, and it periodically queries your location, and you can only opt out, allegedly, of Google storing it after they receive it, or disable location entirely for all apps), but you can deny location permission to e.g. Google Maps.
But regardless, when most users see a big "WARNING: BLAH BLAH MAY NOT WORK, BLAH BLAH BLAH MAY NOT WORK if you don't enable this feature...", they might not perceive opting in as optional if they want to actually use their phone.
Overall, even if it was purely voluntary, the third party doctrine was never grounded in anything other than ignoring the 4th Amendment to make cops' job easier. People should absolutely have a reasonable expectation of privacy in records they likely don't fully understand they're creating or that they don't need to, when those records reveal every detail of a person's movement because they carry a device essential to modern life. There's little substantive difference between this and Carpenter.
I will say that, after reading this, I went into Location Services for my two mobile IOS devices, and made sure that it was turned off for most things, including anything created by Google.
Every recent phone I have bought defaulted to location services turned on, not off.
And I think that's a very good reason to apply Carpenter.
Google has stated that disabling location on the Android does not apply to the Android OS apps.
how large would a geofence have to be before it violates the prohibition on general warrants?
Is this the record for the longest Volokh Conspiracy blog?
Wouldn't any warrant also have to establish probably cause that the phone had google's location data active? If you know a suspect went to a particular neighborhood you couldn't get a warrant for any house just because it was in the neighborhood. He might be in one of the houses but you need probably cause it is that house. So if they need probably cause that google has such data it seems saying the suspect had a phone is not nearly enough to establish probable cause.
EDIT: I don't know why "probable" auto corrects to "probably" (but on only 3 out of 4 times) but just more evidence of both that service sucking and the need for an edit feature.
Turn auto correct off. Then you won't have those kinds of problems.
"...How the Fourth Amendment would apply if this were a case of secret tracking–which is what the court focuses on, looking to the idea that a perpetrator doesn't have a reasonable expectation of privacy around a bank, but a person would in their home–doesn't seem particularly IRRELEVANT unless and until you deal with that issue...."
Was this a typo? Did you actually mean 'relevant?' If you did mean to use "irrelevant," then I'm not understanding the sentence.
Bank robber is too stupid to wipe his data tracks.
Film at 11.
As described this was a perfectly reasonable police investigation.
Another problem with Kerr's take on this is that his interpretation of 4A protection seems focused only on what could happen in court, including what could happen to straighten out improper arrests. That kind of thinking precludes attention to the possibility that an arrest itself is an imposition, and perhaps a peril, which the 4A is intended to protect against.
It is worth mention that getting arrested would not be the same kind of experience for Orin Kerr as it might be for a black guy with a rap sheet. Arrest pursuant to a geofence warrant imposes a random kind of jeopardy, which will vary considerably according to who is arrested, and what prior legal trouble they may have had.
If the crime in question were a bombing, a hapless geofence-designated suspect might happen to be someone whom FBI records had pegged even decades ago as a possible associate of anti-war terrorists. That arrest would create more legal peril than if the geofence arrestee were a right-wing law professor with no record. At a minimum, the former guy might have to pay more to a lawyer, to assure that he could get out of the clutches of keenly motivated investigators, who go to work every day telling each other, "There is no such thing as coincidence."
There is no point in pretending that difference does not exist, or that it is not created by the essentially randomizing factor inherent in a geofence-type search. A requirement for particularized probable cause, naming the person in advance, protects against what amounts to random prejudicial impositions on some, but not on others.
I love how Lathrop never has any legal arguments, but always has absurdly elaborate and specific far-fetched hypotheticals instead.
As you know, Nieporent, I leave legal arguments mostly to the legal experts. I mentioned that to you before. Perhaps if you remember it this time it will save you the trouble of pointing out again what anyone with legal training can see for himself.
I also do not much comment on even non-legal angles, unless I have at least some personal experience to back my comments. You could note, if you looked, that a large majority of threads on this blog get no comments at all from me. Feel free to presume that if I have selected a thread to comment in, it is likely because I have either first-hand experience, or other knowledge about the subject. For selected subjects, including journalism, publishing, historiography, steel fabrication, graphic design, typography, air traffic control and aviation noise, professional photography (journalistic and artistic), and selected subjects which relate to special education, I have knowledge amounting in some cases to limited expertise, in other cases to full professionalism.
Thus, when you think I am floating, "absurdly elaborate and specific far-fetched hypotheticals," you should consider those may have at least some foundation in my own experience—as in the case above.
As I have told you before, I respect good legal arguments, and those who make them. But that does not mean a good legal argument can convince me the person making it understands what a law means. For that, it takes knowledge not only of what the law says, and of how it has been interpreted, but also of the activities which the law purports to govern. I find occasional opportunities to comment among those activities.
My inclination in a situation like this would be to do equilibrium adjustment- the government didn't have this power before, granting it the power to get this information will seriously compromise privacy (and, by way, will almost certainly eventually result in the jailing of innocent people, as the movements of a cell phone actually reliable enough to charge someone with a crime but will be used to extract false confessions, as well as being used by racist cops as reason enough to arrest Black people).
So my general inclination would be to say that the government needs to already have probable cause as to the who and the where to get the warrant. If the cops have already ID'd a suspect, have probable cause, and want to use a warrant to establish he or she was near the crime scene, fine. But to ID a suspect? This is a terrible idea, and one courts should resist.
Well, let's think this through. If there are security cameras near this bank, the police can look at the footage to identify every person or car that passed by the cameras around the time of the robbery. This will of course generate a list of mostly innocent people, but that list will probably also include the robber. Do you find this similarly constitutionally problematic?
A cool thing about modern technology is that if you could only use it freely, it would be easier than ever before to find probable cause. Maybe that points to a need for a new kind of warrant—a strictly limited, technology enabling, general warrant, called a Nieporent warrant. When a judge gives you a Neiporent warrant, you can only use it to search for probable cause.
If the cops have already ID'd a suspect, have probable cause, and want to use a warrant to establish he or she was near the crime scene, fine. But to ID a suspect? This is a terrible idea, and one courts should resist.
That puts very well the nub of my own objection.
Professor Kerr,
As this blog attracts ordinary readers, not just legal scholars and wonks, suggesting helping ordinary readers out by explaining what a geofencing warrant is at the very beginning of your post, perhaps in a parenthetical when the term is first introduced, rather than burying it quite into the article.
Note: although ReaderY surmises from the context that a geofencing warrant is a warrant to obtain cell phone location data collected by 3rd parties like Google, i.e. not from the user cell phone and not from cell phone companies, I don’t think exactly what it is ever clearly explained, anywhere in the article.
"As I understand the record in Chatrie, Google users need to opt-in to have Google services keep location records for their phone. Users who opt-in to location services can also later pause the creation of the records, or delete past records created, although they need to make a point of doing that."
I have always assumed that "delete my history" means "make my history invisible to myself". It is technically much easier to implement this way and Google's role as one of the world's largest intelligence agencies would be undermined if all your location records were deleted from all the database tables.
I believe you can't use Waze and maybe not even the Google Maps app without having full time tracking enabled. So I don't use it. I learned to drive before cell phones.
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