The Volokh Conspiracy
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Should Courts Stop Using "Substantive" Canons of Construction?
A proposal from Justice Kagan.
At oral argument a few weeks ago in Ysleta del Sur Pueblo v. Texas -- most famous for the amusing debate about "what is 'bingo'?" -- several Justices voiced a radical and intriguing proposal for statutory interpretation. The proposal is that we should get rid of some or all of the so-called "substantive" canons of interpretation (as opposed to the canons that operate largely as linguistic rules of thumb).
Here is Justice Kagan:
JUSTICE KAGAN: I'm about to take you outside the scope of this case, so I apologize beforehand. But Justice Alito raised what to me is an interesting question that I've been thinking about a good deal about what these substantive canons of interpretation are and when they exist and when they don't exist. They're all over the place, of course.
It's not just the Indian canon. Next week, we're going to be thinking about the supposed major questions canon. There are other canons. I mean, if you go through Justice Scalia's book, you'll find a wealth of canons of this kind, these sort of substantive canons.
Some of them help the government. Some of them hurt the government. Is there any way that the government has of coming in and saying, like, how do we reconcile our views of all these different kinds of canons? Maybe we should just toss them all
out, you know.MR. YANG: Well --
JUSTICE KAGAN: I mean, I think kind of we should, honestly. Like, what are we doing here?
Justice Kagan was picking up on this earlier question by Justice Alito:
JUSTICE ALITO: … You refer to the Indian canon. Those who favor the interpretation of statutes to mean what the words of the statute are generally understood to mean have some question about some of these substantive canons.
Now some of them, like the Rule of Lenity, have a long history. What do you think is the basis for this Indian canon?
And then Justice Gorsuch tried to defend the Indian canon:
JUSTICE GORSUCH: The government doesn't waive sovereign immunity lightly. That's one of our canons, right?
MR. YANG: That -- that's exactly right.
JUSTICE GORSUCH: And -- and isn't the Indian canon very similar in its function in saying that we don't lightly assume that Congress is allowed state authorities to regulate an independent sovereign?
And Justice Kavanaugh followed up as well:
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: Just to follow up on Justice Kagan's question because I think that's important, and Justice Alito's as well, on -- on the Indian canon, I just want to isolate what kind of canon it is, because it seems like our substantive canons fall into two buckets. One bucket are in ambiguity-dependent canons; if a statute's ambiguous, do this. Another bucket of canons are plain statement canons for mens rea, extraterritoriality --
MR. YANG: Right.
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: -- and the like. The former category, the ambiguity-dependent, like Auer deference, Rule of Lenity, and I want to confirm that you think the Indian canon is an ambiguity-dependent canon as it's been traditionally applied.
MR. YANG: I think that's generally true, but there's something else going on here too, which is the -- the principle that Bryan recognized. In the specific context when you're talking about the application of -- of state regulatory authority in -- on Indian lands, you know, you need to be more cautious. Now, admittedly, this is a federal statute that implied -- that applies federal law, but I think some of the caution that Bryan reflects, I think, should -- should guide the Court.
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: So that suggests you need more of a clear statement, and those usually -- those clear statement rules usually reflect some constitutional or quasi-constitutional value, due process, extraterritorial structure, the structure of the country. What would that reflect here, that principle you just described?
Justice Barrett later referred back to the government's answer here as the "sub-Indian canon canon." When she was Professor Barrett, by the way, she had perhaps the leading article criticizing substantive canons from a textualist point of view (Substantive Canons and Faithful Agency), a fact that I'm sure was not lost on Justice Kagan when she first made the point.
Now there's much to say about the "Indian canon" specifically and its origins, but the debate here is also of broader interest and relevance.
I share the view that one should be pretty careful and critical about the use of "substantive canons" in statutory interpretation. As Steve Sachs and I have argued elsewhere, such canons are valid if and only if they are established as law -- which we would say means they "were rules of law at the Founding or have validly become law since, pursuant to rules of legal change that were themselves valid in this way." Many substantive canons might be hard to pedigree this way.
But it seems to me that Justice Kagan's reaction goes too far. Some substantive canons really might be derived from longstanding principles of general law, or fair inferences from other legal rules. The ensuing debate about extraterritoriality, or maybe sovereign immunity, are good examples, as is the famous example of the rule of lenity.
Part or what seems to be going on today is that there are a lot of putative substantive canons that are not directly rules of positive law, but that are derived from other canons. For instance, we might start with the legally established canon against implied repeals. We might extend that to a presumption against the implied repeal of federal sovereign immunity. We might extend that to a presumption against the implied repeal of the immunity of other sovereigns. We might extend that to a general presumption in favor of preserving the sovereignty of Indian tribes. And so on.
Or we might start with the legally established rule of priority that the Constitution is supreme over a statute. We might derive from that the substantive canon of constitutional avoidance. We might derive from that, plus a certain view about legislative and executive power, the "major questions" canon. We might derive from that a variation that's closer to a "major rules" canon. And so on.
The problem is that "and so on" can take us pretty far away from the first principles where we started, and there are a lot of unsupervised degrees of freedom in how one extrapolates from one substantive principle to another. If the Justices are concerned about this, I can think of several possible solutions:
- One would be to permit legally-grounded substantive canons but to ban extrapolations.
- Another would be to be more disciplined about extrapolations, something that would probably require a more disciplined approach to common-law reasoning generally.
- A third is just to go Justice Kagan's way, and "toss them all out."
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Is a canon a rule and really unauthorized law making by the judiciary?
Isn't it just a veneer that judges slap on their value judgments, judgments that they're entitled to make (and should be making) in a common law system anyway? Not to sound Posnerian, but there's no need to hide behind some incantation when you can justify the result based on practical consequences. So sure, do away with canons--not much would change, I think, except maybe judges being more honest.
" For instance, we might start with the legally established canon against REPLIED repeals." Did you mean implied repeals?
Yes, fixed, thanks.
The liberals seem to have a real problem with the "major questions" doctrine, which, as I understand it, in a nutshell, provides that the Court will allow an agency to do something under a vague, general catch-all grant of power in a statute, unless it is something "major", in which case, the Congressional authorization must be relatively specific.
If only the conservatives would apply this to the Constitution, rather than continue the long accession of reading the power to "regulate commerce,,,among the several states" as a general catch-all power that is virtually unlimited.
One problem with the, "major questions," doctrine is that major-question/minor-question seems pretty mutable according to ideological priors.
The major question doctrine is a way of managing delegation, it's only required because the courts aren't taking non-delegation seriously.
Like many of these doctrines, it's a way of managing departures from strict rule of law.
After reading Julian Mortenson and Nicholas Bagley (Delegation at the Founding - Columbia Law Review), I'm not sure that courts should take non-delegation seriously.
The authors provide some pretty compelling evidence for a substantial history of delegation and--perhaps more significantly--they also make a pretty strong argument that the recent rise of the non-delegation doctrine is founded on some incredibly threadbare and shoddy legal history.
I'm curious what was being delegated, though, since this was prior to anything like our current regulatory state.
https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3202&context=articles
the Constitution at the Founding contained no discernable, legalized prohibition on delegations of legislative power, at least so long as the exercise of that power remained subject to congressional oversight and control
the First Congress delegated the entirety of its police power over federal lands to federal officers and judges....Whenever early Congresses created new territories, they routinely
empowered governors, judges, and territorial legislatures to pass “Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory,”
. In its very first patent law, Congress gave the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War, and the Attorney General (“or any two of them”) the power to grant patents to new inventions
The President’s regulations thus specified who could trade what and where, including within the borders of the United States. These were rules that Congress chose not to fashion itself—indeed, it declined even to hint at what their content ought to be. Yet there is no evidence in the historical record that anyone at any point raised anything resembling a nondelegation objection to the arrangement.
[The first] Congress authorized the President to identify any of his soldiers who were “wounded or disabled while in the line of his duty in public service,” and put them on “the list of the invalids of the United States, at such rate of pay, and under such regulations as shall be directed by the President of the United States, for
the time being."
Congress empowered the President to borrow up to $12
million to pay off the foreign debt, with the choice of prioritization among lenders left entirely up to him
Important message for all readers: EUGENE VOLOKH NEEDS TO DISCLOSE HIS SOURCES OF FUNDING. HE MAY BE TAKING BRIBES DIRECTLY FROM BIG TECH AND SILICON VALLEY. HIS FREE SPEECH ABSOLUTISM VIEWS ENDANGER AMERICAN SOCIETY BY LETTING CYBERHARASSERS AND CYBERSTALKERS OFF THE HOOK AND LEAVING VICTIMS WITH NO RECOURSE FOR ONLINE ABUSE AND CRIMES. HIS VIEWS AND LEGAL CONCLUSIONS MAY BE TAINTED WITH BIAS BECAUSE HE MAY BE TAKING FUNDING AND BRIBES FROM BIG TECH OR BIG TECH LOBBY GROUPS.
Eugene Volokh, you need to disclose your sources of funding. Right now, you have authored several papers under the funding of Google, that portray Google in a positive light, "concluding" that Google should enjoy First Amendment protections and have no regulation.
See this paper here: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2055364
It clear states the paper was "commissioned by Google". This means you likely made money from Google for writing this paper. This taints your impartiality - of course you will conclude that Google should be free of regulation, if Google is paying you.
You also vehemently support online harassment, oppose any regulation against regulating cyberharassment, doxing, and harassment. You NEED to DISCLOSE YOUR SOURCES OF FUNDING. I suspect you may be funded directly by Google and the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), both of which oppose any regulation of the internet that would protect victims of online stalking, harassment, and abuse. Otherwise you may be bribed by Big Tech to purposely put out legal "analysis" that favors lack of regulation, and which harms victims of online harassment because they cannot get legal protection.
Please disclose your sources of funding ASAP for the world to take you seriously.
Important message for all Reason readers:
EUGENE VOLOKH NEEDS TO DISCLOSE HIS SOURCES OF FUNDING. HE MAY BE TAKING BRIBES DIRECTLY FROM BIG TECH AND IS NOT WORKING IMPARTIALLY AND FAIRLY WHEN EVALUATING ISSUES CONCERNING INTERNET AND ONLINE HARASSMENT.
Eugene Volokh, you need to disclose your sources of funding. Right now, you have authored several papers under the funding of Google, that portray Google in a positive light, "concluding" that Google should enjoy First Amendment protections and have no regulation.
See this paper here: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2055364
It clear states the paper was "commissioned by Google". Eugene, this means you likely made money from Google for writing this paper. This taints your impartiality - of course you will conclude that Google should be free of regulation, if Google is paying you.
Your legal conclusions about cyberstalking and online harassment and Free Speech should be cast into question because you are likely taking bribes from Google, the EFF, and other organizations to purposefully (and dangerously) paint Section 230 as a "good" thing when in reality it hurts cyberstalking victims.
You also vehemently support online harassment, oppose any regulation against regulating cyber-harassment, doxing, and harassment. You NEED to DISCLOSE YOUR SOURCES OF FUNDING. I suspect you may be funded directly by Google and the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), both of which oppose any regulation of the internet that would protect victims of online stalking, harassment, and abuse. Otherwise you may be bribed by Big Tech to purposely put out legal "analysis" that favours lack of regulation, and which harms victims of online harassment because they cannot get legal protection.
Please disclose your sources of funding ASAP for the world to take you seriously.
" And -- and isn't the Indian canon very similar in its function in saying that we don't lightly assume that Congress is allowed state authorities to regulate an independent sovereign?"
This strikes me as a pretty strange canon. If a sovereign actually is independent, how do Congress and/or the states get the authority to regulate it at all? It's a different country, our law doesn't reach there!
The only reason this canon is even needed is that we made treaties agreeing to treat the Indian tribes as sovereign nations, and then immediately started violating them. The canon has to do with the degree of violation of a treaty.
It's strange to have a canon that acknowledges that treaties can legally be violated...
Since the US Federal government doesn't have the authority to make treaties with it's own citizens, the 1924 Indian Citizen Act should have inherently voided all the treaties with the various tribes.
The federal government doesn't make treaties with the citizens of foreign governments, either. It makes treaties with the governments themselves. Did the 1924 Indian Citizen Act cause the tribal governments to cease to exist?
That's an interesting argument. The naturalization power isn't explicitly limited to people who actually reside in the US, so I suppose we could similarly void any treaty by simply granting citizenship to everybody in the country we had the treaty with.
But, no, I don't think that works, because being granted citizenship in the US by statute doesn't deprive you of your prior citizenship, we can't reach into other countries and cancel their citizens' citizenship.
So the most the 1924 act could do was give Indians dual citizenship, they retained their tribal citizen status.
Then-Professor Barrett's article on canons was thorough and interesting, but it assumes, without trying to show, that any of this discussion of the canons matters. The canonical cite is to Karl Llewellyn's article of nearly 80 years ago.
I have never seen anything that convinces me that the canons are anything more than common-sense makeweights that don't actually drive decisions and no more need to be "authorized" somehow than common sense itself does.
We have the concept of "stare decisis" as a centerpiece of judicial review: Courts should follow the rules that they have established. That's IMPORTANT! Litigants shouldn't have to start from zero in every case. Yes, a litigant has a right to ask the Court to reconsider a precedent, or at least reconsider its applicablity to the current case. Calling something a "canon" shouldn't change that. If calling it a "canon" DOES change the way the Court treats it, then the Court is getting lazy and needs to get back to doing its work.