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Who Decides, Redux?
In NFIB v. OSHA, the majority, concurrence, and dissent disagree on who decides about COVID mandates.
During oral arguments in NFIB v. OSHA, several Justices seemed to have Judge Sutton's new book on their minds. Justice Kagan asked, "who decides?" Justice Breyer asked, "Should it be that we decide?" Justice Kavanaugh "follow[ed] up on Justice Kagan's who decides question." Justice Gorsuch "return[ed] to the question of who decides." Who should decide the COVID mandate cases?
Justice Gorsuch's concurrence in NFIB v. OSHA poses this question in the very first sentence:
The central question we face today is: Who decides?
Gorsuch says OSHA does not get to decide. That decision belongs to the states, or perhaps Congress--but really the states.
The only question is whether an administrative agency in Washington, one charged with overseeing workplace safety, may mandate the vaccination or regular testing of 84 million people. Or whether, as 27 States before us submit, that work belongs to state and local governments across the country and the people's elected representatives in Congress.
But in a way, the Court must decide--decide that OSHA lacks the power to impose this regulation.
This Court is not a public health authority. But it is charged with resolving disputes about which authorities possess the power to make the laws that govern us under the Constitution and the laws of the land.
The joint dissent by Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan returns to the "who decides" theme:
Underlying everything else in this dispute is a single, simple question: Who decides how much protection, and of what kind, American workers need from COVID–19? An agency with expertise in workplace health and safety, acting as Congress and the President authorized? Or a court, lacking any knowledge of how to safeguard workplaces, and insulated from responsibility for any damage it causes?
And, in a passage that was almost certainly written by Justice Kagan, the dissent stresses that the agency, and not the Court is accountable:
The Standard also has the virtue of political accountability, for OSHA is responsible to the President, and the President is responsible to—and can be held to account by—the American public.And then, there is this Court. Its Members are elected by, and accountable to, no one. And we "lack[] the background, competence, and expertise to assess" workplace health and safety issues. South Bay United Pentecostal Church, 590 U. S., at ___ (opinion of ROBERTS, C. J.) (slip op., at 2). . . . Without legal basis, the Court usurps a decision that rightfully belongs to others. It undercuts the capacity of the responsible federal officials, acting well within the scope of their authority, to protect American workers from grave danger.
The dissent closes with one of the most effective pieces of judicial rhetoric I have seen in some time:
When we are wise, we know enough to defer on matters like this one. When we are wise, we know not to displace the judgments of experts, acting within the sphere Congress marked out and under Presidential control, to deal with emergency conditions. Today, we are not wise.
Well done. Out of curiosity, I Googled "When we are wise," and the best I could find was a tweet by John C. Maxwell, a pastor and author.
When we are foolish, we want to conquer the world. When we are wise, we want to conquer ourselves.
— Maxwell Leadership (@Maxwell_Leaders) September 18, 2017
I suspect this theme of "Who Decides?" will recur throughout the term. Maybe even in Dobbs. This line may come back to bite Justice Kagan very soon: "When we are wise, we know enough to defer on matters like this one. "
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Why should anyone decide? The Non-Aggression Principle is clear. You can't leave a time bomb, or a land mine, or a dangerous pathogen, into a public place.
How would such principle be applied if no one decided to apply it? The principle isn't the default state of nature. If someone (or many people) were indifferent to discharging dangerous pathogens into a public place (or thought that it was their right to do so due to some other interpretation of "freedom"), and someone else wanted to stop them from doing so, they'd have to decide to do so; whatever principle (or lack thereof) was given as justification.
Clearly, everyone must be vaccinated against every human-to-human transmissible disease under that argument. Or else lock them in their houses. The non-aggression principle is clear, after all.
Unless you're a homosexual with AIDS in CA.
Because then it's about privacy and dignity.
Is there a vaccine for AIDS?
And people definitely go to jail for having unprotected sex when they're HIV positive and don't tell anyone.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criminal_transmission_of_HIV
Not in California.
There is a vaccine for AIDs, it's called a 'condom' or 'abstinence'.
I know conservatives love to bring up HIV, but it's worth noting that we actually did impose all sorts of discriminatory policies when we didn't have effective treatments for it. You couldn't donate blood if you were a man who had engaged in sexual relations with another man in X number of years. HIV positive foreign nationals were barred from attaining residency in the US. Etc. Gay bathhouses were closed in many metropolitan areas.
I think experience shows that what actually happened is that these things went on for far too long after we had better data. But still, they happened. This idea that we treated gay people with HIV with kid gloves and were hemmed in by political correctness is false.
What if you aren't carrying "a dangerous pathogen", but are merely at risk for potentially acquiring it?
This failure to distinguish between people who are actively infected and symptomatic vs people that are merely unvaccinated is truly disturbing.
It's like advocating for all young men to be imprisoned because they are higher risk for committing violent crimes against others.
"Thou shouldst not have been old till thou hadst been wise." Fool, King Lear I.v.
The notion that on questions of national contagion the states should each make its own policy will work as well as a notion that each state should manage migratory birds on its own. The majority made a decision to flatter ideology at the expense of reality.
The majority said that, as it currently stands, OSHA doesn’t have that authority. They didn’t say that Congress couldn’t give them that authority. However, cities and states currently do have it. They also didn’t say that a national vaccine mandate was a bad policy, even though many people would say that it isn’t. However, one can agree that something is a good policy while also believing that the government doesn’t have the power to enact such policy.
Gwarrior, I read Gorsuch's opinion to imply a willingness to at least consider ruling national public health policy out of bounds, in favor of state-by-state solutions.
As Blackman summarizes: "Gorsuch says OSHA does not get to decide. That decision belongs to the states, or perhaps Congress--but really the states."
Maybe that's just Blackman. Whoever it is, it is stupid, and fly-in-the-face-of-the-facts ideological.
True lovers of federalism believe that regional government is the only valid form of government (not involving national defense). To say there is some policy for which local control won't work should be heresy.
But there are no true lovers of federalism. Every one who claims to be one will in some cases want a state to overrule a county or federal government to overrule a state. What distinguishes the application (or non-application) of federalism is typical partisan stuff.
We are not in an emergency . We are in a power grab that says as long as I say "emergency" your civil rights don't apply. I mean it was just a little constitution suspension, 14 days to flatten the curve, Except golly gee whiz it was abused and will be extended indefinitely because it confers special powers.
Those powers written in invisible ink that liberal judges can see,
And you'd be against any mandate if the opposite party was issuing it so your opinion is pure hack.
Can you explain which provision of the constitution you think was suspended?
The idea that a bunch of Ivy indoctrinated, know nothing, nerdy, bookworms should decide such a technical question is ridiculous.
They did not decide a technical (did you mean to say medical?) question. They decided a legal question, which is, did the statute, as written, confer the asserted authority to act? For the reasons explained in the opinion (no medical knowledge needed) the Court said it did not.
But the question before the court isn't who gets to decide the policy question, it's who is authorized as a matter of law to decide it.
It you set out on the wrong path, you're going in the wrong direction from the very first step.
Ah yes! But then the question is, how do we decide whether the law has "authorized" the policy. As Breyer points out in his dissent, "The Court does not dispute that the statutory terms just discussed, read in the ordinary way, authorize this Standard." He continues, "Instead, the majority claims that the Act does not 'plainly authorize' the Standard "
Where do textualists find this new distinction between "authorized" actions under legislative texts and "plainly authorized" ones? No authority cited in either the majority or the concurring opinion supports it.
When we are wise, a wise Latina with the richness of her experiences does not echo overblown and self-serving rhetoric. Yesterday, they were not wise.
The assumption is that the career lifers at OSHA are actually experts, and that we should serve them.
The Federal Government pay scales incentivize stupid people to go work for the government, not smart people.
I take it you're describing your colleagues?
I am educated and willing to take the risks of living life as an adult, therefore I am not part of the Federal Class.
If you say so.
We all know George W. Bush is The Decider. Why the court just didn't come out and say it is beyond me....
" When we are wise, we know not to displace the judgments of experts, acting within the sphere Congress marked out and under Presidential control, to deal with emergency conditions. "
Except here the "experts" are not acting within the sphere Congress marked out.
Here the problem (a contagious disease) is not something specific to the workplace.
Now that by itself is not necessarily dispositive.
However, the solution is also not something specific to the workplace.
I could see the argument that OSHA acting on a risk that is broader to the workplace with a proposed safety measure that is confined to the workplace is acting within the sphere that Congress marked out for OSHA.
However if neither the problem nor the solution are confined to the workplace, then OSHA is outside the sphere that Congress marked out for it.
The problem with your argument is that, as Justice Breyer says in his dissent, "The Court does not dispute that the statutory terms, read in the ordinary way, authorize this Standard." Rather, the majority set aside the rule because, it concluded, the OSHA act does not "plainly authorize" the rule.
What, to a textualist, is the difference between "authorize" and "plainly authorize?" The majority cites no authority for this distinction, and one is left with the suspicion that it was invented to reach the conclusion that the majority sought.
Justice Kagan is so obviously correct here, it really highlights the outcome-driven nonsense being pushed by the legal conservatives. Just incredible bad faith reasoning.