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Originalism and Textualism in the Lower Courts: Judge Ho's Concurrence in Homeland Insurance Co.
"When faced with a conflict between text and precedent, we should maximize the former—and minimize the latter."
Last week, the Fifth Circuit decided Williams v. Homeland Ins. Co. of New York. The case involved a fairly complicated, and long-running dispute against the insurance company. Here, a divided panel found that the district court lacked diversity jurisdiction.
Judge Ho wrote a concurrence. In this case, he identified "a conflict between text and precedent." In such a clash, Ho wrote, courts "should maximize the former—and minimize the latter." Ho then explained how lower court judges should balance textualism and stare decisis. In short, circuit judges should not support the extension of precedents unless the text supports that extension. This principle applies equally to questions about the original meaning of the Constitution. Other judges should include this string cite when developing lower-court originalism:
"[J]udges swear an oath to uphold the Constitution, consistent of course with a judicial system based on precedent. That should mean that we decide every case faithful to the text and original understanding of the Constitution, to the maximum extent permitted by a faithful reading of binding precedent." Texas v. Rettig, 993 F.3d 408, 409 (5th Cir. 2021) (Ho, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc). "So if we are forced to choose between upholding the Constitution and extending precedent in direct conflict with the Constitution, the choice should be clear: 'Our duty is to apply the Constitution—not extend precedent.'" Id. at 417 (quoting NLRB v. Int'l Ass'n of Bridge, Structural, Ornamental, & Reinforcing Iron Workers, Local 229, AFL-CIO, 974 F.3d 1106, 1116 (9th Cir. 2020) (Bumatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc)) (cleaned up). [FN1]
[FN1] See also, e.g., Williams v. Taylor-Seidenbach, Inc., 958 F.3d 341, 350 (5th Cir. 2020) (en banc) (Ho, J., concurring) (judges should follow legal texts "to the maximum extent that Supreme Court precedent permits") (citing Alvarez v. City of Brownsville, 904 F.3d 382, 401 (5th Cir. 2018) (en banc) (Ho, J., concurring)); Preterm-Cleveland v. McCloud, 994 F.3d 512, 543 (6th Cir. 2021) (en banc) (Bush, J., concurring) (same); Edmo v. Corizon, Inc., 949 F.3d 489, 506 (9th Cir. 2020) (Bumatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc) (same); United States v. Johnson, 921 F.3d 991, 1010 (11th Cir. 2019) (en banc) (Jordan, J., dissenting) (when it comes to precedent with a "shaky originalist foundation . . . there is always the option of declining to broaden it—of refusing to extend it one inch beyond its previous contours"); People v. Mathews, 943 N.W.2d 636, 645 (Mich. 2020) (Viviano, J., dissenting) (judges should not extend precedent "unless the extension is required by the Constitution's original meaning"); see generally Josh Blackman, Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts, 13 NYU J.L. & LIBERTY 44, 51 (2019) ("[A] judge should only extend a Supreme Court precedent if the original meaning of the Constitution can support that extension.").
I've written about several of these cases, including Taylor-Seidenbach (Ho), Rettig (Ho), Iron Workers (Bumatay), Edmo (Bumatay), and Preterm-Cleveland (Bush). Also, I appreciate the citation of my article, Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts.
Let me make a broader observation: the judges in this string cite should populate any future list of Supreme Court nominees. If we are committed to placing originalists on the bench, we should place committed originalists on the bench.
In this case, the circuit's precedents were inconsistent with the text of the statute. Bound by circuit precedent, Judge Ho explained that judges should simply limit those non-textualist opinions, and decline to extend them further.
As a panel, we are of course bound to follow our circuit precedent. And that requires reading precedent faithfully. "Lower court judges don't have license to adopt a cramped reading of a case in order to functionally overrule it." Int'l Ass'n, 974 F.3d at 1116 (Bumatay, J., dissenting from denialof rehearing en banc) (quotations omitted). See also Blackman, 13 NYU J.L. & LIBERTY at 51 ("Of course, judges can always draw razor-thin distinctions and contend that a particular issue is not governed by a non-originalist precedent. But judges should resist this temptation.").
Here, there is no reason to extend the precedent further:
But our precedent has applied the improper joinder doctrine only in cases where a defendant was improperly joined as a matter of substantive law. See Flagg, 819 F.3d at 136 ("the test for improper joinder 'is whether the defendant has demonstrated that there is no possibility of recovery by the plaintiff against an in-state defendant'") (quoting Smallwood, 385 F.3d at 573). None of our precedents involved a defendant who was improperly joined as a matter of procedure, as is the case here.
I see no reason why we should be compelled to extend our erroneous precedents to fit this case. This is not a case, after all, in which logic demands that we extend an atextual body of precedent in order to preserve rationality or consistency in the law. Cf. Leocal v. Ashcroft, 543 U.S. 1, 11 n.8 (2004) (courts must interpret statutes "consistently"); Clark v. Martinez, 543 U.S. 371, 380 (2005) (same).
On these narrow grounds, Judge Ho concurs:
We should decide every case by adhering to the governing legal text to the maximum extent permitted by a faithful reading of binding precedent. That is what the majority does today. I accordingly concur.
Judge Jones dissented:
The majority holds that the district court lacked jurisdiction because a non-diverse defendant remained from the original lawsuit. According to the majority, the sky will fall on removal jurisdiction unless this case against Homeland proceeds only in Louisiana state court. The majority's arguments, in my view, prove too much. I would affirm the district court's jurisdiction.
Of course, the Fifth Circuit could take this issue en banc to correct a flawed precedent. Judge Ho's concurrence makes that outcome more likely. And ultimately, these originalist/textualist concurrences flag for the Supreme Court where precedent has deviated from text. I am increasingly grateful for the trickle-up effect from lower-court originalists.
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Who is this "we," pal?
For Judge Ho, "we" means American judges, or at least those sitting on the Fifth Circuit.
For Blackman, the relevant "we" are who he wrote: people who "are committed to placing originalists on the bench".
So which Original meaning are we talking about this time?
Original Intent
Original Meaning
Original Public Meaning
Semantic Originalism
Framework Originalism
Textualism
Structuralism
aped, it's a good list, but you left out the most-practiced type, instrumental originalism.
Added!
Plus I found this: https://reason.com/volokh/2018/05/23/intrinsic-vs-instrumentalist-justificati/
The fact that something called "originalism" can be split into 7 ersatz categories only proves that the problem is on the legal profession. In other words, Blackman is right again.
Originalism can answer that question!
We just need to figure out what the public meaning is for the term "original meaning."
Fun thought experiment - the principles of textualism can be applied to Constitutional text, statutory text, AND also contractual text. Considering that the bulk of contract law in the common law is just reasons to ignore the text of contracts...
Can we start eliminating all these exceptions to contracts through application of textualism?
That would be nice. I've got a universal life policy that was issued with a 9% guaranteed rate of return, and when inflation dropped, the company got a judge to reduce that to 3%.
If I could get it kicked back up to 9%, and be made whole for the lost interest over the last 30 years, I could retire to that tropical beach.
Until Blackman gets himself a PhD in academic history from a top-tier university, his discussions of, "originalism," will likely remain the uncomprehending, heedless, and buffoonish caricatures with which he has been degrading even the lowish standards for that kind of discussion here at the VC.
Where is your PhD in history from?
Forget Blackman, what about judges? Federal judges have three year degrees in reading excerpts of the works of other judges, often with undergrad degrees in something besides history. Then they claim that they can make definitive historical claims about one of the most historically contested things: constitutional text. Moreover, they claim to be able to do this over the course of roughly a year with the help of briefs from non-historians trying to reach a particular result and 4 non-historian law clerks, in a few pages. This is on top of all their other commitments.
There is a reason it takes so long to craft a dissertation, academic book or academic historical article about a topic which is typically particularly narrow: it takes a lot of work to produce quality scholarship and no matter how quality it is, it likely isn't even definitive.
But originalist judges don't do any of this. Nor should we want them to because that would take way too long and they wouldn't be good at it anyway.
Basically, I just want them to cut the pretense about definitiveness and legitimacy surrounding originalism and admit that their at best B+ college sophomore level essay on the Founding era isn't going to decide an issue for all time.
I still don't know WTF the anti-originalists are crying about. What did the founding fathers mean by what they wrote at the time? If it's not clear, then amend the constitution.
Lawyers. I'm starting to sound like Behar...
"I still don't know WTF the anti-originalists are crying about. What did the founding fathers mean by what they wrote at the time? If it's not clear, then amend the constitution."
Um....this is a really hard question that caused great debate around the time of the founding itself. Constitutional meaning was heavily debated from the inception of the Constitution. It's practically never been clear. And the problem with originalists is that they think they can 1) provide definitive answers 2) their answers are the only legitimate ones. Both of those claims are nonsense.
Take non-delegation: originalists will try and tell you that the Constitution requires a very strict non-delegation principle and that the administrative state is basically unconstitutional. But as Bagley and Mortensen have shown, lots of historical evidence from around the founding suggests that just simply wasn't true at all. But the originalists are going to claim that THEIR review of the founding era (depending on the sources they pick) indicates definitively that there is a strong non-delegation doctrine, and not only that any suggestion to the contrary is illegitimate.
Basically the anti-originalists are crying about originalists using bad history to make definitive claims that aren't necessarily supportable while accusing everyone else of engaging in illegitimate forms of interpretation.
Sounds like the Federalists and Anti-Federalists all over again. 🙂
Originalism . . . still less attractive than Kim Kardashian, less important than Kim Kardashian, less persuasive than Kim Kardashian, less coherent than Kim Kardashian, likely to have a celebrity lifespan roughly similar to that of Kim Kardashian, less influential than Kim Kardashian, less interesting than Kim Kardashian . . . but perhaps (depending upon how one views the origin story) a few months older than Kim Kardashian!
The Rev is fixated on the size of Kardashian's butt?
So am I, but for a different reason ...
What do coherence, persuasiveness, importance, influence, and celebrity lifespan have to do with Kim Kardashian's butt?
I am mocking the disingenuous clingers who claim to be originalists rather than result-driven warriors for backwardness, superstition, and intolerance. And their inflated claims concerning the importance of their newfound theory in a modern, improving, progressive America.
(Nasim Pedrad is very good at depicting vainglorious, content-deprived subjects, so she is a natural for any discussion of originalism.)
Virtue signaling.
You want virtue signaling to be a resume enhancement.
Because until you get into a room with Baude to get a single view of what originalism entails, this is just rhetoric.
"[J]udges swear an oath to uphold the Constitution, consistent of course with a judicial system based on precedent."
No. They swear an oath to uphold the Constitution. Period.
Do you think the oath is inconsistent with such a system?
And isn't "based on precedent" strongly implied by adoption of a common law system?
I believe a common law system like our's only permits precedent insofar as it doesn't contradict written law. Common law is a kind of default, it fills in the gaps in statutory law, but can never override it.
My point was that they don't take an oath to that system. They don't take an oath to precedent. Their oath to the Constitution does not come with qualifiers. My problem with this quotation is that he gets it backwards. They don't uphold the Constitution so long as it is consistent with precedent. They may uphold precedent so long as it is consistent with the Constitution. It would not have been problematic had he said, "we have a judicial system based on precedent, consistent, of course, with our oath to uphold the Constitution." Their oath to the Constitution comes before any kind of deference to precedent.
Consider Baker v. Nelson, Bowers v. Hardwick, Pace v. Alabama, Dred Scott, and Plessy (just to name a few of the most notable). Courts can get it wrong, and forcing future courts to defer to precedent makes it much harder to correct it when they do. Yes all of those decisions were EVENTUALLY overturned (though some of them required a constitutional amendment to do so). But how many other decisions were based upon deferring to them in the decades in between? And how many bad decisions currently stand because of this deference to precedent? And now they're saying that the court can't overturn a precedent just because it's wrong, there have to be new circumstances. That would mean the precedent actually trumps the Constitution unless there is some new circumstance to allow the court to overturn it. Precedent cases can inform the arguments a party uses, they can stand to discourage others from bringing a case because the precedent implies which direction the court is likely to vote, they may even be used by the court to choose what new cases to hear (feeling that an issue is settled in a precedent case and the court would uphold that precedent, might make the court choose not to hear a case). But they should not be binding. The Constitution is the ultimate authority over the court, and all other considerations must defer to that.
I understand that one argument against Roe is that the right to an abortion is not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution. But, is there anything in the Constitution that makes Roe unconstitutional?
Nothing in the costitution makes Abortion unconstitutional or constitutional per se -
What makes abortion legal is the democratic process as provided by the constitutional. Same as the democratic process allows for statutes setting the speed limit on highways at xxmph or on residential streets at 30mph.
The problem with Roe and ogerfell is that they circumvented the democratic process.
caveat - I am pro life (lukewarm), pro gay marriage statutes, while recognizing that Roe and Ogerfell are both horrifically bad constitutional decisions .
What about when the democratic process isn't actually available and the Court declines to make it available?
LawTalkingGuy
December.6.2021 at 2:30 pm
Flag Comment Mute User
What about when the democratic process isn't actually available and the Court declines to make it available?"
What!
Partisan gerrymandering. Take Wisconsin for example, there is effectively no democratic process for one party to obtain legislative results despite a majority preference for that party because the other party has successfully 1) given itself a super majority of seats that can be maintained with as little as 45% of the popular vote, 2) it has been completely insulated from federal court review.* The same could be said of Maryland too.
*this also needs to be seen in the context of the federal courts giving that gerrymandered legislature wide latitude in setting the rules for voting (i.e. letting the already gerrymandered legislature use whatever tools it has available to continue in power) and the fact that it almost declared popular voter initiatives to have independent redistricting schemes unconstitutional.
You know, the Democrats in Wisconsin might have refrained from stupidly trying to get the Court to adopt a definition of "gerrymandering" that would immunize any they did themselves. I think they brought the Court throwing up its hands on themselves, by doing that.
That said, gerrymandering is in fact very limited in its ability to over-ride democratic votes; It's completely dependent on people in different locations, and fairly close to each other, having different voting patterns.
IOW, you want to get rid of gerrymandering in Wisconsin? Don't try to do it just on the basis of urban center votes, try persuading somebody who isn't already a Democrat...
"You know, the Democrats in Wisconsin might have refrained from stupidly trying to get the Court to adopt a definition of "gerrymandering" that would immunize any they did themselves."
You know that there was a companion case about Maryland, right? This is more classic "I operate in bad faith so other people must too" from you.
"That said, gerrymandering is in fact very limited in its ability to over-ride democratic votes; It's completely dependent on people in different locations, and fairly close to each other, having different voting patterns."
So you don't understand how gerrymandering works. Once again: one party in Wisconsin has a SUPER-majority with much less than popular support statewide. They have done it so effectively that Democratic candidates would need 60% of the vote statewide to get a bare majority in the Assembly. This assembly can stop pretty much any legislative change in Wisconsin and neuter the statewide offices that are held by Democrats. They're now trying to go even further and make sure future elections are under their exclusive control. Popular rule in Wisconsin is getting close to being effectively over.
"IOW, you want to get rid of gerrymandering in Wisconsin? Don't try to do it just on the basis of urban center votes, try persuading somebody who isn't already a Democrat."
So even though there are in fact more Democrats, Democrats have to persuade other people to become Democrats just because they happen to live in urban areas. How is that not basically saying urban voters count less than Republican voters in rural areas? (I mean the Republican leadership in Wisconsin have basically said this exact thing by claiming their supermajority is legitimate if you don't count Madison and Milwaukee).
So I'll put it to you squarely: should your vote count less depending on where you live? If so what is your justification for that?
You know the other day you said Democrats always believe their policy positions are the default. But here you are insisting they persuade more people even though there are already more of them in the State. How is that not a belief that you assume Republican views are the default?
In fact, I understand quite well how gerrymandering works, well enough to understand the flaws in the metrics of 'gerrymandering' Democratic voting rights activists tend to push.
If you did, you wouldn't have posted what you did. Much like your "understanding" of various subjects you claim expertise on, you are actually way out of your element.
"When faced with a conflict between text and precedent, we should maximize the former—and minimize the latter."
A person who actually believes this has no business being an inferior appellate court judge in a common law system. And it is a failure of the legal education system that any accomplished lawyer could believe this.
Explain why.
Well, we might start, first of all, by searching for a text or precedent that supports Ho's asserted principle. Absent some basis in, you know, the law, the "maximize textualism, minimize precedent" rule is really nothing other than lawless nonsense.
And if we were exclusively a common law system, you might have a point.
So, if a judge employs a textualist methodology in a case and reaches a conclusion at odds with relevant precedent, they should apply their approach rather than the logic of the precedent. The judge then writes an opinion, laying out the rationale that decides the case. The opinion then becomes precedent.
But what if a later judge applies textualism and reaches a conclusion at odds with this new precedent? The very precedent in question provides the rationale needed for a later judge to ignore it, as a textualist conclusion supercedes the precedent.
What a short-sighted and hubristic approach to judging. Judge Ho might as well be the law himself (which is even more apparent given his self-referential citations).
Judge Ho's concurrence includes citations to the following:
- Ho, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc
- Bummatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc
- Ho, J., concurring
- Ho., J., concurring
- Bush, J., concurring
- Bumatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc
- Jordan, J., dissenting
- Viviano, J., dissenting
- Josh Blackman, law review article
- Thomas, J., concurring
- Alito, J., concurring in denial of certiorari
- Ho, J., concurring
- Bumatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc
And now he has a new concurrence that he can cite in his next concurrence or dissent!
It's a citation practice that only Josh could love.