The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh Cut The Fuse On The Shadow Docket (Updated)
Justice Barrett rewrites the standard for granting emergency relief.
John Does 1-3 v. Mills presented a challenge to Maine's vaccine mandate for healthcare workers, which did not permit religious exemptions. This policy would go into effect on October 29, 2021. The parties sought an emergency writ of injunction pending the disposition of the cert petition. In the absence of any relief, employees who refused to be vaccinated would lose their jobs. But on the evening of Friday, October 29, the Supreme Court declined to intervene. Justices Gorsuch, joined by Justices Thomas and Alito would have granted the injunction. I will write about that dissent in another post. Here, I will address a one-paragraph concurrence from Justice Barrett, which was joined by Justice Kavanaugh.
Justice Barrett wrote:
When this Court is asked to grant extraordinary relief, it considers, among other things, whether the applicant "'is likely to succeed on the merits.'" Nken v. Holder, 556 U. S. 418, 434 (2009). I understand this factor to encompass not only an assessment of the underlying merits but also a discretionary judgment about whether the Court should grant review in the case. See, e.g., Hollingsworth v. Perry, 558 U.S. 183, 190 (2010) (per curiam); cf. Supreme Court Rule10. Were the standard otherwise, applicants could use the emergency docket to force the Court to give a merits preview in cases that it would be unlikely to take—and to do so on a short fuse without benefit of full briefing and oral argument. In my view, this discretionary consideration counsels against a grant of extraordinary relief in this case, which is the first to address the questions presented.
This brief passage makes five primary arguments.
First, Justice Barrett only considers one of the four Nken factors: likelihood of success on the merits. She does not address, at all, "whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay" or whether "issuance of the stay will substantially injure the" government's interest. Justice Gorsuch's dissent directly addresses these other factors. Irreparable harm was easy to satisfy, Gorsuch found, because the workers faced imminent termination. And Maine "failed to present any evidence that granting religious exemptions to the applicants would threaten its stated public health interests any more than its medical exemption already does." Indeed, the Becket brief explained that "Forty-seven other states either do not have vaccine mandates on private healthcare facilities, allow testing as an alternative, or allow for religious exemptions." Why is Maine an "outlier"? Justice Gorsuch concluded, "This case presents an important constitutional question, a serious error, and an irreparable injury." He was right.
Second, Justice Barrett adds a new gloss to the first Nken factor. The Court should not simply "assess[] . . . the underlying merits." Even if a Justice thinks the applicants are likely to succeed on the merits, there is yet another threshold inquiry: "a discretionary judgment about whether the Court should grant review in the case." Here, Justice Barrett cites two authorities. Hollingsworth v. Perry (2010), which granted a stay of the broadcast of the Prop 8 trial; and Supreme Court Rule 10, which governs the standard for certiorari. In short, a Justice should only grant emergency relief in a case that is cert-worthy.
Third, Barrett explains why she added this gloss to the first Nken factor: "Were the standard otherwise, applicants could use the emergency docket to force the Court to give a merits preview in cases that it would be unlikely to take." In other words, the Court would grant emergency relief in a case that would not otherwise meet the criteria for certiorari. And the applicants should not get a free preview of how the Justices would rule in an un-cert-worthy case.
Fourth, Barrett offers another reason to avoid granting emergency relief in an un-cert-worthy case, "applicants could use the emergency docket to force the Court to give a merits preview . . . on a short fuse without benefit of full briefing and oral argument. This statement is an obvious nod to the incessant criticism of the perfidious shadow docket. I truly fear that this criticism has permeated the Supreme Court, and at least two Justice are trying to address it.
Fifth, Barrett explains that relief is not warranted here. The "discretionary consideration" to deny certiorari "counsels against a grant of extraordinary relief in this case." She adds that this case "is the first to address the questions presented." Stated differently, there has not been sufficient "percolation," or a circuit split on this issue.
Justice Barrett made up this new rule out of whole cloth. Hollingsworth does not provide any support for Barrett's new rule. In Hollingsworth, the Court granted a stay to block the District Court from broadcasting the Prop 8 trial.
Here is the relevant analysis from page 190:
To obtain a stay pending the filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of certiorari, an applicant must show (1) a reasonable probability that four Justices will consider the issue sufficiently meritorious to grant certiorari; (2) a fair prospect that a majority of the Court will vote to reverse the judgment below; and (3) a likelihood that irreparable harm will result from the denial of a stay. In close cases the Circuit Justice or the Court will balance the equities and weigh the relative harms to the applicant and to the respondent. Lucas v. Townsend, 486 U.S. 1301, 1304, 108 S.Ct. 1763, 100 L.Ed.2d 589 (1988) (KENNEDY, J., in chambers); Rostker v. Goldberg, 448 U.S. 1306, 1308, 101 S.Ct. 1, 65 L.Ed.2d 1098 (1980) (Brennan, J., in chambers). To obtain a stay pending the filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of mandamus, an applicant must show a fair prospect that a majority of the Court will vote to grant mandamus and a likelihood that irreparable harm will result from the denial of a stay. Before a writ of mandamus may issue, a party must establish that (1) "no other adequate means [exist] to attain the relief he desires," (2) the party's "right to issuance of the writ is 'clear and indisputable,' " and (3) "the writ is appropriate under the circumstances." Cheney v. United States Dist. Court for D.C., 542 U.S. 367, 380–381, 124 S.Ct. 2576, 159 L.Ed.2d 459 (2004) (some internal quotation marks omitted). This Court will issue the writ of mandamus directly to a federal district court "only where a question of public importance is involved, or where the question is of such a nature that it is peculiarly appropriate that such action by this court should be taken." Ex parte United States, 287 U.S. 241, 248–249, 53 S.Ct. 129, 77 L.Ed. 283 (1932). These familiar standards are followed here, where applicants claim that the District Court's order was based on a local Rule adopted in violation of federal law.
The bulk of this passage, as well as the Court's per curiam opinion, focused on irreparable harm--the very factor Justice Barrett does not even mention. Indeed, the very precedent Barrett cites approved of emergency relief. And I do not see anything on page 190 of the opinion that factors in the discretionary cert judgment to decide whether emergency relief is warranted. The Court never granted cert on the broadcast issue precisely because its shadow docket ruling obviated the issue. As time would tell, the Court ultimately held this case was not justiciable.
[Update: The first Hollingsworth factor states, "a reasonable probability that four Justices will consider the issue sufficiently meritorious to grant certiorari." I think this standard is distinct from what Justice Barrett wrote above. Specifically, Hollingsworth focused on whether a case is "sufficiently meritorious to grant certiorari." Emphasis on "meritorious." But there are many, many discretionary factors to decide whether certiorari is appropriate, beyond the merits. Here, Justice Barrett cited Rule 10, which explains that "certiorari will be granted only for compelling reasons." And Rule 10 references several of those factors, including circuit splits. Also, Justice Barrett referenced the lack of percolation, as this is the first case to arrive at the Court. As we all know, too well, a case that is "sufficiently meritorious" may not warrant cert. The move from Hollingsworth ("sufficiently meritorious") to Rule 10 (many factors) is the gloss I referred to above. It is novel. I wrote a follow-up post here.]
In a few sentences, Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh have cut the fuse on the shadow docket. They have created a blueprint to deny emergency relief in any case that would likely not yield a cert grant. And we all know that the certiorari process is completely arbitrary. There is no rhyme or reason. The Justices routinely sit on petitions indefinitely as questions presented are haggled over. Generally, most cases are not particularly urgent so that lallygagging is tolerated. But on the shadow docket, the ebb and flow of the cert pool has no place. These sorts of emergency cases do not arise in the usual process. Here the workers face immediate termination. If and when this case arises on certiorari, the Court will likely find the controversy no longer needs to be resolved. And I am not certain that Justice Barrett is even right that this case "is the first to address the questions presented." There have been countless other emergency applications concerning vaccine mandates. Granted, Maine's law was unique in that it did not have express religious exemptions. But the issue of whether employers could require the vaccine has been percolating for months.
Moreover, Justice Barrett's position here becomes harder to defend in light of the premature circulation in the S.B. 8 litigation. If the Justices are willing to put abortion on the rocket docket (a term that is catching on), why not other issues? Once the Justices show they are able to resolve issues of national importance in an expeditious fashion--even in the absence of "percolation"--the natural implication is that other cases can also be resolved in an expeditious fashion.
If Barrett's new standard was correct, then the Court should have stayed out of Roman Catholic Diocese. At that point, then-Governor Cuomo had rescinded the relevant regulations. I doubt the Court would be willing to grant cert in that posture. The Court took the case to settle a nationwide dispute about the relevant standard for COVID-19 cases. That purpose is a valid usage of the emergency docket. But it isn't clear Barrett and Kavanaugh still stand by the decision to grant relief Roman Catholic Diocese. They may regret it. And in Tandon, Justice Barrett used her very first separate writing to push back against Gorsuch, Thomas, and Alito on the right to sing in church. Remember that Fulton made no mention of Roman Catholic Diocese or Tandon.
I sincerely worry that the rampant criticism of the shadow docket is working. Justice Barrett is signaling that she is not a "partisan hack," and developed a new standard to curtail the use of emergency relief. This concurrence will be cited, ad nauseum, in every single opposition to a stay application. It will become the new South Bay concurrence. Emily Bazelon's article from Friday morning, titled "It's Amy Coney Barrett's Supreme Court Now," was prescient.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
What no one seems to notice is that when these health-care workers are fired, they will not be eligible for unemployment compensation because the State of Maine will deem their refusal to be vaccinated a "voluntary quit".
No one noticed? I believe the people who created the policy not only noticed but considered it delicious gravy on top of the main meal.
Are you claiming they made the policy to punish what they thought would be religious objectors? That seems pretty paranoid.
No it’s not self inflicted. One example - apparently today there are roughly 30 NYC fire stations closed for lack of crews. The people harmed by a lack of firefighters and paramedics did nothing to cause it.
If firefighters quit because of a mandate that they wear seatbelts when driving the truck that would be the same thing, right?
Well, first of all we’re not sure if it’s “quit” or if it’s “told not to come to work”.
Yeah it would be the same. And you’re dodging the point again. Harm is being done to people who haven’t done anything wrong. That’s what collateral damage is.
And the city is culpable. They collect taxes wilt the understanding that things like paramedics would be available and fires would be fought. Doing this without a backup plan - regardless of what you think of the policy itself - is negligent.
"we’re not sure if it’s “quit” or if it’s “told not to come to work”.
Fair enough, that's on me. It's almost certainly usually the latter. But it's 'don't come to work because you were told to do X and you refused.'
"Harm is being done to people who haven’t done anything wrong. That’s what collateral damage is. "
Ok, also fair enough. But two points:
1. I really don't think many planners can be faulted for thinking people would quite their careers over a vaccine. Those were pretty uncontroversial up until recently.
2. The same must be said of things like when ICU's have to ration care because unvaccinated people show up with COVID, paramedics must show up to help an unvaccinated person and so can't get to a vaccinated person as fast, etc..
As to your point one, I don’t know. You’d think that people wouldn’t cut off their nose to spite their face, but people are nuts.
Point 2 - that’s a problem too, and a different one. The problem I’m talking about is specifically government/employer caused. And as it relates to essential services, I don’t think they’ve thought it through. Because they seem to have no plan to mitigate the damage.
Do you think we should blame the government planners because they didn't see how people are nuts? I think we might look to those encouraging them to be nuts...
Harm is being done to people who haven’t done anything wrong. That’s what collateral damage is.
But that applies to any rule or requirement that causes people to quit, reasonable or not. If the city fires a bunch for regularly coming in late to work the same "collateral damage" exists.
The issue is whether the rule involved is reasonable.
Oops I responded to the wrong post. The sun was in my eyes. Literally.
Anyway, this response applies to your response to me.
All good.
I’m vaccinated. I’m even boosted. I wish everyone would just get the vaccine.
That said, the collateral damage related to these mandates is really high, and I’m not sure there’s any cost benefit being done. Everyone is just assuming that the cost of the mandate is zero, which is obviously wrong by inspection.
It's a self-inflicted cost, like people giving up driving because of a seat belt mandate. But Trump has done some remarkable things with conservatives.
What collateral damage?
That a tiny tiny number of people have quit their jobs over them? Most of those people — particularly those in law enforcement — are people who have revealed themselves as people we're better off without having those jobs.
Every development seems earthshattering to some newbies.
Except any appeal from a southern death row, of course.
Find something to say that has bettersourcing than YouTube videos, asshole.
It would seem that based on this analysis the Court must grant an injunction in every capital punishment case, since the "irreparable harm" of death would swamp every other factor. In addition, there would be no "irreparable injury to the government's interests." If someone is on "death row" for 20 years, then another decade or two cannot make any possible difference to the state. There would be no need to show "a fair prospect that a majority of the Court will vote to reverse the judgment below." The third Hollingsworth factor would swamp the first two.
That's a bingo.
And with this succinct counterexample, we can toss another one of Josh's asinine posts straight into the garbage bin.
And with that succinct assertion, we can toss another one of of SimonP's asinine posts straight into the garbage bin.
There's this weird little corner of the Internet filled with frustrated keyboard commandos like you, filled with anger that Josh has fun observing the Supreme Court, and even worse, some people enjoy his posts and occasionally learn something from them. Never let it be said that any of you have anything useful to say. There's Josh entertainment to put down!
Aren't you the guy who regularly complains when someone insults a comment without addressing its substance?
*And I note this while I am glad for Blackman's post, though I think they're incorrect a lot.
The problem is that what people are most likely to learn from Prof. Blackman's posts are things that aren't correct.
Irreparable harm is only one of four factors. It should not be determinative by itself, just like "likelihood of prevailing on the merits" should not be. All four factors should be considered.
The problem is that this is either addition or multiplication.
If it is argued that these factors are "ands" - and that is in fact the actual conjunction used - then the failure to meet any one must result in rejection of the petition. It was clear that there was no chance of granting cert in the underlying case, therefore a "zero" in this field means that it multiplies out to "zero" and the request for injunction could not be granted.
Next, he argues without support that this is a "close" case and Hollingsworth applies; apparently on the basis that there were dissents. However, there are dissents in most requests for a stay in capital punishment cases, so these must also be considered "close" cases. There, it is written/suggested that all the factors should be considered. If that is the case, the potential for loss of life is an "infinite value" and when "added" to the other factors will always, regardless of the other factors, necessarily require the granting of a stay.
Law is not arithmetic, because life is more complicated than just addition and multiplication in Boolean arithmetic. And your idea of "irreparable harm" is entirely bogus. Someone sentenced to prison would also suggest irreparable harm, so under your hypothesis, any convict could try to get an injunction against their sentence, and clearly they don't. Maybe you should think about where your analogy went off the rails.
Gorsucks: "This case presents an important constitutional question, a serious error, and an irreparable injury."
So, no, irreparable injury is not the only factor. And executions seldom involve unsettled questions about the other two.
How is facing immediate termination "irreparable harm?"
If one is wrongfully terminated, one can get back pay and damages and/or reinstatement.
I would consider the sudden inability to pay the heat, light, and mortgage bills as harmful.
Plenty of jobs available. Not all require good judgment.
It is kind of interesting that when it comes to terminating relief in many forms conservatives are, of course, all 'can't pay the bills? tough! go get a job, there's plenty!' but here they are all 'but they won't have unemployment benefits when they're fired for insubordination!'
Queen: "We order you to inject an experimental substance!"
Peon: "No."
Queen: "Insubordindation!"
It's not experimental.
Find a link that at leat purports to back up your claims, asshole.
Monetary damages is virtually never considered irreparable harm in the context of injunctive relief, even though lack of money in the short term can often have significant consequences.
Even though I think the mandate is wrong and the workers should win in the long run, Barrett has a good point.
There are lower courts with the responsibility and authority to deal with immediate urgent matters. It's neither practical nor desirable to have a system where any citizen is allowed to invoke "emergency" and get a Supreme Court ruling on a few days notice.
These emergency petitions are analogous to a 911 call. Even though the calls really might be life and death matters, we don't have a system where those dissatisfied with the dispatcher's response can punch 7 to escalate to the Governor or 8 to escalate to the state commander of the National Guard.
So refusing a vaccine which you must waive your right to sue if you get? So if its perfectly acceptable to use force to vaccinate then if you have consequences you should be able to sue right?
Maybe the VC crew should take that one up.
What force?
Force = promising firing
only two justices joined. So 4 other justices denied for reasons not mentioned in Barrett opinion. Which makes me wonder if what Berrett wrote even matters.
Of course it matters that Roberts-in-a-skirt and Kennedy's Choice once again reveal that Trump's insoucance about picking Justices resulted in a faceplant. Gawd, Gorsuck was his best pick in three tries!
...Emily Bazelon's article from Friday morning...
Any available link that is not behind a paywall? Sounds like it's an interesting article.
I am not a "gotcha!" guy, but the phrase is spelled "ad nauseam."
test
I'm having problems posting a link to it, for some reason, so I'll cripple it and you'll have to uncripple it. It seems to be the same article as rthat mentioned, though I've read neither.
lala mover dot blog spot dot com slash 2021 slash 10 slash opinion dash how-fast-will-amy-coney-barrett dot ht ml