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For S.B. 8, AG Garland Reversed DOJ's Longstanding Position About Equitable Causes of Action
In June 2021, the Garland DOJ agreed with the proper reading of Grupo Mexicano. But that position changed for S.B. 8.
During the prior administration, the House Judiciary Committee sought to compel WH Counsel Don McGahn to testify. District Court Judge Kentanji Brown Jackson ruled in favor of the House. There was not statutory cause of action. But the court found that the House had an equitable cause of action to compel McGahn's testimony. The district court did not even cite Grupo Mexicano.
On appeal, DOJ argued that the plaintiffs lacked a cause of action, based on Grupo Mexicano:
Moreover, Congress's grant of equity jurisdiction to the federal courts is limited to the relief that "was traditionally accorded by courts of equity," and thus a "substantial expansion of past practice" is "incompatible with [the courts'] traditionally cautious approach to equitable powers, which leaves . . . to Congress" such policy judgments. Grupo Mexicano de Desarrollo, S.A. v. Alliance Bond Fund, Inc., 527 U.S.308, 318-19, 329 (1999). Given the manifest separation-of-powers concerns here, Congress must decide whether to provide the Committee with the unprecedented right to sue to enforce a congressional subpoena seeking testimony from an individual on matters related to his duties as an Executive Branch official serving as a close advisor to the President.
The D.C. circuit panel agreed with DOJ that the plaintiffs lacked an equitable cause of action:
The Committee next suggests that—even if Article I alone doesn't provide a cause of action—the court may exercise its "traditional equitable powers" to grant relief. Ziglar , 137 S. Ct. at 1856. But even those equitable powers remain "subject to express and implied statutory limitations," Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc. , 575 U.S. 320, 327, 135 S.Ct. 1378, 191 L.Ed.2d 471 (2015), and are further limited to relief that was "traditionally accorded by courts of equity," Grupo Mexicano de Desarrollo S.A. v. All. Bond Fund, Inc. , 527 U.S. 308, 319, 119 S.Ct. 1961, 144 L.Ed.2d 319 (1999). Again, "implied statutory limitations" foreclose suits by the House and suits that implicate a governmental privilege; this one checks both boxes, so Congress itself has precluded us from granting the requested relief to the Committee.
In any event, there is also nothing "traditional" about the Committee's claim. The Committee cannot point to a single example in which a chamber of Congress brought suit for injunctive relief against the Executive Branch prior to the 1970s. True enough, the en banc court rejected McGahn's argument that "federal courts have not historically entertained congressional subpoena enforcement lawsuits," but the full court also recognized the "relative recency" of lawsuits to enforce subpoenas. McGahn , ––– F.3d at ––––, 2020 WL 4556761, at *14. When determining the scope of our equitable authority, however, "relatively recent" history isn't enough. In Grupo Mexicano , the Supreme Court explained that we "must ask whether the relief" that the Committee requests "was traditionally accorded by courts of equity ." 527 U.S. at 319, 119 S.Ct. 1961 (emphasis added). The relief requested here—an injunction issued against a former Executive Branch official in an interbranch information dispute—cannot possibly have been traditionally available in courts of equity, because the "separate systems of law and equity" in our federal system ceased to exist in 1938. SCA Hygiene Prods. Aktiebolag v. First Quality Baby Prods., LLC , ––– U.S. ––––, 137 S. Ct. 954, 960, 197 L.Ed.2d 292 (2017). The Committee's smattering of examples from the 1970s comes (at least) thirty years too late.
Ultimately, the dispute over McGahn's testimony settled. In June 2021, the Garland Justice Department reached a settlement with the Democratic-controlled House. But the filing stated that DOJ still agrees with the D.C. Circuit's finding that the plaintiffs lacked an equitable cause of action:
In the motion, the Committee will simultaneously ask the D.C. Circuit to vacate the three-judge panel opinion that it agreed to rehear en banc. See Committee on Judiciary of U.S. House of Representatives v. McGahn, 973 F.3d 121 (D.C. Cir. 2020). The Committee will represent in the motion that the Executive Branch believes that the panel opinion was correct but, in the interest of accommodation between the branches, agrees that the Court should vacate the panel opinion.
Here, both the Trump and Biden Administrations adopted the traditional view of Grupo Mexicano. With good reason, DOJ routinely argues that Plaintiffs lack an equitable cause of action to challenge federal actions.
Yet, in United States v. Texas, the Garland DOJ abruptly abandoned that position. Indeed, DOJ's motion for a preliminary injunction and response did not even cite Grupo Mexicano or Armstrong. Rather, it relied on a strained understanding of a cause of action based on In re Debs. Ultimately, Judge Pitman's ruling had to disregard Grupo Mexicano.
The Plaintiffs' lack of a cause of action provides the most straightforward path to stay the district court's injunction.
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Word-vomit alert. Josh will write as much as he can about SB 8 except for anything about it's obviously unconstitutional structure and defiance of SC precedent.
Right. Grasping at any straw to avoid a merits discussion.
To be fair to Josh; arguing about procedural minutiae is something that many many law professors (and appellate lawyers) do on a wide variety of matters, on all points of the ideological spectrum. I'm not chiding Josh for this...even though I think the actual post contains the usual Josh weaknesses, as earlier posters have noted, upthread.
The reason this source provides such an extended exposition of all things Texas S.B. 8 is a mixture of (1) desire to criminalize abortion and (2) eagerness to 'own the libs' for a moment or two; a burning love for the intricacies of civil procedure is the least of our worries here.
We love technicl intricacies when they get in the way of our foes, and disdain the exact same mechanism when it gets in our way.
Of which side do I speak? Hint: I support abortion rights.
It's a trick question! Both sides of course.
Why?
Before the merits can be reached, the suit must satisfy procedural hurdles.
And there's nothing wrong with a post to point out that Garland has flopped.
Or with a post noting that Prof. Blackman and other fading clingers would shift immediately and hypocritically with respect to any similar statute that disadvantaged gun-fondling yokels, superstitious gay-bashers, or backwater faith healers.
A lawyers greatest superpower is to transform a merits question into a procedural one.
Word-vomit alert: IPL will disparage Josh as much as he can to avoid discussing the topic at hand.
His whole point is that the topic at hand isn't worth discussing because it is trivial next to the question of the constitutionality of SB8.
Isn’t SB8 pretty clearly unconstitutional under Roe and Casey? What’s to discuss?
What am I avoiding the discussion of? Whatever minutiae Josh decides to write an exceedingly long screed about? Are you a lawyer anyway? Most of what Josh blogs about is nonsensical bullshit.
I think the cases are easily distinguishable. In the case described above, it involved two equal branches of government. In this case, involving S.B. 8, federal law is clearly supreme over state law involving violation of rights that up to this point have been recognized by the Supreme Court. Claims of state sovereignty will need to be set aside when constitutional rights are being violated. The purpose of the 14th Amendment was precisely to guarantee that states could not violate fundamental rights.
Then explain why of all the licenses states have to recognize from other states, concealed carry permits are the only ones not required to be reciprocal.
That seems to be a non sequitor to the op, plus it is false. There are a myriad of professional liscences that aren't reciprocal. I'd say most aren't
That still doesn't answer the objection -- there is no equitable relief within the court's limited powers that can be granted. No equitable relief -- no cause of action.
How fortunate such a flighty, unserious individual was not appointed to the Supreme Court.
The problem is not that he is flighty or unserious. The problem is that he's a partisan hack, Of course a Senate controlled by his partisan opponents saw no need to consider confirming his nomination. Why should they?
" Why should they? "
To try to avoid enlargement of the Court, part of a project (also including elimination of the filibuster, admission of a few states, criminalization of voter suppression, etc.) by which better and more numerous Americans would send conservatives back to the political Bronze Age?
(Caution for certain believers: That is not a documentary.)
You sure about that?
Because opening Pandora's Box on filibusters and judicial nominees did not work out the way the left intended.
And what happens when they start down this path but are unable to finish before the elections throw a monkey wrench in the plans??
What if a wave of Trump inspired Nazi Republicans take over and in 2024 they expand the court to 25, appointing young conservatives with the pledge that they will retire in their 60s, only during a republican administration? They then follow with the Nazi action of passing a law setting the supreme court size, tying the hands of future courts. Setting the size back to 9, but grandfather ing in the current members... Now you have at least 40 years of conservative courts, with a potential permanent blockade.
You know Trump is literally Hitler. He would totally do that.
They could then cite the democrat precedent and do the same thing to all regulatory agencies. There are a lot of places that could be corrupted and captures this way... Even the senate parliamentarian could be set to a committee of 10 lifetime appointments with a sunset to go back to a panel of 3 when they all retire.. You could have 60 years of republican partisan parliamentary rules.
You really sure these progressive plans would end up with conservatives blasted out of government?
Or do you have doubts about who "literally Hitler" is in this analysis?
"longstanding" opinions by the DOJ or Solicitor General no longer mean anything. The Executive will reverse them to suit the desired end.
We should start to see a decline in the Supreme Court's near automatic granting of divided argument when the SG office files a brief. The SG is now just another politicized amicus.
The real question is whether we can we take anything the DOJ or SG argues seriously anymore?
Woe, oh, woe, for the Justice Department hath departed from the straight path marked down for our ancestors.
In days of yore the Solicitor cared for justice for widows and orphans and executive branch agencies, but today the zeal for justice hath departed, is extinguished, is no more, bereft of life, it doth rest in peace.
Woe, oh, woe, unto this wicked and adulterous generation, for instead of the wise courses marked out by Stanley Reed, Robert Bork and Elena Kagan, today the Solicitor General doth runneth after strange gods and hath become a byword and a reproach unto the Gentiles.
Whether or not Prof. Blackman's legal analysis is correct or false, it has nothing to do with carrying the day on the decision.
This cake is baked and coming out of the oven fully cooked. The Circuit will rule in favor of Texas, because of ideology, not legal logic or Constitutional issues. And the Supremes will do the same. After all, if the conservatives on the courts can overturn Roe and Casey without overturning Roe and Case and incurring the political wrath of doing so, that is what the Judicial Cowardice Coalition will do.
As for the rest of us, if they want to overturn Roe and Casey, just do it, man up people.
I expect to observe that at least a couple of the Supreme Court's conservatives will recognize that this method could be employed by advanced states against conservatives' affections (guns, gay-hating, superstition, racism, misogyny, xenophobia) and therefore will withstand the temptations to approve Texas' antics that other clingers can't resist.
"This cake is baked and coming out of the oven fully cooked."
And we must bake it whether we want to or not.
If anyone wants to catch a livestream of the Stones show from Nashville tonight -- and learn whether the fan choice is Dead Flowers or Far Away Eyes -- check here:
https://iorr.org/talk/read.php?1,2861082,page=1
(scroll to the end for the most current livestream links)
I love the Stones, but I just don’t have the stomach any longer for seeing my musical idols performing in their 80s. It’s a bit depressing and leaves me both unsatisfied and dissatisfied at the same time. Maybe if I didn’t care so much for the original music, and feel such an emotional bond to it, it’d be easier. My favorite band of all time is, like most sentient beings, the Beatles, and TBH I’m relieved their music is forever preserved in place, with my image of them never being diminished by the band playing past its unequaled prime. (The recent series on Hulu with Paul and Rick Rubin was excellent, though. I think Paul almost defies age. There will never be another Bob Dylan—or anyone to come close—but his later-years live performances have been quite hard to listen to IMO for a while now.) Maybe I’m way off base here and the Stones are still kicking butt on stage, but I’m afraid to look, if that makes sense.
I will say that I appreciate when the legends get older and they change what they do, and how they do it, to reflect their “maturity” and the effects of the laws of physics on their bodies and vocal cords. I’m thinking of Johnny Cash’s albums with Rick Rubin. (Though Cash seemed much older than he actually was.)
Okay, time to go listen to the B side of Abbey Road for the millionth time (the greatest album ever released).
Not sure whether you ever listen to the Political Beats podcast with guests from across the political or media spectrum doing deep dives through artists’ catalogues (with no talk of politics). It’s excellent. I think the Dylan one was like 12 hours over four episodes. I’m sure there is one on the Stones.
I encourage you to attend a show.
The Stones are still a marvelous on-stage band. They make everything enjoyable . . . blues, rock, punk, disco, ballad, r&b -- even country.
I had hoped they would bring Bill Wyman, Mick Taylor, Lisa Fischer (with, not instead of, Sasha Allen), Ernie Watts, and maybe another veteran or two (Dick Taylor? Harvey Mandel? Wayne Perkins?) along for this ride. Perhaps they're saving the reinforcements for the next tour.
The shows I have seen so far on this tour have been great. I hope you get back there before they hit 80, if that number is important to you. Vegas tickets are still a bit pricey, but it's an easy trip from just about anywhere. Austin should be fun, too. I have great tickets for Detroit, so I haven't looked lately, but I'll bet good seats can be had on reasonable terms. And there are rumors of New York shows following Austin.
A band who sings about the joys of raping slaves hasn't been canceled yet? How could that be?
Ask this guy . . .
Less flip: People have been misinterpreting lyrics -- especially Stones lyrics, and in several directions -- for some time. This one seems a blurred, double- and triple-meaning (or is it nine-way) mishmash concerning allure, propriety, and dependence involving race, heroin, and sex. Bad transcription by a record company clerk after a Muscle Shoals session might have contributed to the blur -- was it "scarred old" or " Skydog?"
(Ron Wood's remarkably precise lead from Love You Live has always struck me as likely to be an overdub)
Yes, Rev., it's all so ambiguous and unclear, who even knows if they're singing explicitly about raping black slaves?
You're so busy ferreting out racism where it doesn't exist, you can't recognize the genuine article when it comes right up and bites you in the ass.
The Rev. is hoist on his own retard.
Didn't you get the memo? "Retard" has been shoved off the back of the euphemism treadmill!
You want to quibble about the technicalities of equity jurisprudence when unwanted children are being born even as we speak?
Every child a wanted child
Every Armenian a wanted Armenian
Every Jew a wanted Jew
Every Kulak a wanted Kulak
Every child a wanted child
Every Armenian a wanted Armenian
Every Jew a wanted Jew
Every Kulak a wanted Kulak
If you genuinely cared this deeply about abortion, wouldn't you be working to unhitch that issue from a political movement doomed to failure in modern America by (1) various forms of bigotry, (2) superstition, and (3) backwardness?
It's good to know that whatever movement you belong to is pro-life, embarrassing as that fact may be.
You propose the Republican Party as the voice of reason, tolerance, science, inclusiveness, progress, diversity, education, and modernity in today's America?
It's one thing to try to defend or ignore conservatives' reliance on White-flattering intolerance, old-timey religion, and pining for illusory 'good old days' -- it is something else, and far lesser, to try to claim it doesn't exist, or, even sillier, that it is the Democrats' domain.
No, Artie, I'm calling you a superstitious, backward bigot.
For instance, you like songs about raping slaves.
If there is anyone qualified to offer moral judgments or an interpretation of rock lyrics, it is a Republican Catholic. Well, unless it is a Republican Catholic who is a Penn State, Notre Dame, or Baylor fan.
What if we applied the TransUnion rule to states?
Like sure its a difficult argument to make but it might be fun! Something something limitations on judicial power are incorporated via the 14th amendment ... idk make something up.
And now everyones happy. The law goes away and conservatives win something pretty substantial. Hooray! I jest.
To a legal layman, the procedural arguments are incomprehensible. Understanding is not improved by these arguments' fundamental incoherence.
Every legal question raised by S.B. 8 is shadowed by the fact of that act's flagrant disregard for the long-recognized right to privacy. No procedural argument ought to be able to cancel a right, or make enforcement of it inaccessible. In American constitutionalism, the power to vindicate rights belongs not to any government, nor even to the courts, state or federal. The power to vindicate rights belongs to the sovereign People of the United States.
The courts of Texas have no legitimate power to ensnare in webs of legal procedure the People's unlimited sovereign power to vindicate the rights of citizens. While considering S.B. 8, the correct answer to every legal question about procedure is that the ability of the United States to defend rights of citizens in court rests not on procedure, not on precedent, and not even on law. It rests on sovereign power. The sovereign decrees rights, and the sovereign enforces them, using its government as an agent to do so. No part of the sovereign's government—including the courts—is empowered to set that aside.
The courts' sole jurisdiction ought to be a decision whether a right has in fact been decreed, and whether the case in question implicates the right. If both questions are answered in the affirmative, every intermediate consideration is bypassed. A decision defending the right is compelled.
That is what the notion of rights means—that the sovereign's will puts some things beyond governments' power to tamper with, or even to review. The courts, no less than other branches of government, are subject to that limitation.
What happened to the People's unlimited sovereign power to vindicate the right to life?
You want to ignore every aspect of the question except the one that you think works in your favor. That's just pounding the table.
The fact that you wrote your remark unironically is itself absurdly ironic.
Yawn. More empty words emanating from morally and legally empty penumbras.
Poetically stupid
"To a legal layman, the procedural arguments are incomprehensible. "
You assume much...
There you go again with your "sovereign" arguments.
And a supposed "long-recognized right to privacy" that only shows up in a single context, starting a mere half century ago.
They come up a lot, Ejercito. American constitutionalism was structured by the founders around a notion of sovereignty which public memory later supplanted. A mistaken conflation substituted government for many roles that the founders intended for the sovereign. That continues today. Because much of the original structure—now bypassed—had to do with the sovereign's prerogative to control government, the new revised style of thinking, by leaving the sovereign out, creates notable problems and contradictions in the operation of the original plan. Occasions of that sort furnish frequent opportunities for reminders, drawing attention to the fact that the machinery is not being operated as designed.
What is clear is that Roe v Wade did not declare abortion up until the moment of birth was a right. It was explicit that there could be restrictions.
But what the pro-death crowd always ignores is the rights of the baby. They declare the baby has no rights but Roe v Wade never established that. The whole point of restrictions is that at some point this is a baby that has rights also. Is at the heartbeat as per SB8?
Lets have the debate but the pro-death cries that the baby has no rights and therefore any restriction is an undo burden are not honest
Speaking of dishonesty, are you ready to try and move past being disingenuously ignorant? If so, you aren't off to a great start.
If you have an actual point, argue it.
The fact that you just post insults -- ones which, I note, could be applied at least as well to you -- suggests that you do not have actual ground to stand on.
When you're up to speed on wreckinball's deliberate dishonesty regarding the controversies of this case, then perhaps your input will matter.
I'm not the one pretending that the only issue here is a perceived violation of Roe v. Wade.
Hypocrites engaging in their wonted hypocrisy.
Maybe there's a difference in whether or not there's an equitable cause of action between a claim of executive privilege and a constitutional right?