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A challenge to hendiadys in the law
"What part of 'and' don't you understand?"
There's a good new article on hendiadys in the Constitution, and it suggests that this hendiadys thing is getting out of hand already. As the title of the article puts it, Hendiadys in the Language of the Law: What Part of "and" Don't You Understand?. The article is by Elizabeth Fajans and Mary R. Falk, and is published in Legal Communication & Rhetoric.
(What is hendiadys, you ask? A figure of speech in which two terms separated by a conjunction work together as a single unit of meaning. The examples I discuss in "Necessary AND Proper" and "Cruel AND Unusual": Hendiadys in the Constitution range from the colloquial, as in Julia Child's "good and dry"; to the literary, as in William Shakespeare's "law and heraldry"; to the legal, as in "necessary and proper.")
The argument by Fajan and Falks is thoughtful, clear, generous, and not about trivialities but first principles. It is a model critique, and I'm delighted to have seen it. They also discuss synecdoche and metaphor, which they do think have some place in legal interpretation. Perhaps more on that in time, but I will focus in this post on their argument about hendiadys.
The gist of the argument is that hendiadys is a literary figure that emphasizes "doubt, self-deception, multiplicity, complexity, and ambiguity." Those characteristics make this figure of speech "sit uncomfortably in legal texts or, for that matter, in instructional materials on assembling an IKEA couch." But it is not merely unlikely that hendiadys appears in legal texts. Fajans and Falk conclude that it should be a priori excluded from the interpretive options:
Beginning our research, we found sparse mention of hendiadys—until Professor Bray's article was published, eliciting considerable comment and other explorations of hendiadys in law. We soon became convinced that not only was it unlikely that many, if any, binomial expressions in the law are hendiadys, but even if some are, that its use as an interpretive strategy is inappropriate. Hendiadys can only serve legal interpretation by betraying its own essence, which is multiplicity and complexity. . . . Our takeaway is therefore simple: some literary devices, like hendiadys, have no proper place in the language of the law or in its interpretation . . . .
Let me mention three points of agreement and three points of disagreement between me and Fajans and Falk.
Agreement 1: Hendiadys is often used in literary contexts as a means of unsettling language and expressing ambiguity. In such contexts, the effect produced by hendiadys can be to make the author's words and phrases like the shattered pieces of two small whaling boats in Moby Dick: "the odorous cedar chips of the wrecks danced round and round, like the grated nutmeg in a swiftly stirred bowl of punch."
Agreement 2: plain speech is an aspiration in the law, and in our culture of legal production it would be inappropriate to include such self-conscious literary pyrotechnics in a constitution, statute, or rule.
Agreement 3: in the places where I argue a hendiadic reading is best, a non-hendiadic reading is possible. That is, we could read "cruel and unusual" and "necessary and proper" as each offering distinct requirements, as each expressing a tautology, as each being a hendiadys, and so on.
Disagreement 1: I see no reason to rule out, as a matter of definition, all the non-literary uses of hendiadys. Here is the key move by Fajans and Falk (footnotes omitted):
Because hendiadys requires a seeming mismatch, most literary scholars would exclude from this literary device everyday expressions with clear and settled meanings like "nice and hot"; phrasal collocations or tautologies like "lord and master" or "high and mighty," in which two words are used simply for emphasis and elevation, and expressions using related terms, like "pen and ink" or "wind and rain." For conjoined terms to be hendiadys, the element of the unexpected must be present . . . .
Once that move is made, the rest of the argument follows. But the premise is contestable. There is debate about how broadly or narrowly to define this figure of speech (as discussed by Fajans and Falk and by me). And although our figures of speech may seem sharply defined, that is a bit illusory, for they are our ways of demarcating phenomena that are much more overlapping and spectral (in spectral's two senses).
Nevertheless, hendiadys pervades oral and colloquial speech (e.g., "tried and true" and many other examples in my article). And I also don't think we can draw such a sharp line between the literary and the "everyday." It is especially at the oral, the ritual, the poetic, and the proverbial that the separation of "literary" and "everyday" is most likely to mislead us. Consider the Book of Common Prayer, and its "general confession" (which would have been said by George Washington and John Marshall and others every time they attended church services). In this prayer the worshipper says to God: "We have erred and strayed from thy ways like lost sheep." "Erred and strayed" is a hendiadys, not quite a tautology, and it can be subjected to the multiplicity and ramifying meanings that are common with this figure in literary texts. But it is also everyday. In fact, twice-a-day: it is part of daily Morning and Evening Prayer. It is because the Founders were steeped in a literary and oral culture in which this figure appeared--"pervasively" would be too strong, but still the point is that it appeared with some frequency and was not marked as only "literary"--I think we should be unsurprised if the Founders would have used the figure instinctively, as a way to get close to what was meant, rather than for conscious artistry.
Disagreement 2: although plain speech is good in a law, it is not as easy as it seems. Fajan and Falk are alert to this, recognizing that the search for "fixed meaning" in legal texts may be "[q]uixotic[]." But I would go further. No matter what the skill or good intentions of the drafters, law will pervasively have an edge (and maybe an interior) of indeterminacy. This is so because, as Aristotle recognized, circumstances arise that are unforeseen by the lawmaker. But it is also so, even on day 1 after the passage of a statute, because of the slipperiness of language itself. (This is one reason I think interpreters should consider pragmatics as well as semantics--see The Mischief Rule--but I digress.) If you think law is going to have a non-trivial amount of indeterminacy, at least law when it is at issue in not-subject-to-Rule-11-sanctions litigation, then we should be alert to how figures of speech can help us to understand or misunderstand, resolve or create, ambiguity.
Disagreement 3: To understand whether a phrase should be read as a hendiadys, we need other interpretive resources, including (for the Constitution) the ratification debates and early practice and judicial interpretation. Fajans and Falk note that they are not offering a rejoinder on those fronts. But I don't think the question of whether or not to adopt a hendiadic reading can be settled by the text. The text can be interpreted hendiadically and non-hendiadically. So when Fajans and Falk point out that non-hendiadic readings are possible, I agree. But the next step--unless one excludes hendiadys a priori--is to consider which of the readings is most consonant with the modalities and other resources of interpretation in our legal tradition.
If hendiadys were limited to literary texts like Hamlet, Fajans and Falk are right that it would be out of place in statutes and constitutions. But it appears in many kinds and registers and genres of speech. We should not be surprised that it appears in law.
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I think non-hendiadic readings should be preferred where there is no evidence a hendiady was intended, because hendiadic readings represent an exception to normal rules of grammar, and you need a reason to believe a particular case is an excuse.
But this would just be a default subject to reversal by contrary evidence, not a hard and fast rule. 😉
I looked up "hendiadys" and was more confused than enlightened. One example was "sound and fury" as opposed to "furious sound", but they mean different things to me. "Necessary and proper" sound like two distinctly different meanings, especially in the Constitution. "Erred and strayed" seem like overlapping meanings. "Wind and rain" mean the same as "windy rain" or "rainy wind", and thus a better example of "hendiadys". And so on.
Glad I am neither lawyer not linguist!
Right, but think about the fact that when you say "sound and fury" you are not exactly describing the sum of "sound" and "fury." This is a canonical example, by the way. If "sound and fury" is not hendiadys then there may well be no hendiadys in English.
Try this one: "I will go when I'm good and ready." You are not waiting to be both "good" and "ready."
Anyone who has filed an insurance claim for water damage from a leaky roof knows that "wind and rain" are neither a rhetorical flourish nor a single concept.
"We have erred and strayed from thy ways like lost sheep."
That sounds to my ear more like, "I made a mistake. Here's what it was."
"I erred, and played a spade when I should have played a diamond."
Is that hendiadys?
No, a hendiady is when "X and Y" has some meaning distinct from the the conjunction of X and Y.
If "erred and strayed" meant something other than, "I erred, AND I strayed" it would be a hendiady.
For instance, "Sound and fury", could, in a non-hendiadic sense, mean you were playing the tuba and were pissed off. But maybe you're playing a lullaby?
In a hendiadic sense, it means "furious noise".
Hendiadys is the singular.
Thanks for clarifying that. I haven't had much cause to use the word, though I was vaguely aware of the meaning.
The alternative form "hendiaduo" may be more comprehensible.
That's what I thought. So the "erred and strayed" phrase isn't one, based on my reading.
If only most legislators were party to Agreement 2. It sure seems to me that most of them disagree with it, either because they are trying to "win" a complex negotiation by writing law such that, when it reaches a court, they hope it will turn out to mean something different from what the writer's legislative opponents think it means; or simply because they are attorneys and want to create work for themselves.
My solution to the problem of un-clearly-written laws would be to put in the Constitution an absolute Rule of Lenity.
Are these terms really hendiadyses?
For cruel and unusual pubishment, both elements have to be met. An unusual punishment doesn’t qualify if it is cruel. A punishment considered cruel doesn’t qualify if it is common. Each word retains a separate, imdependent meaning. It isn’t like “really and truly,” where one is just compounding synonyms for emphasis.
It also doesn’t meet the other possible way of being a hendiadys, where one word modifies the other. To the contrary, each word independently and coequally modifies the word punishment. Compare to a phrase like “nice and warm,” which is a fancy way of saying “nicely warm.” The word “nice” really modifies “warm,” and hence is subordinate to it. Similarly with “rain and weather,” a literary phrase for “rainy weather.” But not so for “cruel and unusual.” The phrase can’t be replaced with “cruelly unusual.” The phrase “cruelly unusual” doesn’t make sense here. “Cruel” really independently modifies “punishment,” not “unusual.” It is the punishment itself, not its unusualness, that is what’s cruel here.
Each word really and truly (;) stands on its own. Neither is subordinate to the other. It isn’t really a hendiadys.
People assert that it is one, though, when they want to claim that a perfectly usual punishment could be "cruel and unusual", or that an unnecessary law is "necessary and proper".
That seems to mostly what's going on when phrases in the Constitution are asserted to be hendiadys. It's a way to evade the natural grammatical reading of the text.
Not a linguist... took me two weeks in junior high to grasp what a gerund was.
HOWEVER... it seems like when people want to claim a hendiadyses what they actual want to do is read "and" as "or" so they can pick and choose whichever is convenient at the time.
Brett, I don't think the Necessary and Proper clause is about whether the law is "necessary," or "proper." The clause is about the legislative purpose, and by what means it can be accomplished. The test of necessity gauges whether the purpose requires the particular means. The test of what is proper gauges whether the means chosen is well-calculated to accomplish the purpose.
Would that not allow for things to be "proper" in a pragmatic sense, but still not necessarily "proper" in light of a limited government sense? The form of proper you suggest is a pragmatic proper. It is proper to use a saw and not a hammer when cutting wood.
But it does not account for an ethical meaning of the word as in "it is not proper to take someone's money even if you really need it."
If we take the second meaning... then necessary AND proper must both be met... it's the only way it makes sense. To take the first meaning, then it's a hendiadyses but would also create a phrase that cuts against the limited government context of the rest of the entire document. You would necessarily be reading into the Constitution a phrase that can create a contradiction on any politicians whim.
Whatever “proper” means, it can’t mean “consistent with my personal values.” While I agree the “necessary and proper clause” isn’t a blank check to let Congress do whatever it feels like, it also isn’t a blank check to let the Supreme Court do whatever it feels like.
You are suggesting that Congress can’t enact welfare because you think welfare - taking money from one person to give it to another that Congress thinks needs it more - isn’t “proper.” But welfare has a very long history in law and custom. The Roman empire provided a cura annonae - the bread of the phrase “bread and circuses” - as a form of welfare.
The Supreme Court has no warrant to strike down welfare because they don’t think it proper. Your idea of what’s proper in the sense of “good policy” has no more special weight than anyone else’s. “Proper” has to mean something narrower than that. If the Supreme Court gets to strike down laws because it thinks them bad policy, why bother having a legislature? It’s a total waste of good money and citizens’valuable time voting on a completely impotent body that doesn’t decide anything of any importance. Why bother?
Would that not allow for things to be “proper” in a pragmatic sense, but still not necessarily “proper” in light of a limited government sense?
Sparkstable, nope. Limitations on government constrain the ends, not the means. Under the Constitution, some ends are forbidden. But among the ends which government is authorized to pursue, the means are for Congress to choose, with two exceptions. Congress may not rely on means which are not necessary to accomplish the ends, and it may not adopt means which will not work.
Fairly obviously, Congress may also not adopt means which are expressly forbidden by the Constitution, but that is not a Necessary and Proper violation, but a different kind. Cruel and unusual punishments can never be a means Congress can choose to compel obedience, for instance. But no reference to the Necessary and Proper clause is needed to establish that.
To both you and ReaderY...
Your readings, while they may be the practice we use in the US today, does not jive with the context of limited government. There are some "ends" that are not "proper" for the state to follow IF you start from certain givens... such as rights being rights and not permissions, or governments not being the author of their own limits.
That is why "proper" makes more sense to be read as something is both "necessary" to be completed for the purpose of carrying out some other enumerated power AND, on its own, otherwise proper. The "necessary and proper" clause, if read as two requirements, does NOT grant Congress the authority to choose the means to obtain an otherwise allowable end. It constrains the means... these are the powers derived from the necessary and proper clause... that are allowable for the ends, the enumerated powers and express areas of operation.
And to ReaderY... yes "proper" can not simply be defined by "my" values... but it CAN and SHOULD be defined by the values of those who chose that word and in the context in which they used it. That my values align with theirs is of no importance... unless you want to say I am biased in siding with their values, but again, you still need to show why their values ought not be considered in order to make any headway.
And a reference to "what is" or "what was" is not justification of what is or was nor does it somehow serve as a critical blow against what ought to be. And isn't the "ought" what we are discussing? How ought we read things in the law? How ought the law operate?
Again... if we read necessary and proper under the guidance you have listed, it essentially neuters the idea of limited government.
And as a side note... my choice of an example of an ethical "proper" was not necessarily pointed to taxation and/or redistribution, although it does fit. An ethical proper, in the context of limited government, still makes more sense than a "proper" that simply means "anything you want to do is OK as long as you can come up with a half-baked excuse" (Wickard v Filburn, Korematsu, etc).
Korematsu is a great example of why my proposition of an "ethical" rather than "pragmatic" version of proper, separate from necessary, is a better reading. It is a necessary act of the government to keep the citizens safe. It was not proper to violate the rights of citizens... but because the "end" was justified as Lathrop suggests... the means were up to Congress to choose and they chose one that was not expressly forbidden by the Constitution (which, again is a complete ignoring of the 10th Amendment which states the government can only act in ways it is positively allowed to act, not that it is free to act in any way unless forbidden).
sparkstable, here is Hamilton on the subject:
[A] criterion of what is constitutional, and of what is not so ... is the end, to which the measure relates as a mean. If the end be clearly comprehended within any of the specified powers, and if the measure have an obvious relation to that end, and is not forbidden by any particular provision of the Constitution, it may safely be deemed to come within the compass of the national authority. There is also this further criterion which may materially assist the decision: Does the proposed measure abridge a pre-existing right of any State, or of any individual? If it does not, there is a strong presumption in favour of its constitutionality.
Here is Madison:
No axiom is more clearly established in law or in reason than wherever the end is required, the means are authorized; wherever a general power to do a thing is given, every particular power for doing it is included.
And here is John Marshall, many years later, echoing Hamilton and Madison, in McCulloch v. Maryland:
We admit, as all must admit, that the powers of the government are limited, and that its limits are not to be transcended. But we think the sound construction of the constitution must allow to the national legislature that discretion, with respect to the means by which the powers it confers are to be carried into execution, which will enable that body to perform the high duties assigned to it, in the manner most beneficial to the people. Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional. . . .
Should Congress, in the execution of its powers, adopt measures which are prohibited by the constitution; or should Congress, under the pretext of executing its powers, pass laws for the accomplishment of objects not entrusted to the government; it would become the painful duty of this tribunal, should a case requiring such a decision come before it, to say that such an act was not the law of the land. But where the law is not prohibited, and is really calculated to effect any of the objects entrusted to the government, to undertake here to inquire into the degree of its necessity, would be to pass the line which circumscribes the judicial department, and to tread on legislative ground. This court disclaims all pretensions to such a power.
This is also Marshall from McCulloch v Maryland:
The clause is placed among the powers of Congress, not among the limitations on those powers. ... Its terms purport to enlarge, not to diminish, the powers vested in the Government. It purports to be an additional power, not a restriction on those already granted.
Your argument, quite plainly, and in contradiction of Marshall, is that, "proper," in the Necessary and Proper Clause is a limitation on government powers. Read McCulloch straight through and you will see that Marshall left you precious little room for any such assertion.
More generally, I suggest you commit a commonplace error which seems to crop up frequently among right-wing political commenters. You assume that to say the U.S. government is a government of limited powers, means that every power granted to government must have a limit. I can't blame you for thinking so. It's a premise which underlies questions from some justices on the Supreme Court during oral arguments. It comes up a lot.
But it is plainly mistaken. The power of the houses of Congress to make their own rules is without limit. The power to declare war is without limit. The impeachment power, and the power of the Senate to try impeachments are without limit. The President's veto power is without limit.
Many government powers are plenary. To say that ours is a government of limited powers does not mean every power has a limit. It means instead that some powers are legitimate and authorized to be exercised by particular parts of government, but that other powers are either reserved for exercise elsewhere, or forbidden altogether.
Authorized powers are, by their nature, as Marshall explained at length in McCulloch, not subject to review or limitation by other branches of government. Nor may they be impeded by other governments, such as state governments, which do not themselves enjoy any explicit authority from the Constitution to interfere with the exercise of powers granted elsewhere. Note that Marshall, as in the quote above, applied that principle not just to state government, but to the Supreme Court itself.
Not everyone in Marshall's era was happy with his jurisprudence. You sound like you are more in tune with his detractors. It's your right, and have it. But at least try to take on Marshall's arguments. They carried the day in his era, and have proved preeminent since. So far, the case of sparkstable v. John Marshall is not going well for you.
Everything you (and Marshal et al) said justifies Korematsu. And yes... Marshal won the day. Woohoo for him. Justice Brown carried the day and we got Plessy v Ferguson. Chief Justice Taney gives us the Dredd Scott decision.
You are simply giving an appeal to authority. Yes... there is a good chance that experts in law know more than I do about it. I'm not here to claim I AM right... just trying to argue that there is a better reading that serves the stated purpose of the Constitution within the historical and philosophical context in which it was created. The argument that the Congress is granted, essentially, unlimited power but only within a limited jurisdiction is hard to square with a fear of an over-reaching government that violates the rights of the people.
The government is expressly forbidden to use powers that that are not expressly given to it. The necessary and proper clause does not give express powers, but simply asks for "grace" to allow Congress to be able to function. Sure... fine. But that can not be construed in such a way to completely subvert the very idea of the federal government being subservient to both the states and the citizens. But our history shows, time and time again, that the loose reading of the clause has done just that. Our history is one not of a securing of the individual rights of citizens as paramount ends in and of themselves. Instead, it is a history of chips being taken out of of rights year over year... and it is because we follow such a pretzel logic jurisprudence that seeks to justify government action at all costs. If the court defers to Congressional action, and seeks read as many allowances as it can even if it means stretching credulity... then all we have is an ever expanding state that simply doesn't grow at warp speed because it at least is forced to pay lip service to the rights of citizens.
A reading that conflicts with the express purpose of the 10th Amendment can't possibly be a sound reading. However, the ethical "proper" reading provides a framework that does allow flexibility while maintaining the letter of the law of the 10A.
I’m not here to claim I AM right… just trying to argue that there is a better reading that serves the stated purpose of the Constitution within the historical and philosophical context in which it was created.
Please find, and show, this, "stated purpose of the Constitution within the historical and philosophical context," of which you speak. I want to see that statement quoted. As announced by you, it seems a decidedly 20th-century libertarian sort of notion.
The founders were not libertarians, nor quasi-libertarians, nor even a little bit libertarian. The closest thing to modern libertarianism to be found among them was the politics of extreme personal liberty characteristic of some of the largest and most benighted slave holders. Those supported the anti-Federalists, to the extent they supported any philosophy of government—but in truth they were a poor fit even for Anti-Federalism.
Their ideal was personal rule, based on their own absolute sovereignty over the private fiefdoms of their plantations. That later proved to be, in part, a source of the undoing of the Confederate rebellion, because even the Confederate government could not persuade those types that they owed either taxes or allegiance to any government at all. While the Confederate government was going down, its "leading citizens" were denouncing it as tyrannical, for trying to tax them, and levy service from their slaves to support the defense of the Confederacy.
You cannot seriously number Madison, Jefferson, or Washington among that group, nor John Marshall either. And of course, Franklin, Hamilton, James Wilson, and host of other northern founders were still less in agreement with this imagined libertarian past of yours.
So which founders do you have in mind, who gave voice to this libertarian-like ideal and "stated purpose?" Please show them stating it.
I am not suggesting that anyone must be some kind of originalist. I am an anti-originalist myself. I am not suggesting you should not advocate your own view of a theory of government which prioritizes individual personal rights over other government objectives—although I think that, like other libertarians, you will have a nearly impossible task to make that argument coherent, at least until you come up with some theory of sovereignty which libertarians agree to join together and embrace. Good luck with that.
I am saying that your supposition that this nation's history was inherently libertarian is a pipe dream—something made up largely in the 20th century, and sold to a historically naive audience. Those were so especially enamored of individual rights that they supposed you could build a coherent theory of government on little else. The founders did not think that way.
As a matter of history, that was not the founders' America, nor even close to it. When they spoke of, "liberty," only rarely did they have civil liberties in mind, and those occasions did not generally come up during discussions of their philosophy of government. What they usually meant by, "liberty," was self-government under principles of popular sovereignty.
That kind of "liberty," they supposed, was the kind which would best afford protections for enforceable rights—which meant something more than the vaporous ideals of today's libertarians. In that view, the popular sovereign enjoyed absolute power, ruled at pleasure, and was constrained not at all. It needed to be, because the sovereign had to enjoy and wield more power than government itself, which the sovereign meant to constrain, by force if necessary.
That was the founders' view of where your rights really came from, and they stated it explicitly in the nation's founding documents. An intervening history during which the founders' ferocious notion of sovereignty has largely been forgotten is what makes it possible for libertarians today (and, to be fair, many others) to read those documents, but somehow misunderstand and misconstrue the founders' notions of what liberty means, where rights come from, and how they can be usefully protected.
To see what I am talking about, try re-reading the Declaration of Independence—all of it, especially including the list of specific grievances which almost everyone skips over. Note that those grievances are not at all a list of rights transgressed. Instead, they are a list of offenses against self-government. Then go back and re-read the explicit language about rights with which the DoI begins. Note how closely that part tracks the description of the unfettered power of sovereignty which I mentioned above.
The DoI is not announcing rights. It is announcing all-powerful self-government by the People themselves, as a means to both choose and secure their rights. That is very far from libertarian politics. It had never been seen before. It was revolutionary.
That is, we could read "cruel and unusual" and "necessary and proper" as each offering distinct requirements, as each expressing a tautology, as each being a hendiadys, and so on.
If this sentece had ended at requirements I would have understood it. As it is, I'm stumped.
Yeah, I really don't see the tautology here.
In rhetoric, a tautology is saying something twice in different words: "After his parents died, he was an orphan."
I suspect you are thinking of logic, in which a tautology is a statement that is necessarily true but also trivial because the truth is embedded in the statement's structure: "The cat is alive or it is dead."
Some logical tautologies seem opposite to rhetorical tautologies: "Either the batter will strike out or he will not." (This is a logical tautology but not a rhetorical tautology.)
The rhetorical meaning is older, by the way.
That's interesting. Yes, I was only aware of the logical use.
I thought so.
The rhetorical use is primary, the Greek original of tautology. Tautologies were frowned upon by rhetoricians because of their redundancy. Going back to my orphan example, it is obvious that a person whose parents have died is an orphan--duh! So the speaker has wasted words.
Hence tautos (same) plus logos (word).
Nineteenth-century European philosophers wanted a term for trivially true statements like, "Therefore, either all men or wise or not all men are wise." Again, duh! Why are you wasting words on that? So they called such statements "tautological."
I can sort of see "necessary and proper" as a rhetorical tautology (if we grant serious poetic license to the use of those words).
But I don't see how you get one with "cruel and unusual." Those have starkly different areas of meaning and thus do not say the same thing twice. Something being cruel does not necessitate something also being unusual therefore producing a rhetorical tautology. Am I missing something?
Distinct requirements: a punishment is unconstitutional if is both "cruel" (which means X) and "unusual" (which means Y). It is possible for a punishment to be "cruel" but not "unusual" or "unusual" but not "cruel."
Tautology: a punishment is unconstitutional if it is "cruel" and "unusual," which are synonyms, so practically a punishment that is one is also the other.
Hendiadys: a punishment is unconstitutional if it is "cruel and unusual," a term of art which is not quite the same as being both "cruel" and "unusual" but instead means something more like "unusually cruel."
"Tautology: a punishment is unconstitutional if it is “cruel” and “unusual,” which are synonyms, so practically a punishment that is one is also the other."
That would be nice, if "cruel" and "unusual" actually WERE synonyms, which they're clearly not.
Sure, but we are talking about a general interpretive scheme. "Necessary and proper" is probably a better example of a potential tautology. Surely it is proper that government have only necessary powers and it is necessary that government only have proper powers!
The problem is that treating them as having the same meaning effectively reduces the bite of the clause.
Understood in the normal sense, legislation must be BOTH "necessary", (Enumerated power can't be accomplished without it.) AND "proper". (Not the sort of thing a government of enumerated powers should be doing.) Only things that are the intersection of both requirements are constitutional.
Understood as meaning the same thing, there only is intersection, there's no necessary thing you can't do because it's not proper, no proper thing you're foreclosed from doing because of it not being necessary to a legitimate end.
And thus making the idea of enumerated powers a nullity. Which would indicate that "necessary and proper" is not a hendiadyses. Even if other clauses may be... there's no reason to operate that all such clauses are, or no clauses are. And I would suggest that no clauses be read as such unless there is some supporting discussion from the drafter(s) of the clause about about such meaning. Otherwise the law on paper is actually only the law in the heads of those in power.
That IS actually the goal of much of constitutional scholarship: Finding ways to circumvent inconvenient parts of the Constitution.
"And thus making the idea of enumerated powers a nullity. Which would indicate that “necessary and proper” is not a hendiadyses."
There is some evidence out that that rendering the idea of enumerated powers a nullity was exactly the point of the necessary and proper clause.
In the original constitutional convention, the Federalist faction (they were the opposite of what we consider Federalists today) actually came into the convention proposing to either dissolve the state government's completely or reduce them to mere corporations, subjects of the federal government, rather than co-sovereigns.
The Anti-Federalists came in supporting a limited federal government only marginally more powerful than the one under the Articles of Confederation.
It was the Federalists who put forward the necessary and proper clause.
Alexander Hamilton (a Federalist) actually went back to his state's ratifying convention and told them that not even the commerce clause plus the necessary and proper clause would allow the creation of a national bank, a major concern for members of the ratifying convention.
When Alexander Hamilton became the first Secretary of the Treasury in the new government, one of his very first acts was the creation of a national bank. In other words he outright lied to the other members of his state's ratifying convention about what the necessary and proper clause meant.
How Alexander Hamilton Screwed Up America
I agree 100%. And the history backs it up. The only way to have prevented "Necessary and Proper" from creating an unlimited government would be to read it in the context of limited government which would require reading it as two separate requirements. Even then, it is still a dangerous clause as it gives a lot of flex to the enumerated powers, but at least with such a reading that is only flex rather than just throwing open the barn door completely.
Brett, you do not understand that particular 18th century use of, "proper." Construed the way you have done, you contradict John Marshall, who insisted that the Necessary and Proper clause was intended as an enlargement of Congressional power, not as a restriction on it.
In that context, the typical 18th century reading of, "proper," is a near equivalent to our own, "sufficient," as in, "necessary and sufficient." You can tell that antique reading was the one intended, because it makes sense of what Marshall said, instead of contradicting him while turning his own language into nonsense.
Of course, I understand that modern American readers who may be unaware of that use of, "proper," (which still hangs around in British English, by the way) will often reach the conclusion you did, or something similar, and mistakenly read, "proper," as a constraint on congressional power. It is not, but you are in plentiful and even prestigious company with that mistaken interpretation. I have seen at least two of the VC bloggers make the same mistake.
Or... perhaps... given that the Constitution preceded Marshal, along with the context in which it was created... we can now say in retrospect that Marshal was wrong.
I mean... take away the robe and he's just an old man like the rest of us... not imbued with super reading powers that allows him and him alone to discern the meaning. Sure, he was hired to make a declaration that others would follow... that's just an exercise in power, not in being right.
I think what you write under "Disagreement 2" actually cuts the other way. If non-trivial amount of indeterminacy in the law is unavoidable, why should it be acceptable to deliberately increase the level of indeterminacy in writing laws?
Good question.
The cited paper regarding the Mischief Rule is excellent (and well documented) and its conclusion is useful: "It is inherent in language that sometimes the meaning of an expression depends on the context in which the expression appears, not only the textual context but also the TEMPORAL context. Sometimes, to give a faithful account of the legislative decision, an interpreter needs to know what the legislature said, and also what the legislature said it about."
A famous example from the Bible: Jesus rode in on an ass and a colt, the foal of an ass, poetic speech for the same animal. Unfortunately, Matthew gets confused and thinks it is literally two animals and writes as such, so Jesus was kind of mugwumping in like a circus performer on two animals.
Some suggest it was just a baby along for the walk, but the language is strained either way.
That is probably more of a translation issue than a problem with the language used by Matthew. The gospels were written in Aramaic.
You have to read the whole story to understand Krayt's point. In Matthew, Jesus tells the disciples to go into the next village where they will find both an ass and a colt (the foal of that particular ass), and that they should bring both animals to him. Then the narrator interjects that this is in order to fulfill a prophecy (which is in Zechariah). Going back to the story, sure enough Jesus rides both animals into Jerusalem. The other three gospels also depict this scene, but there's only one animal involved.
So Matthew's account is crystal clear about there really being two animals. Literalist commentators will say Jesus was either riding one animal and the other was tied to it, or he was on some kind of sling or platform between the two.
Krayt's point is that the prophecy was probably a hendiadys, so rather than "an ass and the colt of an ass" the prophet meant "an ass, meaning the colt of an ass." But by Matthew's time, the language was interpreted literally to mean "both an ass and also the colt of an ass, so two separate animals."
"So Matthew’s account is crystal clear about there really being two animals."
So then, you've read Matthew's account in the original Aramaic?
Nothing you describe precludes this being a translation error.
No, the gospels were written in Greek. You have to be among the far right wing of fundamentalists to believe otherwise.
Most lawyers and judges are not sophisticated enough to understand this discussion.
Example: For years, they thought the phrase "sudden and accidental" in an insurance policy meant one thing. No, it means two things. See Technicon v. American Home Assur. Co., 74 N.Y.2d 66 (1989).