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History

Gordon Wood's Enduring Defense of the American Revolution

Plus: When tattoos meet copyright law

Damon Root | 6.11.2026 7:00 AM

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A painting depicting American troops with flags during the American Revolution | Washington Crossing the Delaware/Emanuel Leutze
(Washington Crossing the Delaware/Emanuel Leutze)

In 1775, the great British essayist and lexicographer Samuel Johnson entered the political fray over the American Revolution with a scorching pamphlet that attacked the wayward colonials for their disloyalty to the crown and hypocritical talk of freedom. "How is it," Johnson demanded, "that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?"

That sort of question still looms large over many contemporary debates about the American Revolution. "Why should anyone take seriously the founders' odes to liberty," the argument may go, "when many of those same founders participated in the vile institution of slavery?"

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I got to thinking about Johnson's pamphlet the other day after I learned about the tragic death of the towering American historian Gordon Wood. The connection came to mind because Wood had offered his own response to such Johnsonian questioning in what was, to my mind, his best book, The Radicalism of the American Revolution. Here is what Wood had to say:

To focus, as we are today apt to do, on what the Revolution did not accomplish—highlighting and lamenting its failure to abolish slavery and change fundamentally the lot of women—is to miss the great significance of what it did accomplish; indeed, the Revolution made possible the anti-slavery movement and women's rights movements of the nineteenth century and in fact all our current egalitarian thinking.

The example of John C. Calhoun, the famous South Carolina statesman and inveterate defender of slavery, may help to buttress Wood's point. In 1848, Calhoun denounced both the Declaration of Independence and its author, Thomas Jefferson, for promulgating the idea that "all men are created equal," which Calhoun described as "the most false and dangerous of all political errors." Calhoun was no fool. He well understood that if the Declaration of Independence was ever followed to its logical conclusion, it would spell doom for American slavery.

The great abolitionist hero Frederick Douglass knew that, too. The only difference was that while Calhoun disparaged Jefferson's words, Douglass celebrated them. By the middle of the 19th century, it was Douglass, and the antislavery movement to which he devoted his life, that truly embodied the radical principles of the American Revolution.

"It was no accident," Wood wrote, "that Americans in Philadelphia in 1775 formed the first anti-slavery society in the world." For them, just like for Douglass several decades later, the principles underlying the American Revolution could point nowhere else.


In Other Legal News

The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to issue opinions today in one or more argued cases. As of this writing, we're still waiting on huge opinions dealing with executive power, birthright citizenship, immigration, and more.

As we wait for those big SCOTUS decisions to drop, I wanted to highlight a fascinating copyright case that's been bouncing around in the lower courts. If you're familiar with the tattoo-based reality TV shows Miami Ink or LA Ink, you may also be familiar with the tattoo artist who goes by the name Kat Von D. Well, a few years ago, Von D tattooed an image of Miles Davis on one of her friends. That image was based on a picture of Davis taken by a photographer named Jeff Sedlik. After Sedlik learned about the tattoo, he demanded to be paid a licensing fee. A federal copyright suit eventually followed.

Writing at Courthouse News, Edvard Pettersson lays out the legal and artistic differences between the parties:

Von D testified that no one in the tattoo world gets licenses to use photographs as references for their creations. She maintained her use of the Miles Davis image was "fair use" because it was her interpretation of the image and served an entirely different purpose than Sedlik's work….

Sedlik, however, turned out to be a stickler when it comes to unlicensed use of his work; he regularly scans the internet to find infringers. He testified how in 2014 he tracked down another tattoo artist who had posted on social media a tattoo he had done based on the same Miles Davis photo.

I am sympathetic to Von D's fair use argument in this case. And while it's not exactly pertinent to this particular dispute, I might add that I am sympathetic to the legal plights of tattoo artists in general, as this venerable profession has long suffered under bogus regulations and other unjustifiable government interference. Indeed, it was not until 2010 that a federal judge finally held that "the tattoo itself, the process of tattooing, and the business of tattooing are forms of pure expression fully protected by the First Amendment."

In any event, Sedlik v. Von Drachenberg looks to be a copyright case to watch, as its final outcome may have costly implications for many tattooists at work today.

Start your day with Reason. Get a daily brief of the most important stories and trends every weekday morning when you subscribe to Reason Roundup.

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NEXT: 1776 All-Stars: Why Thomas Jefferson Is the Most Fascinating Founder

Damon Root is a senior editor at Reason and the author of A Glorious Liberty: Frederick Douglass and the Fight for an Antislavery Constitution (Potomac Books). His next book, Emancipation War: The Fall of Slavery and the Coming of the Thirteenth Amendment (Potomac Books), will be published in June 2026.

HistoryAmerican RevolutionLaw & GovernmentSlaveryCourtsObituaries
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  1. minus the clever name   2 months ago

    Gordon Wood was a great help to me, read his last book just some months ago, but he was deficient in the religious/philosophical mooring of our Founding.

    Benjamin Rush, a signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania, said:
    "We neglect the only means of establishing and perpetuating our republican forms of government, that is, the universal education of our youth in the principles of Christianity, by means of the Bible; for this divine book, above all others, favours that equality among mankind, that respect for just laws, and all those sober and frugal virtues, which constitute the soul of republicanism."

    1. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

      Minus, "Power and Liberty" was an excellent short book. But it's important to bear in mind that it was meant to be a short book. You're right that it didn't adequately address all the issues raised therein. For greater elaboration on the relevance of religion to the American Revolution and the connection between the principles of Christianity and the principles of republicanism, it's well worth reading Wood's "The Radicalism of the American Revolution" and Bernard Bailyn's "The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution." Both emphasize and explain how the Enlightenment and the revolution in political thinking flowed from and subsequently influenced prior revolutions in religious thinking.

      1. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

        I should have omitted the word "prior" from the last line.

    2. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

      Minus, it is very well worth noting that Rush's focus was not on mere religion or even Christianity. He emphasized that his focus was (and our focus should be) on "all those sober and frugal virtues, which constitute the soul of republicanism," including "equality among mankind" and the making and enforcing of "just laws."

      Rush and other eminent and enlightened founders were very much aware of the dangers of what some people called "religion" or "Christianity." That's precisely why that particular subject was addressed explicitly, as well as implicitly, in one of the most powerful and vital parts of our Constitution--Article VI.

      The people who wrote and ratified the U.S. Constitution expressly emphasized that "no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States." They did so, in part, to expressly emphasize that nothing anyone said about any purported religion or any purported god could possibly be more important or more powerful politically or legally than what "We the People," ourselves, said in and did with our Constitution.

      Intimately related to the foregoing, the People expressly emphasized three powerful commandments in our Constitution that echoed and overrode every purported commandment in any religious text or teaching. First, "the supreme Law of the Land" was limited to "[t]his Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States" (i.e., our Constitution and only the laws and treaties created in compliance with our Constitution). Second, "the Judges in every State" (all judges everywhere under our Constitution) were "bound" by "the supreme Law of the Land." Third, all state or federal legislators and "all executive and judicial Officers" (including all attorneys admitted to any state or federal court) were "bound" to "support this Constitution."

  2. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

    Gordon Wood's writing is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. In "The Radicalism of the American Revolution" Mr. Wood proved the extreme extent to which "independence" was individual, i.e., independence or freedom from the many dependencies that were used to dominate and control every level of society.

    We cannot truly understand our Constitution's true nature--especially its first words (commonly called a preamble) and Articles VI and VII and Amendment I--without learning the essential insights offered by Gordon Wood. In "The Creation of the American Republic," for example, Wood proved that the word "convention" in Article VII of our Constitution meant something radically different from the meaning that the British understood and used. To the British, a "convention" was imperfect and far less powerful than Parliament. To Americans (at least by 1787), a convention at which the People, themselves, decided whether to ratify a written constitution was far more powerful than any body of mere legislators.

    It's highly appropriate to speak of Johnson and lexicographers when speaking of Gordon Wood. The writing of the latter helped prove Justice Scalia and other so-called textualists wrong about how to read our Constitution. The nature of our Constitution cannot be divined by consulting retrospective dictionaries of words as conceived by any people too powerfully influence by a colonial (dependent) frame of mind. Wood proved that the people, especially those of the 1770-1800, were creating a new language of politics and government with a new vocabulary. The most obvious examples include the words "constitution," "convention," "Congress" and "President" and the expression "Bill of Rights."

    No English language dictionary before 1776 could tell us what the word "constitution" meant to the people who wrote or ratified the first state constitutions or the U.S. Constitution or the Bill of Rights or what the word "constitution" should mean to us today. No English language dictionary before 1788 could tell us what the word "convention" meant to the people who wrote or ratified the original U.S. Constitution or its first 10 amendments or what the word "convention" should mean to us today. No English language dictionary before 1791 could tell us what the expression "Bill of Rights" meant to the people who wrote or ratified the first the first 10 amendments to our Constitution or what that expression does or should mean to us today.

    Gordon Wood showed us how to see that We the People were our own lexicographers. He showed us how to see that our Constitution and Declaration of Independence, themselves, and the history being made by the people who wrote them and gave them life provided the proof of the meaning of the terms used therein.

  3. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

    Gordon Wood was, indeed, a "towering American historian." But there's more to see of the essence of our Declaration of Independence and of our Constitution than even such a giant saw.

    Consider, for example, all the many provisions of our Constitution (and more) providing for and protecting the right to vote. They serve a particularly powerful (but overlooked) purpose that was addressed by Montesquieu in 1754 in “The Spirit of the Laws.” Montesquieu emphasized the reason for and meaning of law (including provisions of our Constitution) governing suffrage.

    Montesquieu highlighted (and many of the people who wrote and ratified the foregoing parts of our Constitution understood) that the right to vote isn’t about any mere right, much less about mere voting. The right to vote is most essentially about the exercise of sovereign power by the sovereign people.

    The creation of a written constitution and suffrage thereunder are (and were understood to be in 1787) the quintessential speech of sovereigns. Nearly 100 years before our Constitution was written and ratified by the People, John Locke in 1689 published "The Second Treatise of Government," repeatedly emphasizing that sovereignty was the power to make the law. Montesquieu (and the Founders and Framers, including those who wrote or ratified the Declaration of Independence or the U.S. Constitution) followed Locke.

    Montesquieu emphasized that “[i]n a democracy the people are in some respects the sovereign, and in others the subject” (of the laws). “The freedom of every citizen constitutes a part of the public liberty; and, in a democratical state, is even a part of the sovereignty [of the people].” Many decades before the First Amendment, Montesquieu explained its primary point and purpose: “the enjoyment of liberty, and even its support and preservation, consists in every man’s being allowed to speak his thoughts and to lay open his sentiments.”

    Decades before John Adams and the Second Continental Congress urged every state to create a constitution in writing, Montesquieu emphasized that the “exercise of sovereignty” by citizens is most clearly “by their suffrages, which [is an expression of citizens’ sovereign] will: [by voting and other exercises of the freedom of expression] the sovereign’s will is the sovereign himself. The laws, therefore, which establish the right of suffrage, are fundamental to this government” so it is “important to regulate, in a republic, in what manner, by whom, to whom, and concerning what, suffrages are to be given.”

    Montesquieu also taught another lesson in The Spirit of the Laws that seems to have been reflected (eventually) in our Constitution in the Reconstruction Amendments (XIII-XV). Inasmuch “as all men are born equal, slavery must be accounted unnatural.” Even if slavery is necessary for some period of time, "it is contrary to the nature of things that the slavery should be perpetual. The people enslaved ought to be rendered capable of becoming subjects" (or citizens in a republic). The reason is that "[t]here is no such thing as a right of reducing people to slavery" except when doing so is "necessary for the preservation of the conquest. Preservation, and not servitude, is the end of conquest; though servitude may happen sometimes to be a necessary means of preservation."

    The language in the supreme law of the land defines who "We the People" are and it establishes that the People constitute the highest sovereign power (the supreme legislative body) in this nation. Our own Constitution dictates that we see, respect and nurture each other like equal sovereigns and that we not discriminate on account of race, color, previous condition of servitude, sex, wealth or age (after 17).

  4. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

    "To focus ... on what the Revolution did not accomplish ... is to miss the great significance of what it did accomplish"

    Hear, hear!

    1. MWAocdoc   2 months ago

      "In Colonial America, a few German Quakers issued the 1688 Germantown Quaker Petition Against Slavery, which marked the beginning of the American abolitionist movement." - Wikipedia

      1. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

        At essentially the same time, John Locke in The Second Treatise of Government (https://www.gutenberg.org/files/7370/7370-h/7370-h.htm) emphasized how we all are equal.

        "TO understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man."

        "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another; there being nothing more evident, than that creatures of the same species and rank, promiscuously born to all the same advantages of nature, and the use of the same faculties, should also be equal one amongst another without subordination or subjection, unless the lord and master of them all should, by any manifest declaration of his will, set one above another, and confer on him, by an evident and clear appointment, an undoubted right to dominion and sovereignty."

        Locke said "all men by nature are equal" but "I cannot be supposed to understand all sorts of equality: age or virtue may give men a just precedency: excellency of parts and merit may place others above the common level: birth may subject some, and alliance or benefits others, to pay an observance to those to whom nature, gratitude, or other respects, may have made it due: and yet all this consists with the equality, which all men are in, in respect of jurisdiction or dominion one over another; which was the equality I there spoke of, as proper to the business in hand, being that equal right, that every man hath, to his natural freedom, without being subjected to the will or authority of any other man."

        "Every man is born with a double right: first, a right of freedom to his person, which no other man has a power over, but the free disposal of it lies in himself. Secondly, a right, before any other man, to inherit with his brethren his father’s goods."

        1. Jack Jordan   2 months ago

          Locke also shed light on the allusion in the first sentence of the Declaration of Independence to "one People" who "assume[d] among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them." Locke explained:

          "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions: for men being all the workmanship of one omnipotent, and infinitely wise maker; all the servants of one sovereign master, sent into the world by his order, and about his business; they are his property, whose workmanship they are, made to last during his, not one another’s pleasure: and being furnished with like faculties, sharing all in one community of nature, there cannot be supposed any such subordination among us, that may authorize us to destroy one another, as if we were made for one another’s uses, as the inferior ranks of creatures are for our’s. Every one, as he is bound to preserve himself, and not to quit his station wilfully, so by the like reason, when his own preservation comes not in competition, ought he, as much as he can, to preserve the rest of mankind, and may not, unless it be to do justice on an offender, take away, or impair the life, or what tends to the preservation of the life, the liberty, health, limb, or goods of another."

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