Brian Doherty | May 5, 2009
In a peculiar but not unprecedented turn of events, an anti-gun control plaintiff lost his case, last month's Nordyke v. King, but nonetheless managed to elicit a groundbreaking pro-gun rights declaration from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
In deciding that it was OK for California’s Alameda County to bar the possession of guns on county property—a law that quashed a gun show that had long been held on county fairgrounds—the Ninth Circuit affirmed that the Second Amendment does control state and local actions as well as federal ones. That was a step farther than last year's decision in District of Columbia v. Heller, when Supreme Court declared authoritatively for the first time that the Second Amendment did indeed protect an individual right to bear arms. That decision concerned only federal actions.
It’s not unusual for an important gun rights principle to be embedded in a decision upholding a gun law. In fact, that outcome has a positive historical pedigree. The same thing happened in the groundbreaking 2001 Fifth Circuit case, U.S. v. Emerson, where the court declared that the individual right to possess weapons existed in principle (as distinct from some collective right connected with militia membership). But the opinion also said that the particular statute at issue, which barred individuals currently under restraining orders from owning weapons, did not violate the right.
What mattered for the future of gun rights was not whether the plaintiff won his challenge (he didn’t). What mattered was that Emerson created a split in judgment over what the Second Amendment meant among the federal judicial circuits. That laid the groundwork for the Supreme Court to take up the question in Heller. Similarly, what’s most important for the future of gun rights jurisprudence with Nordyke is not whether Alameda County will once again see gun shows on its property (it won’t) but that the decision creates a clear circuit split on whether or not the Second Amendment applies, through what’s called “incorporation” via the 14th Amendment, to state and local actions.
Thus, even though the particular gun show operators who fought Nordyke lost, they won a great victory for the gun rights cause and almost certainly laid the ground for a future Supreme Court case. This year has already seen another federal circuit case, the Second Circuit’s Maloney v. Cuomo, which involves a New York ban on nunchuk possession, declare that the Second Amendment does not apply to states or localities. This has been the standard position on Second Amendment incorporation in the federal courts. The plaintiff in Maloney intends to petition for certiorari from the Supreme Court. The Nordyke plaintiffs can’t, since the particular issue on which they lost, a government’s ability to ban or restrict guns on government property, is not an issue on which there is a circuit split the Supremes need to resolve.
Nordyke’s stroll through the court system was long and twisted and the plaintiffs used a variety of legal arguments to try to overthrow the county’s ban. The line of reasoning by Judge Diarmuid F. O’Scannlain in Nordyke has proved particularly interesting as it has attempted to follow the 14th Amendment’s call that “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.”
Elements of the federal Bill of Rights might be said to apply to states and localities in at least two ways, and most of the Bill of Rights has already been thus applied. But until Nordyke, the Second Amendment had been glaringly left out. For non-lawyers, the way the 14th Amendment ended up being parsed in Nordyke, and most other cases, might seem peculiar, but here’s how it went.
O’Scannlain declared that the Second Amendment is not one of the “privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States,” precisely because the right is one of “those general civil rights independent of the Republic’s existence,” and not a peculiar possession of Americans as Americans. Peculiarly, it is too important to be imposed on the states via the 14th Amendment by the "privileges or immunities" clause.
Luckily, there is another way. Though you might think “due process” refers merely to the ways or procedures by which government deals with our rights, courts have come to believe in something called “substantive due process.” The Due Process Clause “guarantees more than fair process, and the ‘liberty’ it protects includes more than the absence of physical restraint,” as explained in 1997’s Washington v. Glucksberg.
Thus, as O’Scannlain wrote in Nordyke, if the Second Amendment right is “fundamental, meaning ‘necessary to an Anglo-American regime of ordered liberty’…then the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates it.” And using reasoning analogous to how trial by jury was incorporated on states and localities in the 1968 Duncan decision, he held that the Second Amendment also must be incorporated.
The decision in Nordyke, much like Heller, laid out in convincing detail that the right of self-defense through weapons protected in the Second Amendment is indeed “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition....The crucial role this deeply rooted right has played in our birth and history compels us to recognize that it is indeed fundamental, that it is necessary to the Anglo-American conception of ordered liberty."
Still, since Heller’s outline of that right kept it rooted in self-defense in the home, O’Scannlain nonetheless decided that Alameda County could keep its ordinance banning weapons on county property since that restriction did not unduly restrict the core element of the gun possession right as Heller interpreted it.
While the New York Times would have you believe Heller has had few meaningful after-effects, gun rights scholar David Kopel sums up well how significant the decision has been already:
On the day that Heller was decided, the citizens of five Chicago suburbs, and of Chicago itself, were prohibited from owning guns. Residents of apartments provided by the San Francisco Housing Authority were prohibited from owning any gun. Within 24 hours of the Heller decision, gun rights organizations—including the National Rifle Association (NRA) and the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF)—filed lawsuits against the gun bans.
Today, the residents of San Francisco public housing can own guns in their homes. In four of the five Chicago suburbs (Morton Grove, Evanston, Wilmette, and Winnetka), the handgun bans have been repealed.
Moving forward, a series of interesting and potentially game-changing new legal challenges have been launched in Heller’s wake. A sampling of a few:
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DC v. Heller didn't expand gun rights, it rolled back
an unconstitutional infringement of those rights.
-jcr
DC v. Heller didn't expand gun rights, it rolled back an
unconstitutional infringement of those rights.
Plato lives.
It hardly takes a Platonic, other-worldly conception of rights to recognize that individual human beings need and are entitled to possess the means to defend themselves from physical aggression.
It doesn't "reside" anywhere. If you want to create a political order that allows individuals to defend their lives and property (and there's a whole host of reasons why you should), you need individual gun rights. If you're interested in other kinds of politics, ones more similar to Plato's brand of collectivism for instance, then you may be able to make a case for denying the existence of gun rights altogether.
It doesn't "reside" anywhere.
The ontological principle: Everything that exists exists
somewhere.
If you want to create a political order that allows individuals
to defend their lives and property (and there's a whole host of
reasons why you should), you need individual gun rights.
That doesn't follow. One could approximately as easily argue that a
regime could simply make possession of a gun a death penalty
offense (making the cost prohibitively high for anyone, including a
criminal, to possess one), thus making it not a necessity to own a
gun for defense of self and property because nobody else, including
those that would presumably threaten you, has one.
Or a person could instead of owning a gun study ninjitsu. Or invest
in moats and pit traps. Certainly a state could just as easily
legalize and make available such defense activities in lieu of
legalizing gun ownership.
LMNOP, you've forgotten the most important principle: good, bad...I'm the guy the with the gun.
The ontological principle: Everything that exists exists
somewhere.
Okay, where does truth exist?
One could approximately as easily argue that a regime could
simply make possession of a gun a death penalty offense (making the
cost prohibitively high for anyone, including a criminal, to
possess one), thus making it not a necessity to own a gun for
defense of self and property because nobody else, including those
that would presumably threaten you, has one.
Except that the point of gun ownership is to protect against all
forms of aggression, not just other people with guns. And given the
impracticality of banning all knives and blunt objects, or
generally just being a big badass dude, firearms serve as the best
equalizer yet invented. No point in rebutting with "pepper spray"
because it's useless against a tyrannical government, one of the
potential sources of aggression.
Don't know how my landlord would feel about me rigging up a moat or
pit traps in my little apartment. He'd probably draw the line at
boiling buckets of tar, though.
Okay, where does truth exist?
Truth is not an object, it's a descriptive term for a
correspondence relationship. As such, "truth" doesn't exist, but
"truths" (about given propositional sentences) do. "Truth" as it is
used grammatically is a collective object for the theoretical set
of all possible true propositions. We create grammatical fictions
all the time that do not correspond with real objects. Take the
noun "nothing", for example. It's a grammatical cipher in place of
a real object.
Except that the point of gun ownership is to protect against
all forms of aggression, not just other people with guns. And given
the impracticality of banning all knives and blunt objects, or
generally just being a big badass dude, firearms serve as the best
equalizer yet invented.
This is a better argument, though it still fails to support your
earlier claims of necessity. I would concede that contingently,
there is no better equalizer currently. However, if a better
equalizer were invented tomorrow, then guns would immediately lose
that status and this argument would crumble.
No point in rebutting with "pepper spray" because it's useless
against a tyrannical government, one of the potential sources of
aggression.
So's a gun, practically speaking. Many people together with many
guns, working in concert...maybe. But one person with their trusty
Remington? Not so much.
Or a person could instead of owning a gun study ninjitsu. Or invest in moats and pit traps. Certainly a state could just as easily legalize and make available such defense activities in lieu of legalizing gun ownership.
The elderly and infirm can't practice martial arts, and even most
healthy people will require years of study to become proficient.
And you can't take moats and pit traps with you.
A few people with trusty "remingingtons" did pretty well. The assertion that one does not matter is wrong. People do not exist alone as individuals. The ability of a society to defend itself relies on the rights of the individual to do so. Hence the individual right to own the most recent means of equalization. The Colt 1911! Or maybe an AR 15 or two.
It hardly takes a Platonic, other-worldly conception of
rights to recognize that individual human beings need and are
entitled to possess the means to defend themselves from physical
aggression.
In fact, the second amendment recognizes "THE right to keep and
bear arms", which means that the right is pre-existing.
-jcr
Everybody wants to be the new joe.Thank God neu mejican isn't stinkin' up the joint auditioning for the part.
Elemenope, Graphite:
I just want to tell you both good luck. We're all counting on
you.
I have doubts that gun rights, or rights described the need for
"human beings . . . to possess the means to defend themselves from
physical aggression" are "natural" rights. I think that you have
the natural right to life, and the natural right to defend your
life, but I have my doubts that you have a natural right to any
particular *means* of defending your life.
But, I have no doubt that said rights are "'deeply rooted in this
Nation's history and tradition,' and 'implicit in the concept of
ordered liberty,' such that 'neither liberty nor justice would
exist if they were sacrificed.'" Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U.S.
702, _____ (1997). Such rights are therefore fundamental for the
purposes of the due process clause of the fourteenth amendment, and
should be incorporated against the states.
but I have my doubts that you have a natural right to any
particular *means* of defending your life.
I'll accept that premise. Private property rights already protect
my firearm, except when the government decides to infringe those
rights.
In fact, unlike the situation in Britain where self-defense with a
bat after already being beat bloody is prosecuted, US self-defense
infringement more often does take the form of property
right infringement.
(For more information on the state of self-defence in Britain, Samizdata has some anecdotes.)
Come on, lay off of LMNOP. He's a philosophy student; you can't blame him for wanting to talk philosophy.
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If you have to use the "natural rights" argument to defend the
2nd Amendment, you have lost the debate. When your opponent is a
hoplophobic atheist who is assured that his or her personal beliefs
are the most correct, you will not get far by stating that your
rights are either given to you by a god or that they somehow exist
outside the realm of laws. You would be much more successful if you
took your opponents other beliefs (feminism, racial/income
equality) and then showed how gun control laws harm these
individuals the most (women/their children who are beaten to death
by spouses, poor minorities have the least access to police and
guns and are thus at the most risk).
Come on, lay off of LMNOP. He's a philosophy student; you can't blame him for wanting to talk philosophy.
Actually, I think a lot of the posters here lack the reading
comprehension necessary to realize that LMNOP isn't a gun banning
liberal but is instead just a pedant sharpening peoples
arguments.
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I think Naga actually posts more during the day, try again
later.
You would be much more successful if you took your opponents
other beliefs (feminism, racial/income equality) and then showed
how gun control laws harm these individuals the most (women/their
children who are beaten to death by spouses, poor minorities have
the least access to police and guns and are thus at the most
risk).
Yes, let's abandon the philisophical basis for the Bill of Rights.
Dead old white men, right? In this brave new world of relativism,
only the Oppressed have Rights. Shall we rally under the Arc
tonight, Pierre? Bring your red flag!
Actually, I think a lot of the posters here lack the reading
comprehension necessary to realize that LMNOP isn't a gun banning
liberal but is instead just a pedant sharpening peoples
arguments.
:-)
I would add to that an explicit formalization of my method (because
I'm a pedant!):
I believe "A".
Everyone around me says "A".
Narcissus/Echo dialogues are not only really fucking boring but
also do not help to explicate "A".
So I says to everyone I says "B".
Not because I care about "B", but because I care about "A", or more
specifically, how both "A" as an idea interacts with "B", but also
how people who hold "A" deal practically with the assertion of "B"
(a two-for-the-price-of-one experiment).
If the defenders of "A" eviscerate "B", I understand how to defend
"A" better. If the defenders of "A" fail to eviscerate "B", I need
to reevaluate my stance towards both "A" and "B".
And either way, I gain a better understanding of the people who
tend to hold "A" as true.
If you have to use the "natural rights" argument to defend
the 2nd Amendment, you have lost the debate. When your opponent is
a hoplophobic atheist who is assured that his or her personal
beliefs are the most correct, you will not get far by stating that
your rights are either given to you by a god or that they somehow
exist outside the realm of laws.
As a hoplophilic* Atheist who has no idea whether in the end I'm
really right or not, I' have to agree with cuernimus completely on
this. If your object is to convince people, you have to do it on
their terms (using frameworks they use and understand and agree
with). To demand instead to use your own is to guarantee a
stupendously high rate of failure.
* (No, not that way, Epi.)
Elemenope, Graphite:
I just want to tell you both good luck. We're all counting on
you.
Yes, let's abandon the philisophical basis for the Bill of Rights. Dead old white men, right? In this brave new world of relativism, only the Oppressed have Rights. Shall we rally under the Arc tonight, Pierre? Bring your red flag!
It's great that you believe in the philosophy behind the Bill of
Rights, but a lot of people you are going to be arguing with (who
will be voting on YOUR rights) haven't even read the Constitution,
much less John Locke. So convince them on their own level, then
recommend that they read up on their history, but don't expect them
to agree with you (and vote accordingly) when they have no fucking
clue what you are talking about.
I just want to tell you both good luck. We're all counting on you.
Surely you can't be serious.
(No, not that way, Epi.)
Mm'kay, dude.
So convince them on their own level
For many, their "level" is that of irrationality and emotion. I
have dealt with people like this--nice, pleasant people who I
liked, yet irrational. It is virtually impossible to get them to
change their opinion, because their belief is essentially religious
in nature.
Honestly, with these types, it doesn't matter what approach you
take. It's like attempting to convince a truly religious person
that Satan (insert any dark lord of choice here) isn't a bad guy.
Ain't. Gonna. Happen.
Believe me, I've tried. Several different arguments, in fact. I
gave up.
Believe me, I've tried. Several different arguments, in
fact. I gave up.
You need to take a different tact altogether.
Oh man! If you would have waited just one day longer you could
have included the grand daddy of all Ca/9TH CIRCUIT/2nd Amend. law
suits (THE RIGHT TO BEAR SUIT) just released today: PRESS RELEASE
HERE
http://www.calguns.net/calgunforum/showthread.php?t=180923
"BELLEVUE, WA and REDWOOD CITY, CA - The Second Amendment
Foundation, The Calguns Foundation and three California residents
today filed a lawsuit seeking to vindicate the right to bear arms
against arbitrary state infringement.
Nearly all states allow qualified law-abiding citizens to carry
guns for self-defense, but a few states allow local officials to
arbitrarily decide who may exercise this core Second Amendment
right. In the action filed today, Plaintiffs challenge the policies
of two California Sheriffs, in Sacramento and Yolo counties, who
reject the basic human right of self defense by refusing to issue
ordinary people gun carry permits. Of course, violent criminals in
the impacted counties continue to carry guns without police
permission..."
I have the unalienable individual, civil, Constitutional, and
human right of every man, woman, and responsible child to obtain,
own, and carry, openly or concealed, any weapon-rifle, shotgun,
handgun, machinegun, anything-any time, any place, without asking
anyone's permission.
That's how I live my life. Why don't y'all do the same?
Believe me, I've tried. Several different arguments, in
fact. I gave up.
That's because you are trying *arguments*. For the irrational, a
story-telling tack is more effective. For a person who is against
guns because "they're dangerous", you need to paint a picture in
their minds of a plausible circumstance in which not having a gun
would put their child/spouse/friend at risk. In such cases,
painting the picture effectively is more important by far than the
conclusion following logically from the premises because, as you
say, they are immune to logic.
All that they need to remember from the picture you paint is that
there are dangerous people out there, they all have guns, and the
cops are too far away to be relied upon to help.
Where does the entitlement reside?
The right to defend oneself exists in each individual. When
survival is at stake, any perfectly reasonable person will use the
best means available to defend life or anything else he deems as
valuable, regardless of any rules to the contrary. In such a
circumstance, the consequences of violating any rule are
insubtantial.
That doesn't follow. One could approximately as easily argue
that a regime could simply make possession of a gun a death penalty
offense (making the cost prohibitively high for anyone, including a
criminal, to possess one), thus making it not a necessity to own a
gun for defense of self and property because nobody else, including
those that would presumably threaten you, has one.
People commit offenses punishable by death every day, so it does
not follow that gun possession would be eliminated if it were a
capital offense. Government could presumably pose a threat to the
individual, so we would have to their guns as well. And let's not
forget foreign threats; although, it would seem difficult to
prevent them from possessing guns if we were unarmed.
The fundamental problem with the notion of gun control is the
assumption that the effective prohibition of gun possession is
possible. The genie is out of the bottle, so to speak. To prevent
the possession of firearms, you would need to effectively prohibit
fire, steel, and/or basic chemicals. And even then, clever people
would find subsitutes.
(any errors in HTML tags are the result of the influence of an
irresponsible quantity of Negra Modelo)
People commit offenses punishable by death every day, so it
does not follow that gun possession would be eliminated if it were
a capital offense.
Very few people commit offenses punishable by death. It is logical
to assume that as the marginal cost of an activity is increased
sharply, one is likely to see less of that activity, and
concomitantly it is very likely that crimes involving guns would
drop to *nearly* zero if possessing a gun were a crime punishable
by death.
The fundamental problem with the notion of gun control is the
assumption that the effective prohibition of gun possession is
possible. The genie is out of the bottle, so to speak. To prevent
the possession of firearms, you would need to effectively prohibit
fire, steel, and/or basic chemicals. And even then, clever people
would find substitutes.
Most people are not clever, and the overall policy purpose would be
achieved (i.e. most people would not have firearms, those that did
would be basically ineffective, and very very few people would be
*both* clever enough to own a gun and *stupid* enough to commit a
capital crime by possessing one unless they were engaging in
something for which risk of death is a worthy exchange).
H&R -- come for the guns, stay for the retarded
navel-gazing bullshit.
Let's don't forget the masturbatory thought exercises, although
it's probably more like having Rob Liefeld draw a picture of
Truth.
"Except that the point of gun ownership is to protect against
all forms of aggression, not just other people with guns. And given
the impracticality of banning all knives and blunt objects, or
generally just being a big badass dude, firearms serve as the best
equalizer yet invented."
I don't think this is a good argument, unless you assume that in
aggression circumstances the party in the right is usually the one
that needs an equalizer. It's like an argument that says "we need
to have access to guns because some of us are pussy wimps." I mean,
we don't want to equalize things for the aggressor (he could have a
gun and the victim who otherwise could kick his ass may not).
To me the argument against gun control has always been about this:
the vast majority of people who own guns don't harm anyone with
them, ever. We have laws already against doing bad things with
guns. But mere ownership is not in itself a bad thing, and given
most people that fall into that class don't ever do bad things it's
wrong to go after mere ownership (I think the same can be said of
carrying as well). It's like the craigslist thing: the vast
majority of people who use it don't use it to do anything wrong,
why restrict it because of the few people who do? Have laws to
punish the people who do when they do and leave the law abiding
alone...
I actually agree with LMNOP though that if we had strict gun
control laws then
1. Less people would own them
2. Less people would die due to gun inflicted wounds
But I also think we would have a situation in which a huge slice of
the population would have something they derived a great deal of
satisfaction from having and using a thing deprived from them, many
of whom could say it was a part of their cultural heritage, and
these people would never have contributed to number two above. I
know it sounds trite but we would have many less people dead if we
banned cars and had mass transit for folks too, but that seems
wrong to me as well. Most people that own cars use them responsibly
and many derive a great deal of utility from owning/using them. Why
deprive them of that because of the fraction that do not? We have
laws to deter the use of them that we object to.
How to talk to both liberals AND conservatives about the 2nd Amendment.
Heller II was filed in DC earlier this year. It challenges
several points in the gun control laws that DC passed last
December, including California's "approved handgun roster", and the
ban on semi-automatic rifles.
More information is available at http://www.hellerfoundation.org/
(please excuse the site format - Mr. Heller is maintaining it
himself, and he's not a web developer by trade).
I think that you have the natural right to life, and the
natural right to defend your life, but I have my doubts that you
have a natural right to any particular *means* of defending your
life.
What we need here is a clear and widely accepted definition of
"rights".
There is a wide spectrum of definitions to choose from. The talking
past each other on this issue is mostly from people who have
different definitions. They are literally talking about different
things.
On one end of the spectrum is a "natural rights" approach, where
the rights are Platonic entities that exist independently of
people's acceptance or recognition of them. Modern folk have a hard
time with Platonism, for a variety of reasons.
At the other end of the spectrum is the legalistic positivism,
which actually goes back to Oliver Wendell Holmes, where rights
don't exist unless you can actually exercise them because the State
both recognizes and respects them. This tends be deeply
unsatisfactory, as you wind up with the conclusion that you have no
rights that the State doesn't grant to you.
I don't think this is a good argument, unless you assume
that in aggression circumstances the party in the right is usually
the one that needs an equalizer.
I think it goes without saying that the victim of aggression needs
an equalizer/effective means of self-defense, MNG. I'm not sure why
you think the argument for gun rights as an essential element of
effective self-defense requires any recognition of a "right" an
aggressor to use guns wrongfully.
H&R -- come for the guns, stay for the retarded
navel-gazing bullshit.
:-)
I don't know much about Plato, nor care very much about what some
court says. I carry weapons because the ability to mount an
effective defense is part of the mandate of any fully-mature
creature, and because I'm a scrawny worn-out specimen of my species
and any thug could beat the shit out of me.
Also because I want to. My magazines are full, and any thug -
uniformed or otherwise - who wants to argue with my erudite
philosophical bullshit should keep it in mind. How's that
for libertarian navel-gazing?
Dean
You misunderstand me. Guns can shift the advantage that would
naturally be there for the physically more capable of two
combatants, but it can shift it for the morally worthy party (a gun
in the hand of a person being attacked without provocation) or in
favor of the morally unworthy (a robber who pulls a gun on a
bigger, stronger victim). This is why saying we need guns because
they shift the natural advantage is not a good argument.
...if we had strict gun control laws then
1. Less people would own them
2. Less people would die due to gun inflicted wounds
Neither of those necessarilly follow.
Britain's traditionally very low homicide rate has steadily
increased since the first gun control laws were passed in the
1880s. It is, of course, still low, but the trend is upwards even
though individual years may see
Fluctuations in the USA's traditionally rather high homicide rate
have followed trends other than gun control laws (prohibition, both
alcohol and drugs, seem to have some affect) except that no gun
control law has ever seen a reduction in homicide rates (unless
there was a trend already underway in that direction) after being
passed.
No correlation seems to be able to be found for gun control laws
and homicide rates. Mexico and Jamaica with extremely strict laws
have among the highest rates in the world while Switzerland, whose
gun laws rank with some of the least restrictive US states*, has a
even lower rate than the UK.
*although this is changing due to EU pressure.
...the trend is upwards even though individual years may see reductions.
Actually, there is a very clear boundry of what the line is for
gun control. The right to keep and bear arms is not open for
interpretation. What can be regulated is how and when those arms
can be used. Self defense, hunting, target shooting and other legal
uses can not be prohibited, but having an ordinance against the
indiscriminate discharge of a firearm is lawful.
So it is not whether or not one can have firearms, but under what
conditions they may be used. Making their use totally illegal (ie,
in self defense) would not be legal.
This same principle applies for almost everything. One can own an
automobile, but they can not just go out and race all over the
place.
"1. Less people would own them
2. Less people would die due to gun inflicted wounds"
You say that as if either of these is automatically a Good
Thing.
I want to see more intended victims armed.
I want to see more intended victims help their victimizers die due
to gun-inflicted wounds.
One could approximately as easily argue that a regime could
simply make possession of a gun a death penalty offense (making the
cost prohibitively high for anyone, including a criminal, to
possess one), thus making it not a necessity to own a gun for
defense of self and property because nobody else, including those
that would presumably threaten you, has one.
Picture an 80-year-old woman in a wheelchair. Most of the people
who would threaten her don't need a gun to do so.
A firearm is the one and only tool that would give her the means to
resist. That's a "necessity."
Or a person could instead of owning a gun study
ninjitsu.
In a wheelchair?
Or invest in moats and pit traps.
Totally useless outside your own property, and if you have to get
through them in a wheelchair not very effective.
Certainly a state could just as easily legalize and make
available such defense activities in lieu of legalizing gun
ownership.
See "nunchuks." States that ban firearms have a dismal record of
encouraging, or even allowing, other self-defense tools.
Where does the entitlement reside?
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
but I have my doubts that you have a natural right to any
particular *means* of defending your life.
But I don't doubt you have a right to the most
effective means.
It is logical to assume that as the marginal cost of an
activity is increased sharply, one is likely to see less of that
activity, and concomitantly it is very likely that crimes involving
guns would drop to *nearly* zero if possessing a gun were a crime
punishable by death.
Look south. In Mexico possession of a single .22 rimfire cartridge
is punishable by a long term in a Mexican prison, arguably a
harsher punishment than death. Crimes involving guns up to and
including 60mm grenade launchers are rampant.
Most people are not clever, and the overall policy purpose
would be achieved (i.e. most people would not have firearms, those
that did would be basically ineffective, and very very few people
would be *both* clever enough to own a gun and *stupid* enough to
commit a capital crime by possessing one unless they were engaging
in something for which risk of death is a worthy
exchange).
Like any black market?
I don't think this is a good argument, unless you assume that
in aggression circumstances the party in the right is usually the
one that needs an equalizer.
A pretty valid assumption. Eighty-year-old women in wheelchairs
don't usually pick on 20-something criminals.
Guns can shift the advantage that would naturally be there for
the physically more capable of two combatants, but it can shift it
for the morally worthy party (a gun in the hand of a person being
attacked without provocation) or in favor of the morally unworthy
(a robber who pulls a gun on a bigger, stronger victim). This is
why saying we need guns because they shift the natural advantage is
not a good argument.
Then add the point that gun control is far more likely to prevent
the first instance than the second. London's black market is
flooded with all kinds of firearms, for sale or rent to the
"morally unworthy."
The 9th Circuit's decision (re incorporation) is great but I
sincerely doubt Heller will prove to be the watershed case Doherty
expects. Saying that the Second Amendment protects an individual
right to own and possess firearms and saying that this right
applies *IN FULL* to the states are two different things. The 2nd
Amend. certainly is not alone among rights in the Bill of Rights to
not be incorporated. For instance, the Grand Jury requirement in
the 5th does not apply to the states. Nor does the 7th Amendment
(right to jury in civil cases).
Note that Scalia, who penned the majority opinion in Heller, has
publicly stated that he thinks that substantive due process is a
judicially created enterprise not found in the Constitution (and
thus dubious). Moreover, Justice Thomas--about as states' rights as
they get--will have to reconcile this should he decide that the 2nd
applies to the states.
Maybe the Supreme Court will take this (I doubt it--it is
statistically very unlikely, for one), but Heller was a 5-4
decision and incorporation would propose to widely expand rights
beyond Heller.
The Nordyke decision was a somewhat mixed victory for the Second
Amendment because they still ruled that the County (LA county?)
could forbid gun shows on the county fair ground for no other
reason than that they wanted to. The 9th called this "reasonable"
(a term well liked by Obama) as I understand it.
Anyway, I particularly sympathize with the following pessimistic
comment to the blog article which tracks very well with current
anti-gun efforts, is not too far from the truth in some states now,
and would fit in very nicely with Obama's endorsement of "2nd
Amendment rights subject to reasonable restrictions" :
http://armsandthelaw.com/archives/2009/04/nordyke_v_king_2.php#comments
"Anyway, though I welcome this decision (Nordyke), I stand by my
earlier prediction that even formal incorporation will not do RKBA
(Right to Keep and Bear Arms) much good in the lower courts. Even
this decision points the way: RKBA is to be quietly euthanized by
balancing tests. Effigies representing the ghost of RKBA will be
paraded in courtrooms from time to time but they will always remain
silent, of course.
In every case, whatever gun restriction is being challenged will be
upheld as "reasonable."
Soon enough there will be no lawful (that is "reasonably
restricted") way to have a gun unless you inherit it from someone
who bought it before 1968. That's assuming you can even get a
personal-firearms-possession-license-- the license fee will be 10%
of your Form 1040 Line 38 Adjusted Gross Income, and your license
may be refused or revoked anytime without notice on the
"reasonable" whim of any sheriff, police chief, or deputy State
attorney. You'll have to store your gun at all times, other than
your reasonably-allowed (single) annual trip to the (only)
State-licensed shooting range, disassembled in a government
approved floor safe (which you must remove if you ever sell or
vacate your home), subject to warrantless surprise inspections four
times yearly (inspection fee $350 per inspection). Also you will
have to pay a $200 fee to re-register each gun annually (with
confiscation and possible prosecution for unlicensed possession the
punishment for late renewal).
Your credit card, supermarket affinity card, and bank records will
be provided to the Brady Campaign and if you ever purchase beer,
liquor, cigarettes, red meat, Kraft cheese, or Hostess Twinkies (or
attend a boxing match) the Brady bunch will report you to the State
Attorney's office which will revoke your personal firearms
possession license, then immediately indict you for unlawful
possession.
Reasonable restrictions on ammunition will limit you to buying or
reloading one box of 50 or fewer cartridges in any 13-month period.
Of course you'll have to order cartridges or components 3 months in
advance since both bullets and cases must be individually engraved
with your Social Security Number plus a unique serial number and
the propellant must contain 1% taggants marked with your personal
firearms possession license number. Anyway, you won't need much
ammo because you will be reasonably restricted to firing it at the
state's (only) licensed shooting range, where range staff must
count and log by serial number all of the ammo in your bag on the
way in, and again on the way out, so the State has a reasonable
record of which cartridges you fired lawfully. During warrantless
surprise inspections of your licensed gun safe you will have to
produce all unfired cartridges which State records indicate you
ought to possess. If any are missing you will be presumed
(rebuttably, of course) to have fired them unlawfully. You will be
tried on one count for each missing component (case, bullet,
propellant charge, primer) of a cartridge, for each day it was
missing (that is, since it was last logged by personnel at the
(only) State-licensed shooting range, unless you confess to
unlawfully firing it or leaving it where a child could take it on a
specific date prior to the date the inspectors discovered you could
not produce it) but the maximum penalty for each count will be just
360 days, so you will not be entitled to a jury trial-- none of the
"missing ammo" charges against you will be "felonies," even though
the penalty upon conviction on all counts will be decades in
prison.
There is no end to the parade of "reasonable" restrictions antigun
fanatics will dream up and write into law. As soon as an appeals
court lets any restriction pass as "reasonable" the underlying
Constitutional right has been thrown down the cloaca maxima.
Posted by: Boadicea at April 20, 2009 04:10 PM"
By the wayRe: "Elemenope | May 5, 2009, 7:52pm
Where does the entitlement reside?"
This is anthropomorphism and as such is a logical fallicy. Only
beings can "reside".
Natural rights exist in any case where the 'natural'
circumstance, without intervention by others, is the default. I
have a natural right to live; unless you kill me, I am alive. I
have a natural right to my personal affects; absent thievery, there
is nothing to deprive me of them. I have a natural right to travel;
absent restraint, I am empowered to move. I have a natural right to
my own thoughts; absent you to dictate to me what is and is not
appropriate, my mind may wander in any direction it pleases.
I do not have a natural right to kill others; this interferes with
their natural right to life. I do not have a natural right to take
from others; this interferes with their natural right to their
property. I do not have a natural right to imprison; I do not have
a natural right to dictate to others what they may think or believe
(though I certainly have a natural right to orate at length about
my own beliefs).
I have a rational right to defend my natural rights. If I may not
fight back against a murderer, a thief, or an enslaver, my right is
destroyed by his simple disregard for it, and in practicality it
ceases to exist in the presence of any evil. A rational right
therefore derives from a natural right. Any right which is neither
natural nor rational is probably a privilege.
My right to own a gun, therefore, is a natural right and
irrevocable. My right to fire it is a rational right, subject to
circumstance. Taking my justly acquired gun violates my rights;
telling me I may not fire it may or may not violate my natural
right. Intent and circumstance are everything, the object is both
irrelevant and untouchable in any case by any presumed 'right' of
the state.
As far as the decision in this case, I guess it hinges on
whether you consider public property free land, wholly owned by
each individual, or whether you consider it community property
divisibly owned in part by each individual. In the latter case it
is the community's right to decide democratically what may and may
not be done on it, assuming democratic process is the most rational
and fair way to dispense of jointly owned property.
These guys can still have a gun show on any private piece of
property presumably; if they don't like what the county wants done
on the fairgrounds, they can pool their money and rent a large
ranch for the same purpose.
The gun control movement has to use fraud to bolster its case.
Sometimes it uses arguments that are quite silly, such as this
one:
//rhrealitycheck.org/reader-diaries/2009/05/09/gun-control-is-a-reproductive-justice-issue-some-thoughts-mothers-day?page=1
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