Michael C. Moynihan | May 30, 2008
If you doubt that the big broadcast and print media outlets are, for the most, in the tank for Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.), quickly skim the transcript of the Democratic frontrunner’s speech in Miami last Friday. Obama travelled to Little Havana to engage in some election-year genuflection, that ritualistic demonstration of fealty to Cuban exiles performed by almost every presidential candidate since Fidel Castro took possession of the island in 1959. Obama pandered, the media swooned—and a few interesting policy shifts were curiously ignored.
In his speech to the Cuban-American National Foundation (CANF), Obama thundered that he would only accept “libertad” for the captive nation of Cuba, and promised to pave “the road to freedom for all Cubans” by securing “justice for Cuba’s political prisoners, the rights of free speech, a free press and freedom of assembly; and it must lead to elections that are free and fair.” How this elusive goal would be achieved was rather predictably left unsaid.
After the platitudes about freedom and the obligatory Jose Marti citations, Obama staked out a handful of substantive policy positions. If elected, he said, an Obama administration would end the Bush administration’s draconian and counterproductive limits on both family travel and cash remittances sent to Cuba, a policy opposed by a majority of Cuban-Americans.
It was but one policy proposal—a good one, for sure—and the following day’s New York Times dispatch led with it: “Senator Barack Obama on Friday called for greater engagement with Cuba and Latin America, saying the long-standing policies of isolation have failed to advance the interests of the United States or help people who have suffered under oppressive governments.”
Dig deeper into the speech—and the Times account—and you'll find that there are significant limits to Obama’s policies of engagement. During his 2004 Senate campaign Obama declared that it was "time for us to end the embargo with Cuba.... It's time for us to acknowledge that that particular policy has failed." But Cubans don’t influence Illinois senate races like they do Florida presidential contests. And while another Times article declared that “Change Comes to Miami,” the real news is that Obama is merely interested in tinkering with America’s Cuba policy, not substantially changing it.
“I will maintain the embargo,” he said to cheers from CANF members. “It provides us with the leverage to present the regime with a clear choice: if you take significant steps toward democracy, beginning with the freeing of all political prisoners, we will take steps to begin normalizing relations. That’s the way to bring about real change in Cuba—through strong, smart and principled diplomacy.”
Wasn’t it this claim—a rather significant policy shift—that should have made the news? In an article headlined “Taking a new approach to Cuba,” the Los Angeles Times mentioned that Cuba had been embargoed for 47 years, and that the brave senator “plunged boldly into these uncharted political waters” by suggesting a repeal of the Bush travel and remittance policy, but didn’t find the space to mention that Obama abandoned—at least temporarily—his support for lifting the embargo.
A writer at The Huffington Post hailed Obama’s “gutsy” and “sensible” speech and noted that CANF founder Jorge Mas Canosa “was a notorious Reagan-era warhorse who made his career as a leader of the embargo-industrial complex.” On Obama’s embargo pander, it was noted, with significant understatement, that “he hasn't pronounced himself ready just yet to let go of the entire embargo.”
The Boston Globe focused on another, less newsworthy aspect of the speech: “Obama: Bush fostered Chavez rise: ‘Negligent’ foreign policy created void.” It’s a dubious claim, one belied by the chronology of Chavez’s political successes, but Obama’s denunciation of Bush’s foreign policy legacy only distracted from his own bellicose—and well-formulated—anti-Chavez rhetoric.
Sounding like a mellifluous, hope-spreading version of Otto Reich, Obama slammed Chavez’s “predictable yet perilous mix of anti-American rhetoric, authoritarian government, and checkbook diplomacy” that “offers the same false promise as the tried and failed ideologies of the past.” Bolivarianism is, he said, a “stale vision.” He warned that “Iran has drawn closer to Venezuela, and just the other day Tehran and Caracas launched a joint bank with their windfall oil profits.” Hugo Chavez is a “democratically elected leader. But we also know that he does not govern democratically.”
All of which is true, of course. By focusing on his shaky claim that it was Bush who “lost Venezuela,” almost all press reports ignored Obama’s expressed support for Colombian President Alvaro Uribe’s controversial attack on a FARC outpost in Ecuadorian territory. After the raid that killed FARC commander Raul Reyes, The New York Times editorialized that the strike “was an infringement of Ecuador’s sovereignty” and advised the two countries to “settle their differences through diplomatic means” with a guarantee “that such forays will not be repeated.”
Obama disagrees, telling his anti-Castro and anti-Chavez audience that his administration “will support Colombia’s right to strike terrorists who seek safe-haven across its borders” and advising that “strong sanctions” be levied against Venezuela for its support of FARC and Chavez be diplomatically “isolated.” The latter point confused ABC News reporter Jake Tapper, who wondered, after Obama expressed a willingness to engage Chavez without preconditions, if “he will meet with the leader of a country he simultaneously says should be isolated.”
And while accusing Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) of wanting to continue the current administration’s failed Cuba policy, Obama told the crowd that he could be counted on as supporting another failed policy—the drug war. “When I am President, we will continue the Andean Counter-Drug Program” with Colombia, though he recently opposed the passage of a free-trade agreement with the country. (Speaking of Obama’s skills as a soft-power diplomat, President Uribe responded to Obama’s opposition to the free trade agreement by saying that he “deplored” Obama’s position.)
There were other moments of hawkishness that were largely ignored. “The United States,” Obama declared, “must be a relentless advocate for democracy.” Quoting Martin Luther King Jr., he said that “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” And: “I will never, ever, compromise the cause of liberty. And unlike John McCain, I would never, ever, rule out a course of action that could advance the cause of liberty.”
But what does any of this mean? It’s easy to get the heads nodding in furious agreement: We can—oh yes we can!—liberate Cuba! But how does one relentlessly advocate for democracy without, say, irritating the likes of Hugo Chavez? As Obama said in Miami, the Bush administration’s rhetoric has “so alienated [us] from the rest of the Americas” that extreme leftism “has even made inroads from Bolivia to Nicaragua.”
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Isn't an expose on political pandering like an expose on wet
water or blue skies?
We're so far gone ethically that it's no longer considered cynical
to point this out.
"Who is this 455 guy and why are you letting them spam every
thread?"
He's lonewacko's bastard lovechild.
Don't worry -- Obama's just lying to those people to get their
votes.
As soon as he's elected, he'd kiss Castro's boots and declare
undying fidelity to ideals of the great Revolution.
Colin for the quick thread win!
Castro's boots and declare undying
fidelity
A politician makes policy statements that he will later ignore
in order to pander to an audience..
In other news, the sun rose in the east today.
But how does one relentlessly advocate for democracy
without, say, irritating the likes of Hugo Chavez? As Obama said in
Miami, the Bush administration's rhetoric has "so alienated [us]
from the rest of the Americas" that extreme leftism "has even made
inroads from Bolivia to Nicaragua."
I think the model here is Ronald Reagan's Gorbachev-era combination
of strong public statements and personal diplomacy.
I think the model here is Ronald Reagan's Gorbachev-era
combination of strong public statements and personal
diplomacy.
You forgot the third prong supporting anti-Communist wars wherever
anti-communists could be found. Many of them were found in South
and Central America and the dirty little wars that resulted were
not highly thought of by the left.
But, Abdul, as it turned out, the "rollback" theory that
revolved around supporting those dirty little wars had absolutely
nothing to do with the end of the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Empire fell in Berlin and Moscow, not in Havana or
Managua. It wasn't "rolled back," it collapsed from the inside out.
That's why the "outposts" are still there, and the empire itself
gone.
Containment, engagement, and patience while its own failures grew
brought down the Soviet Union. All we did in backing those death
squads was give the Soviets propaganda victories.
Joe,
I think you're wrong on two counts. First, Havana is the sole
outpost. Nicaragua elected Violeta Chamorro, ousting the old
communist Sandinistas. True, Ortega came back recently, but as some
kind of Communist who found Jesus forming a coalition party with
non-communists. He's definitely some shade of red, but I hardly
think that counts as an outpost when there was a 16 year
commie-free interim.
Second--backing every dirty war did more than hand the Soviets
propaganda victories (and it's not like the Soviet-backed side
didn't hand us some share of those, too). It forced the Soviets to
match our defense spending or lose influence. Our GDP could support
that kind of expansion, theirs couldn't. It was part of Reagan and
Don Regan's strategy.
You forgot the third prong supporting anti-Communist wars
wherever anti-communists could be found. Many of them were found in
South and Central America and the dirty little wars that resulted
were not highly thought of by the left.
Shame! Shame! Thou shalt not interrupt joe's Obama fellating
excusatory bullshit! It's much to humorous to see what contortions
and convolutions he'll go to to say it was all for nothing and
Obama really didn't contradict himself and...hey, look, over there!
A pony!
People make the mistake of assuming the Soviet Union is a
government. It's more like the mob. If you look at it and treat it
such, it makes much more sense. It was somewhat less of a collapse
than a turnover in mob families.
All of which really has nothing to do with Chavez, where there's an
Obamalike cult hero that says one thing and institutes socialism
when elected, basically on the back of the people who want to get
what they can from others (kinda eerie, but I digress).
Economically, it's a Ponzi scheme, but he can pull it off for a
while longer due to inflated oil prices making his asphalt laden
crude suddenly economical to distill into gasoline.
All in all, though, it has nothing to do with Obama's apparant
reversal of thought, re:Cuba, based simply on who he was pandering
to. That pretty much stands where it is, even joe ain't sayin it
isn't so.
I agree, Abdul, that was the strategy, though we may disagree on how much the collapse of the Soviet Union can be attributed to it. Communism (and socialism) has natural economic failure built in to it, but our policies may have accelerated it. It's hard to say to what to degree, though.
Abdul,
Sole outpost? North Korea, Vietnam, Laos? That they are still
there, while Russia and Poland and "East Germany" are now
republics, would seem to indicate that the empire wasn't rolled
back, but toppled from within.
It forced the Soviets to match our defense spending or lose
influence. The dirty little wars in places like Central
America cost the Soviets peanuts. The real economic/military race
came in the form of ICBMs, air forces, ground forces, and other
main-force military contests. A few crates of old AK-47s is not
what bankrupted the Soviets.
And, frankly, even that military spending contest was less
important than the fact that the Soviet economic system didn't work
very well. That's what really bankrupted the Warsaw Pact.
But, and this is what's important here, even as Reagan was both
outspending the Soviets, and giving Berlin Wall speeches, he was
also aggresively pursuing diplomacy with them.
It was actually, in my view, one of the most remarkably acts of
leadership in American history that Ronald Reagan, the great
rollbacker and hater of detente, was able to recognize that the
containment he denounced had worked, the end game was here, the
collapse/reform it was meant to produce had come, and it was time
to hold talks.
Do you know what George Will wrote the day after Reagan and
Gorbachev signed their deal in Iceland? "Yesterday will be
remembered as the day the United States lost the Cold War."
Do you know what George Will wrote the day after Reagan and
Gorbachev signed their deal in Iceland? "Yesterday will be
remembered as the day the United States lost the Cold
War."
I refuse to believe that. It is possible that an alien projecting a
George Will holographic appearance wrote that, but the man himself
could never have been that wrong.
Well, Chris, it's the old "talking is appeasement, diplomacy is surrender" ideology that's so prevalent on the right.
Well, Chris, it's the old "talking is appeasement, diplomacy
is surrender" ideology that's so prevalent on the right.
I also agree that it is prevalent on the right, but not necessarily
because "people on the right are stupid and people on the left are
smart." It is more likely a common thought because of debacles like
Israeli/Palestinian "peace" treaties and, yes, things like the
Munich Agreement. It is wrongheaded to think that you should
never negotiate, but that doesn't mean you should
always negotiate. Reagan was right to negotiate with Gorbachev.
There have never been any Israeli/Palestinian peace
treaties.
There was an Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty. And and
Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty.
I'm still chuckling over the phrase that Moynihan pulled off of
a HuffPo blog: "the embargo-industrial complex." So there's a large
association of industries who are in the business of not doing
business with Cuba? Doesn't sound very profitable to me.
It gets me every time some lefty complains about how Cuba is hurt
by the embargo (often mislabeled a "blockade"). Hello, according to
communist theory, isn't the embargo good for Cuba, because it
prevents the evil US capitalists from exploiting them? Their
position boils down to: "Cubans are poor under communism because
the capitalists can't practice enough capitalism with them." That's
a statement most of us around here would agree with, but it also
means there's no justification for Castro's regime.
As Obama said in Miami, the Bush administration's rhetoric has
"so alienated [us] from the rest of the Americas" that extreme
leftism "has even made inroads from Bolivia to Nicaragua."
***
Why would an extreme leftist like Obama, be upset over the extreme
leftism making inroads from Bolivia to Nicaragua?
Because Obama isn't "an extreme leftist"?
I realize it warms the prickles of your little heart to throw
"extreme leftist" at anyone left of Genghis Khan, but what you want
to believe isn't especially so. It's an incredibly dumb form of
argument as well--"leftist" and "rightist" only makes sense once
you define "left" and "right" in relation to WHAT. I'd stop using
the terms altogether.
Sheesh, grumpy, how about we define "left" and "right" in relation to the center of American politics, the way most people do? It's imprecise shorthand, granted, but it's more or less what we have.
Obama would end the embargo. But not because he likes free trade
or wants to liberate Cuba. He doesn't think of Cuba as needing
liberation.
Not really; the Communists are just old-fashioned
reformers, well-meaning but heavy-handed, whose methods are
obsolete and who need to retire.
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