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10-Year "Harassment"/"Stalking" Sentence for Repeatedly Criticizing Police Detective Violated First Amendment, Amicus Brief Argues
I was delighted to sign on to this brief in State v. McMenamy (Mo. Ct. App.) just filed by the ACLU of Missouri Foundation and the Wash. U (St. Louis) First Amendment Clinic, on behalf the ACLU of Missouri and Profs. Jane Bambauer and Lyrissa Lidsky and me. The Introduction:
The First Amendment and article I, § 8 of the Missouri Constitution broadly protect the right to speak to the public about other people. This is true even when the speech "is intended to trouble or annoy, or to make another timid or fearful." United States v. Sryniawski, 48 F.4th 583, 587 (8th Cir. 2022). And it is true even when speech uses "social pressure and the 'threat' of social ostracism … to embarrass others or coerce them into action." NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886, 910 (1982). While individuals who are the subjects of unwanted speech may be able to limit some speech directed to them, they cannot limit offensive speech about them directed to others. Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415, 419 (1971).
Contrary to this established law, Matthew McMenamy was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison for openly and vigorously criticizing a local police detective he believed had engaged in misconduct. Mr. McMenamy used his public social media accounts and publicly distributed flyers to attempt to draw the community's attention to the detective's actions. He expressed his hope that his revelations would result in the officer's removal.
While Mr. McMenamy's speech was certainly concerning to the detective, the circuit court did not make any finding that either the flyers or any one of the dozens of social media posts submitted as evidence fell within any category of unprotected speech, such as true threats. Nor could the circuit court have done so, as none of Mr. McMenamy's speech was outside the bounds of the First Amendment's protection. His convictions for harassment and stalking violate the First Amendment and should be reversed.
The opening paragraph of the section on the facts (for the full discussion of the facts, read the brief):
In August 2023, Matthew McMenamy began posting on social media about what he viewed as misconduct and racism by a local police detective, who years before had been involved in Mr. McMenamy's involuntary commitment. See State's Exs. 60A–M. Mr. McMenamy sought to publicize one of the detective's public Facebook posts, where the detective wrote: "If black lives matter then why are they shooting and killing each other at an alarming rate." State's Ex. 60B ("Let's make this racist post go viral … #BLM #RacistCop ….); State's Ex. 60A ("The people want answers. Is [detective] a racist? Does he feel that people of color do not matter because of an idea that they murder each other at an alarming rate?"). Many of Mr. McMenamy's posts were aimed at sharing with the public his concerns about the detective's fitness for his position. For example, Mr. McMenamy posted he was "in talks with a billboard company to put [detective's] racist quotes up next to a picture of him in uniform" because "[s]omeone like that shouldn't be a detective, an election [sic] official, or let alone anything near public service." Tr. 736:10–21, State's Ex. 60K. Mr. McMenamy's posts also described his feelings about his prior involuntary commitment and thoughts about hurting his parents before getting help. See State's Ex. 60E (Mr. McMenamy's post that he "had a bad day last Sunday … I still need time to heal but … I am going to counseling and I will be looking for support groups").
And the opening material in the legal argument (again, read the brief for much more):
All of Mr. McMenamy's social media posts and his distribution of flyers were protected by the First Amendment. Harassment and stalking laws may, in some circumstances, be constitutionally applied to protect unwilling listeners from unwanted, one-to-one speech directed to that listener. The government's power to protect an unwilling listener from speech about them directed to the public, on the other hand, is sharply limited, even when that speech is annoying, offensive, or alarming. Unless such speech falls within one of the narrow, historically recognized categories of speech that the U.S. Supreme Court has held may be regulated without violating the First Amendment, such as "true threats," it is presumptively protected.
Here, Mr. McMenamy spoke to the public, and his speech did not fall within any unprotected category. This Court should reverse Mr. McMenamy's convictions. Even if this Court does not find that all Mr. McMenamy's speech is protected from criminal prosecution by the First Amendment, he is at least entitled to a new trial. The circuit court allowed the State to present evidence of more than four months' worth of social media posts to the jury and then instructed the jury it could find Mr. McMenamy guilty based on unidentified "alarming content" in these posts. This means a juror could have convicted Mr. McMenamy based on speech protected by the First Amendment.
[I.] The State's prosecution of Mr. McMenamy for harassment and stalking based on unwanted speech about individuals directed to the public violates the First Amendment.
Speech directed to the public at large is presumptively protected unless it falls into one of the narrow, historic exceptions to the First Amendment. This is because even if some listeners are likely to be offended, others may be willing listeners who find the speech valuable. For this reason, while harassment and stalking statutes may, in some instances, be constitutionally applied to repeated unwanted communications to an individual, they cannot be constitutionally applied to communications to the public about an individual.
[A.] Stalking and harassment statutes were originally intended to limit unwanted communications directed to a specificperson.
For decades, laws have "restricted certain kinds of unwanted speech said to a particular person." For example, state and federal criminal harassment statutes were enacted to prohibit unwanted telephone calls to a particular person. Similarly, the federal government and some states have banned certain unwanted mailings into the home. These laws reflect an intention to protect individuals from repeated, unwanted communications to them, particularly in the home.
More recently, states enacted stalking laws to proscribe behaviors such as physically following, surveilling, or engaging in repeated unwanted personal contacts with a particular person. Courts have relied on stalking laws or restraining order laws to ban repeated or annoying letters, phone calls, or personal contact from a particular person. While some of these laws have been struck down in some states, "they have generally been upheld by lower courts; and the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld the federal ban on repeated unwanted mailings."
These laws share something in common: In the vast majority of their applications, they restrict unwanted speech to a person, not unwanted speech about a person. It is in this context—where the laws are being applied to "one-to-one speech"—that they "have generally been upheld against First Amendment challenge." Id.
As the internet has made it easier for communications to reach the public, maintaining this distinction between constitutionally permissible punishment of certain one-to-one speech and constitutionally impermissible punishment of one-to-many speech is critical. Social media is "the modern public square." However, the increased exposure for "upsetting" or "frightening" online speech can bring with it an increased risk of overcriminalization. Online communication "lack[s] many normal contextual clues," including tone of voice and expression. "The ubiquity of this speech raises the possibility of highly discretionary enforcement." Thus, in the context of online speech, courts must exercise particular caution to ensure the state's application of harassment and stalking laws does not exceed the laws' original intention or permissible constitutional boundaries.
[B.] The First Amendment grants broad protection to speech directed to the public at large, even when the subjects of that speech may be alarmed or offended.
The U.S. Supreme Court has consistently recognized a distinction between speech directed to the public at large and interpersonal speech for First Amendment purposes. Even when the content of the speech is subjectively offensive or alarming, the U.S. Supreme Court has typically protected public statements about a person—absent a showing of a narrow and well-established First Amendment exception, such as true threats, fighting words, or defamation.
As now-Justice Alito stated: "There is no categorical 'harassment exception' to the First Amendment's free speech clause." Saxe v. State Coll. Area Sch. Dist. (3d Cir. 2001); [citing other cases]. Many courts have endorsed this very point, quoting Saxe, in the context of criminal harassment laws and the closely related harassment restraining order laws. [Citing still more cases].
Unlike prohibitions on speech said to a particular unwilling listener, restrictions on speech to the public deprive a speaker of the opportunity to communicate with willing listeners. Denying access to potentially interested audiences undermines the use of speech to influence opinion and conduct and, as a result, hinders the robustness of public debate—particularly when the restricted speech concerns a matter of political, social, or other concern to the community. One's interest in being free from public criticism is insufficient to overcome protection for speech….
Accordingly, public statements about a person that coerce, annoy, alarm, offend, or embarrass are generally protected by the First Amendment. {The State may have some power to restrict narrowly defined categories of speech that reveals private information about a person that is "almost never relevant to any discussion on either public or private topics" (e.g., nude photos, Social Security numbers). No such speech is at issue here.} In Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe (1971), a local civil rights organization believed a local real estate broker's practices were improper. After the broker refused to sign an agreement not to solicit property in the organization's community, the organization distributed leaflets critical of the broker's supposedly racist real estate practices at a local shopping center, on the doors of his neighbors, and to people going to and from his church. Some leaflets accused him of being a "panic peddler" that employed tactics to scare white homeowners into selling their properties; others encouraged recipients to call his home phone number to express their disapproval. The U.S. Supreme Court concluded that the organization's "inten[t] to exercise a coercive impact … does not remove [speech] from the reach of the First Amendment. Petitioners plainly intended to influence respondent's conduct by their activities; this is not fundamentally different from the function of a newspaper." The U.S. Supreme Court explained, "so long as the means are peaceful, the communication need not meet standards of acceptability," particularly where the target of the speech "is not attempting to stop the flow of information into his own household, but to the public."
While speech that is intended to solicit violence against particular people may be punishable, speech to the public that harshly criticizes its target or that attempts to persuade through social pressure does not lose its protection even if some listeners may react with threats or violence. In NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co. (1982), organizers of a boycott of stores owned by white merchants read aloud and published the names of Black residents who weren't following the boycott to place pressure on them. As in Keefe, the U.S. Supreme Court held the disclosures constitutionally protected, noting the First Amendment extended beyond abstract discussions to protect "offensive" and "coercive" speech intended to influence action. This was true even though some of the people who chose not to comply with the boycott were beaten, had their property damaged, or had shots fired into their homes. The U.S. Supreme Court explained that speech designed to persuade "through social pressure and the 'threat' of social ostracism … does not lose its protected character … simply because it may embarrass others or coerce them into action." …
For a couple of articles of mine on the subject, see One-to-One Speech, One-to-Many Speech, Criminal Harassment Laws, and "Cyberstalking" and Overbroad Injunctions Against Speech (Especially in Libel and Harassment Cases.
The brief was signed by Kristin M. Mulvey, Jonathan D. Schmid, Gillian R. Wilcox, Jason A. Orr (ACLU Missouri) and Lisa S. Hoppenjans, Benjamin J. Wilson, and students Lindsey Bennett. Megan McConnell (Wash. U. First Amendment Clinic).