The Volokh Conspiracy
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My New Dispatch Article on "Why Donald Trump's Iran War is Unconstitutional"
The article explains why the war requires congressional authorization,and why this requirement is important.
Today, The Dispatch published my article "Why Donald Trump's Iran War is Unconstitutional." Here is an excerpt:
The large-scale U.S. military attack on Iran (undertaken in collaboration with Israel) is blatantly unconstitutional, even if its wisdom and morality are more debatable.
Article I of the Constitution gives Congress the exclusive power to declare war. One can debate the extent to which presidents can initiate relatively small-scale military actions, and such debates have raged for decades. But this attack is obviously large enough to qualify as a war. Thus, it just as obviously requires congressional authorization. President Donald Trump got no such authorization, nor did he even try….
Article I of the Constitution gives Congress the exclusive power to declare war. One can debate the extent to which presidents can initiate relatively small-scale military actions, and such debates have raged for decades. But this attack is obviously large enough to qualify as a war. Thus, it just as obviously requires congressional authorization. President Donald Trump got no such authorization, nor did he even try….
The framers of the Constitution deliberately gave Congress exclusive control over the power to initiate war. As James Madison put it, "[i]n no part of the constitution is more wisdom to be found than in the clause which confides the question of war or peace to the legislature, and not to the executive department … [t]he trust and the temptation would be too great for any one man."
Alexander Hamilton—Madison's great rival and the leading champion of broad executive power among the Founders—actually agreed with Madison on this point. Defending President George Washington's 1793 proclamation of neutrality in the then-raging war between Britain and France, Hamilton wrote that "the Legislature have a right to make war" and therefore it follows that it is "the duty of the Executive to preserve Peace till war is declared." Hamilton and Madison…. were united on the proposition that no one man could take the nation to war, and that the executive must refrain from initiating such a conflict without congressional authorization….
This consensus undermines claims by modern advocates of untrammeled executive war powers that Congress' authority to declare war was just a power to declare a technical legal state, leaving the president free to initiate large-scale hostilities at will. The whole point of giving Congress the power to declare war was to ensure the executive could not start a massive conflict on its own, as European monarchs routinely did….
This limitation on presidential power is more than just a technical legal point. The requirement of congressional authorization for the initiation of war is there to ensure that no one person can take the country to war on his own, and that any major military actions have broad public support, which can be essential to ensuring that we have the will and commitment needed to achieve victory against difficult opponents. Trump's failure to seek and secure that kind of broad public support has ensured that only about 27 percent of Americans approve of this military action, compared to 43 percent who disapprove, according to a Reuters poll. Other surveys show similar results. This is a historically low level of public support at the start of a major military action and bodes ill for U.S. staying power if we suffer reverses or a prolonged conflict results.
Later in the article, I rebut the oft-made claim that the War Powers Act of 1973 somehow authorizes the president to start wars:
Many… argue that Trump's actions are authorized by the War Powers Act of 1973. But the WPA is a limitation on presidential power, not a grant of it. Enacted in the wake of real and imagined presidential abuses during the Vietnam War, it requires the president to secure congressional approval within 90 days of entering U.S. troops into "hostilities" or situations "where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances." The purpose of this requirement is to constrain even small-scale combat deployments that might otherwise not require congressional authorization, because they fall short of being a war. Section 2(C) of the WPA makes clear that the statute does not expand presidential war initiation authority, emphasizing that "[t]he constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, are exercised only pursuant to (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces." None of these three preconditions exist in the current situation.
The article also address nonoriginalist arguments against requiring congressional authorization for war, such as claims that it would prevent the US from taking enemies by surprise, arguments that Congress cannot act fast enough when needed, and more.
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Again, the existence of the War Powers Resolution says otherwise. You haven't rebutted that argument, anymore than you do with your notions that immigration enforcement is unconstitutional or illegitimate. Because the WPR is Congress explicitly specifying a legal way for it to approve or disprove of unilateral presidential action.
Beyond that, "unconstitutional" carries with it the implication that it is something courts can adjudicate. They cannot. The US Supreme Court overruling Justice William Douglas' purported injunction against Nixon bombing in Cambodia tells us that. Ultimately its a political question for Congress to decide. It can cut funding or impeach the president.
I say all this as someone who thinks Trump should have received authorization in advance, weeks ago, from Congress. Just like Bush did with the Second Gulf War. Public opinion polls have nothing to do with whether an action is constitutional. You conflate politics and policy preferences with legal questions. Low public approval numbers don't mean you're right about the constitutional law.
(It was a lot easier for the Founders to talk about Congress having the primary role in questions about declaring war, when there was no standing army or existing military infrastructure for a president to utilize. A declaration of war had to coincide with spending to build an army. I don't observe this as settling the constitutional question, only that they did not contemplate the existence of a military for a president to readily utilize. If they had, they might have devised a different, more explicitly restricted system. Though I'm not sure how they would have, because Madison anyway did not believe in paper walls separating the branches. He's been proven correct over time.)
As Prof. Somin alludes to above, the WPR simply does not — and constitutionally could not — say what worshippers of Trump (and of the imperial presidency more generally) think it says. It puts specific and additional limitations on presidential power; it doesn't authorize him to do things the constitution itself does not.
Courts cannot adjudicate, "Should we bomb Iran?" That is indeed a political question. Courts can adjudicate, "Has Congress authorized POTUS to bomb Iran?" That's just basic legal interpretation.
Beyond that, "unconstitutional" carries with it the implication that it is something courts can adjudicate.
Not really. Courts don't have the power to adjudicate certain questions. The actors involved are still bound to constitutional demands, which they sometimes violate.
People here might not like him, and I can find other justices say it, but Justice Kennedy was right on this point in Trump v. Hawaii:
There are numerous instances in which the statements and actions of Government officials are not subject to judicial scrutiny or intervention. That does not mean those officials are free to disregard the Constitution and the rights it proclaims and protects. The oath that all officials take to adhere to the Constitution is not confined to those spheres in which the Judiciary can correct or even comment upon what those officials say or do. Indeed, the very fact that an official may have broad discretion, discretion free from judicial scrutiny, makes it all the more imperative for him or her to adhere to the Constitution and to its meaning and its promise.
But it does authorize the president to take military action as long as he notifies Congress within 48 hours and limits the deployment to 60 days. Both those conditions are currently satisfied. That's just objective reality, it doesn't matter if you are a "worshipper of Trump" or not.
Now if your argument is that the WPA itself is unconstitutional, that's a different argument.
I am not able to think of anyone who would have standing to litigate the question of whether Congress authorized POTUS to bomb Iran. There would have to be someone suffering a concrete injury, and I don't know who that would be. (Other than the Iranians, I guess, but the federal courts would have no jurisdiction that I can think of over that sort of claim by a foreigner.)
Any Congress critter has standing. However, his/her time would be better spent on articles of impeachment.
WPA:
"It is the purpose of this chapter to fulfill the intent of the framers of the Constitution of the United States and insure that the collective judgment of both the Congress and the President will apply to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities"
"The President in every possible instance shall consult with Congress before introducing United States Armed Forces into hostilities"
" (d) Nothing in this joint resolution--
(1) is intended to alter the constitutional authority of the Congress or of the President, or the provision of existing treaties; or
(2) shall be construed as granting any authority to the President with respect to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into situations wherein involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances which authority he would not have had in the absence of this joint resolution."
Ilya, you're so predictable. Your reasoning is always, "Because Trump..."
Ad hominem, of course.
It would be weird to say, "Because Biden" when discussing Trump. (Not that this stops MAGA from doing so.)
He's pretty predictable, but he is more consistent than many are around here. For instance, he also wrote against Obama's authorization of an invasion of Libya.
(The two cases are different in various ways, but the justification back then had some issues, too.)
So far it's looking like Congress is OK with the war.
Maybe only because it's Trump's war. I remember a skit on SNL or Mad TV in the 1990s. It had top Republicans dressed as late 1960s antiwar protesters. You might think they would support the war, but it was Clinton's war.
There is not such thing as "So far it's looking like Congress is OK with the war." The one and only way Congress can be "ok" with a war is to authorize it.
Where does it say in the Constitution that Congress is only allowed to endorse any and all military action beforehand?
Article 1 Section 8. Try reading it a you fascist fuck.
I'm for removing the theocratic dictator torturing and oppressing dissidents and women and minorities (you claim to care for), sponsoring worldwide terrorism, and making nukes to aim at us. How fascist of me.
I think that might be part of it, but the fact that the government it's being waged against is incredibly reprehensible, and just slaughtered tens of thousands of their own citizens to put down a popular revolt probably plays a role, too.
This is irrelevant. The attack against Iran is plainly illegal when judged against treaties that the US ratified regardless of whether Congress authorises it. Or, to put that differently, Congress could not lawfully authorise this war.
Which treaties?
The title is limited to the Constitution.
Dorf on Law had two entries on the illegality -- one domestic, the other international.
As far as American courts are concerned, a domestic law can overrule the UN Charter and all else that is good and holy in international law.
Aggrieved parties can take their case to the Security Council instead. Maybe they'll have a repeat of Resolution 83 authorizing intervention in Korea.
Let me guess: “ Because Trump did it”?
I’m curious what Jews think about the Christian Nationalists advancing this war as part of the biblical second coming? Hegseth et al, ya know.
Assuming, quite reasonably, that most Jews are neither more nor less principled than most non-Jews, I say with some confidence that Jews who support the war say, "I don't care about other people's reasons, if they are on my side," and Jews who oppose the war say, "The desire to bring about the Second Coming is yet another reason to be against it." No one's mind is being changed.