The Volokh Conspiracy
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Federal Court Blocks California Ban on Masked Federal Law Enforcement, Because the Ban Exempts State Officials
From U.S. v. California, decided yesterday by Judge Christina Snyder (C.D. Cal.):
"A state law or regulation impermissibly discriminates against the federal government if it treats a state entity more favorably than it treats a comparable federal entity." Furthermore, the Ninth Circuit has held that a state law may not "single[] out" the federal government for greater burdens "than that which applies elsewhere in the State," even where the statute seeks to address a specific harm controlled by the federal government.
The No Secret Police Act's facial covering prohibition applies to "law enforcement officers," who are defined as any "peace officer, as defined in Section 830 [of the Cal. Penal Code], employed by a city, county, or other local agency as well as any officer or agent of a federal law enforcement agency or any law enforcement agency of another state or any person acting on behalf of a federal law enforcement agency or law enforcement agency of another state." This definition does not "single out" the federal government because it also applies to local law enforcement officers and law enforcement officers for states other than California. However, it excludes California state law enforcement officers, such as California Highway Patrol officers.
In evaluating the government's unlawful discrimination claim, it is critical that the Court compare similarly situated federal and state actors. "So if the State defines the favored class by reference to job responsibilities, a similarly situated federal worker will be one who performs comparable duties." The Court is not persuaded by California's arguments that state law enforcement officers are not similarly situated to federal law enforcement officers. First, California concedes that some state law enforcement officers perform similar law enforcement functions to federal officers, including the types of interactions with the public that the facial covering prohibition generally targets.
Second, those state law enforcement officers are not differently situated merely because state law enforcement officers have not recently engaged in "large-scale operations while wearing facial coverings," like some federal law enforcement officers. While the Act may be a direct response to recent federal law enforcement practices, the Act's text plainly addresses the harms caused by the use of facial coverings by "law enforcement" generally during enforcement activities. The Act, therefore, does not directly regulate federal functions or target federal practices but rather generally applies to law enforcement officers in California. However, the Act treats federal law enforcement officers differently than similarly situated state law enforcement officers.
Accordingly, the Court finds that the United States is likely to succeed on the merits of its claim that the facial covering prohibition of the No Secret Police Act unlawfully discriminates against the federal government in violation of the intergovernmental immunity doctrine.
{At the hearing, counsel for the United States acknowledged that the No Secret Police Act would not be unlawfully discriminatory if it was amended to apply to all law enforcement officers in California.}
The federal government also argued that the law was independently invalid because it unduly interfered with federal law enforcement; this argument, if accepted, would have applied even for a law that was amended to include state officers as well. But the court rejected this argument, both as to the masking ban and a separate law that generally required law enforcement officials to visibly display their agency identification and a name or badge number. Indeed, since the identification display requirement applied to all officials and thus wasn't discriminatory, the court held the requirement was likely constitutional:
[A]n exercise of state police powers may still violate the intergovernmental immunity doctrine if it directly regulates the federal government—i.e., if the law itself obstructs the federal government's operations. The Supremacy Clause commands that ''[t]he United States may perform its functions without conforming to the police regulations of a state."
Accordingly, courts take "a functional approach to claims of governmental immunity, accommodating of the full range of each sovereign's legislative authority and respectful of the primary role of Congress in resolving conflicts between the National and State Governments." Therefore, the determination of whether a state law "directly regulates" the federal government in violation of intergovernmental inununity demands a functional inquiry into whether the regulations at issue "interfer[e] with or control[] the operations of the Federal Government." The critical question is whether state laws "affect incidentally the mode of carrying out [federal] employment," or rather seek to "control" federal functions. Johnson v. State of Maryland (1920)….
Although the challenged provisions dictate how a federal officer may carry out his law enforcement duties—prohibiting a facial covering and requiring the display of visible identification that includes their agency and either a name or badge number in non-exempted circumstances—the Court finds them analogous to traffic laws that, in a similar sense, dictate how a federal officer may operate a vehicle on state roads but are nonetheless enforceable against federal officers, subject to immunities.
The United States has not shown that its current practices with respect to masking and identification are essential to federal law enforcement operations such that state regulations in those areas seek to interfere with or control federal law enforcement functions. At the hearing and in its briefing, the United States argued that discretionary policies for masking and identification are critical to officer safety because the exposure of federal agents' identities subjects those agents to greater risks of being doxxed, harassed, assaulted, or threatened. The United States points to its supporting declarations which cite increases in threats and assaults against federal officers and detail specific incidents of federal officers suffering such harms. The United States argues that these increased risks, in turn, increase security costs the federal government incurs to protect its officers.
The Court recognizes that federal law enforcement officers, like many public figures, including judges, politicians, and celebrities, are exposed to the risk of being doxxed, harassed, assaulted, or threatened by virtue of their public occupations. The Court does not discount these real harms that impact federal officers. However, these harms are the result of criminal behavior. A rule that prohibits law enforcement officers from wearing masks or requires them to have visible identification does not facilitate or enable criminals to harm law enforcement officers.
At the hearing, the United States argued that federal law enforcement, specifically immigration law enforcement, is already more difficult in states and cities with "sanctuary" policies prohibiting cooperation between federal and local law enforcement, and the political environment and heightened rhetoric around federal immigration enforcement makes federal officers' jobs particularly dangerous. But the United States has not adequately explained how discretionary masking and identification policies are essential to the operations or safety of federal law enforcement amid this tense political environment. Security concerns exist for federal law enforcement officers with and without masks. If anything, the Court finds that the presence of masked and unidentifiable individuals, including law enforcement, is more likely to heighten the sense of insecurity for all.
Moreover, the notion that it is necessary for federal law enforcement officers to conceal their identification is belied by the historical tradition of law enforcement officers not masking their identities and the current practice of some federal officers who choose to expose their identity alongside colleagues with masks. If masking or concealing identification were as critical to federal operations as the United States asserts, the Court would expect that federal agencies would not leave such decisions to the discretion of individual officers. But notably, no federal law or agency regulation explicitly requires masking or concealing identification. Thus, the challenged provisions do not "override[] federal decisions."
Likewise, the Court is not persuaded by the United States' arguments that enforcement of the challenged provisions against federal officers would interfere with federal duties by facilitating evasion of arrest. The United States argues that federal law enforcement officers have encountered situations where people blow whistles to alert those nearby of the presence of enforcement operations, and that there are websites dedicated to tracking federal immigration officers.
First, blowing whistles, recording officers, posting those recordings online, or otherwise communicating about the public presence of a law enforcement officer is generally protected by the First Amendment. See City of Houston, Tex. v. Hill (1987) ("[T]he First Amendment protects a significant amount of verbal criticism and challenge directed at police officers…. The freedom of individuals verbally to oppose or challenge police action without thereby risking arrest is one of the principal characteristics by which we distinguish a free nation from a police state."); Askins v. U.S. Dep't of Homeland Sec. (9th Cir. 2018) (The First Amendment protects "the right to record law enforcement officers engaged in the exercise of their official duties in public places."). Second, the United States has not demonstrated how enforcement of the challenged provisions would specifically facilitate evasion of arrest. It is not evident to the Court that a masked federal agent is any less susceptible to tracking or to having their local public presence revealed through whistling or other forms of communication.
Nonetheless, the Court acknowledges that there may be situations where masking or concealing identification is reasonable or even essential to federal operations, such as for undercover operations. The challenged provisions include numerous exempted circumstances that account for these situations. The United States has not identified any situation where a violation of the challenged provisions may be both reasonable and not exempted under the Acts. To the extent there exist any such situations, the burdensome effect of enforcement on the operations of the federal government is mitigated by Supremacy Clause immunity to prosecution. "[Supremacy Clause] immunity will shield a federal agent from state prosecution only when his acts are both (1) authorized by the laws of the United States and (2) necessary and proper to the execution of his responsibilities."
Finally, the threat of prosecution facing federal officers for a violation of state criminal law cannot be a cognizable interference with federal operations. If that were the case, then no state criminal law would be enforceable against federal employees exercising their federal duties. But the law is clear that federal officers do not have absolute immunity from state prosecution. Johnson v. State of Maryland (1920) ("Of course an employee of the United States does not secure a general immunity from state law while acting in the course of his employment."); see also State of Colorado v. Symes (1932) ("Federal officers and employees are not, merely because they are such, granted immunity from prosecution in state courts for crimes against state law.").
To be sure, a federal officer may be immune from state prosecution under a generally applicable state law when discharging federal duties. In re Neagle (1890). But such Supremacy Clause immunity depends on the facts of each case. See Clifton v. Cox (9th Cir. 1977) ("[W]e do not mean to imply that the exercise of authority in and of itself places a federal officer beyond the reach of a state's criminal process. The significant question of whether the conduct was necessary and proper under the circumstances must still be answered."). Supremacy Clause immunity for individual federal officers facing state prosecutions is a constitutional safeguard "to prevent states from nullifying federal laws by attempting to impede enforcement of those laws." Supremacy Clause immunity thus ensures a constitutional balance of state and federal powers without requiring the facial invalidation of state laws that incidentally affect the federal government.
On the evidentiary record before the Court, the effects of the challenged provisions on federal operations are likely to be minimal and comparable to the effects of enforcement of any other generally applicable rules, such as speed limits. {At the hearing, the United States argued that these provisions are not "generally applicable" because they only apply to law enforcement officers. The Court disagrees. The provisions apply neutrally to law enforcement officers in California, just as generally applicable laws may apply only to drivers, employers, physicians, or other subsections of the general population.}
Cases in which the Ninth Circuit found state or local regulations to violate the intergovernmental immunity doctrine are distinguishable from the instant case by the degree of interference with the federal government's functions or operations. See, e.g., United States v. Fresno Cnty. (1977) (a tax burden exclusively on federal employees could threaten "to destroy the federal function performed by" the government employees); Geo Grp., Inc. v. Newsom (9th Cir. 2022) ("AB 32 would give California the power to control ICE's immigration detention operations in the state by preventing ICE from hiring the personnel of its choice."); Boeing Co. v. Movassaghi (9th Cir. 2014) ("SB 990 directly interferes with the functions of the federal government [by] mandat[ing] the ways in which Boeing renders services that the federal government hired Boeing to perform.").
The closest analog that the United States cites is United States v. City of Arcata (9th Cir. 2010). There, the Ninth Circuit found that "[b]y constraining the conduct of federal agents and employees, the ordinances seek to regulate the government directly." In Arcata, the ordinances at issue "specifically target[ed] and restrict[ed] the conduct of military recruiters," by prohibiting them from recruiting or attempting to recruit individuals under the age of eighteen, which the Court found to be intrusive of the federal government's expressly, constitutionally delegated "power to 'raise and support Armies' and to 'make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces.'" Here, by contrast, the challenged Acts do not intrude on any federal power or function and only "affect the federal government incidentally as the consequence of a broad, neutrally applicable rule" for law enforcement officers in California.
The intergovernmental immunity doctrine prohibits states from "interfering with or controlling the operations of the Federal Government." The United States has not demonstrated that the challenged provisions threaten to interfere with or control federal law enforcement operations….
I'm not sure the court was correct. Among other things, Johnson v. Maryland, which the court cited, held that a state couldn't require driver's licenses of federal employees performing federal duties, even under a generally applicable rule:
Of course an employee of the United States does not secure a general immunity from state law while acting in the course of his employment…. It very well may be that, when the United States has not spoken, the subjection to local law would extend to general rules that might affect incidentally the mode of carrying out the employment—as, for instance, a statute or ordinance regulating the mode of turning at the corners of streets. This might stand on much the same footing as liability under the common law of a State to a person injured by the driver's negligence. But even the most unquestionable and most universally applicable of state laws, such as those concerning murder, will not be allowed to control the conduct of a marshal of the United States acting under and in pursuance of the laws of the United States. In re Neagle.
It seems to us that the immunity of the instruments of the United States from state control in the performance of their duties extends to a requirement that they desist from performance until they satisfy a state officer upon examination that they are competent for a necessary part of them and pay a fee for permission to go on. Such a requirement does not merely touch the Government servants remotely by a general rule of conduct; it lays hold of them in their specific attempt to obey orders and requires qualifications in addition to those that the Government has pronounced sufficient. It is the duty of the Department to employ persons competent for their work and that duty it must be presumed has been performed.
Though it appears that masking or not displaying identification isn't required as a matter of categorical rule by federal higher-ups, it is at least endorsed by them (especially as to masking). It thus seems to me that the "United States has … spoken" in favor of masks being used by ICE agents under many conditions, and Johnson might therefore be read to bar a contrary state policy.
But I appreciate that the line-drawing here is not entirely clear; I expect there will be an appeal, likely both from the State (as to the anti-masking law) and from the federal government (as to the identification requirement law), and a Ninth Circuit panel will have more to say.
None of this, of course, resolves whether or when ICE agents' masking and not displaying identification (which may consist just of the agency name and badge number, without their names) is good policy. Here, the court is just considering whether the federal government or state governments should make those decisions.
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Of course the CA Democrats banned the Feds but exempted themselves.
What hypocrites. Everything to a Democrat is about political power and oppression.
My (admittedly uncharitable) view is that they were not hypocrites but that the exemption was included as a poison pill. In other words, they inserted is knowing that it would get the broader prohibition struck down but then those legislators would get to posture that they'd "done something".
My admittedly uncharitable view is the Judge wanted an unappealable verdict on the bigger issue (non-inference) while making the flaw easily fixable.
I'd be more likely to believe that interpretation if I didn't know that the legislators were already aware of this constitutional defect and passed the law anyway. It came up during the legislative debate and simply got ignored by the majority.
Seems a reasonable decision.
I'd just add that, given the state's track record, they might just have enacted this law with the intent of facilitating doxing of federal agents. They have a terrible record of leaking the identifying information of people they politically disfavor.
Of course that's why. There is no way to prove that (so don't waste your time coming at me bro), but as a political observer, I don't need to prove that beyond a reasonable doubt in any court of law. Doxxing is exactly why many federal agents were masking, because it was already happening.
Of course it couldn’t be the idea that a liberal democracy should have identifiable agents for accountability purposes and not secret police, that’s unpossible!
I've already suggested that they wear badges with numbers that are traceable to their real identities by authorities, so they can be held accountable in court.
The reality is that they ARE subject to a drive to dox them and threaten their families, which is why they're going masked in the first place.
It's a bad situation all around, honestly. You want a compromise, start enforcing anti-masking laws against "protesters", too? Everybody out in the open?
This reminds me of the crusade the Democrats undertook to get Trump's tax returns, saying that it was for an investigation, and not to leak and embarrass.
Then, as soon as they received them, they immediately released them to the public, and when called out on their deception, they sort of gave this stupid smirk, like you'd see from a 6 year old who took an extra piece of candy after dinner.
And I suppose you are going to tell me that the phalanx of Trump wnforcers who argued it was unconstitutional to accept ballots from Democratic-majority districts with minor technical errors like a misspelled address or a signature in the wrong place was just zealous prevention of voter fraud and had nothing whatsoever to do with political motives, and the fact that similar challenges were never made when Republicans won was just pure conincidence? It was purely to police fraud, and not at all to gain a political advantage?
No, it was to disenfranchise stupid people who can't follow instructions. If you can't follow simple instructions, you shouldn't be allowed to vote for Democrats so that they can vote for higher taxes on your superiors.
I'm all in favor of liberal democracies having identifiable agents, but I think it should apply to agents of the state of California as much as anyone else. Why is the California legislature opposed to that?
This whole doxxing business is nonsense.
Do police get doxxed, FBI agents?
Most of it relies on statements from DHS, and we all know how truthful Noem is, i.e. not at all, especially when explaining away DHS misconduct.
Brett,
I've already suggested that they wear badges with numbers that are traceable to their real identities by authorities, so they can be held accountable in court.
OK. But they are not going to do that, and you know it. The reality is they don't want any accountability at all, or they would have done that - not the greatest idea but better than nothing - already.
Do you think they weren't aware of the issue? Do you think anonymity was not a conscious decision? Of course it was, from the beginning. So why do you imagine ICE would voluntarily do anything to get rid of it?
How many doxxings have there been, how much ICE misconduct?
Besides, we are not supposed to be an authoritarian country (a surprise to the cultists, no doubt), so we don't (shouldn't) have masked unidentifiable police running around.
If they are required to do it, and they don’t, then frankly they can be shot if they attmempt to issue orders or use weapons, with a defense that the person was clearly not claiming to be a law enforcement officer as he wasn’t wearing the requisite identification badge.
Surely if you can lawfully shoot a LEO "attempting to issue orders" simply because they're not wearing a badge, you can lawfully shoot anyone attempting to perform a citizen's arrest.
That can't be correct, and my name's not Shirley.
Moved
There is no such "terrible record" of any such thing. You've made it up. You took a single anecdote of negligence and turned it into a "record" of malfeasance.
And again: "doxing" federal agents is legal — and, in a democracy, mandatory. There is no right of a public employee — let alone one who has all the special privileges of law enforcement — to keep his actions or identity secret.
That’s just stupid. Law enforcement routinely investigates offenses while not letting the target of their investigations know about it. Undercover agents, for example, do that all the time. Not to mention spy services.
Public employees, more broadly, also do things behind the scenes that will never be made public. And if they’re government lawyers, they can assert both the work-product and attorney–client privileges (provided they don’t possess “Brady material”).
AM, you might trying reading the quoted court decision:
I wasn’t replying to the opinion. I was replying to DN’s assertion that “There is no right of a public employee — let alone one who has all the special privileges of law enforcement — to keep his actions or identity secret.”
As you say, even the opinion would agree that his assertion is untrue.
Even for California local police, this law permits them to conceal their identity in a courtroom, for their personal protection.
The reasoning is no different than for ICE trying to avoid being doxed.
Of course there's such a record.
California gun owners 'horrified' after state DOJ data breach exposes identities: 'Alarming situation'
Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta See page 21 of 54. The state's record of leaking is so bad it is subject to judicial notice.
"Here the State’s assurances of confidentiality are not worth much. The dissent acknowledges that the Foundation and Law Center “have unquestionably provided evidence that their donors face a reasonable probability of threats, harassment, and reprisals if their affiliations are made public,” but it concludes that the petitioners have no cause for concern because the Attorney General “has implemented security measures to ensure that Schedule B information remains confidential.” Post, at 15 (opinion of SOTOMAYOR, J.). The District Court—whose findings, again, we review only for clear error—disagreed. After two full bench trials, the court found that the Attorney General’s promise of confidentiality “rings hollow,” and that “[d]onors and potential donors would be reasonably justified in a fear of disclosure.”"
How many ICE agents have been doxxed and subsequently attacked as a consequence?
No idea. I know that there have been deliberate attacks on ICE even outside of enforcement actions.
‘Coordinated and targeted’: 11 arrested in wake of officer shooting outside North Texas ICE facility
Or,
CE reports second death from Dallas sniper attack after detainee succumbs to injuries
If people will do something like that, attacking them at home if they can get an address is hardly out of the question.
Neither have ANYTHING to do with doxxing, but you decided to bring them up.
And they suck even for your new goalposts.
The first one is a ton of thusfar unsupported allegations of a frankly pretty janky theory about flashlight signaling to a sniper in the forest.
The second one isn't an ICE agent. It's not really clear ICE agents were targeted at all.
Sometimes, the shitty evidence you attempt to shoehorn in just shows how much you got nothing, but really really want to prove something true.
ICE is not being oppressed, they're shooting people and terrorizing entire cities.
"The first one is a ton of thus far unsupported allegations of a frankly pretty janky theory about flashlight signaling to a sniper in the forest."
The sniper shot a cop in the neck.
"The second one isn't an ICE agent. It's not really clear ICE agents were targeted at all."
The guy had "Anti-ICE" written on his bullets. He left a note that said, "Hopefully this will give ICE agents real terror..."
They've literally been subject to premeditated sniper attacks, and you want to say that they're not being targeted? That they have nothing to worry about if they're doxed?
Let me ask you: If somebody staged something at your work place, specifically to draw you out of the building so that they could shoot you, would YOU want them to have your home address?
Be honest now, would you?
I knew that's what you were referring to, and — as I said — you are very badly mischaracterizing it. There was no leaking — which connotes something deliberate. And no evidence of any sort of anything about people "who they politically disfavor." That is all complete fiction on your part. Their data security wasn't great. That's it.
"There was no leaking — which connotes something deliberate. And no evidence of any sort of anything about people "who they politically disfavor."
I provided TWO links, nitwit. You really want to claim that gun owners are not politically disfavored in California? Or are you just credulous enough to think the multiple data leaks of gun owner information were all accidents?
Brett: "Germany was the U.S.'s adversary in world wars: World War I and the Crimean War."
Me: "Um, Germany was not our adversary in the Crimean War."
Brett: "I provided two examples!"
You didn't provide anything about "multiple data leaks," and are you loony enough to think that the one you identified wasn't? (Yes, yes, you are.)
David apparently lives in a deep blue, TDS infected, bubble. If something isn’t prominently shown in one of their hard left media outlets, like the NYT, he’ll adamantly deny that it happened. You can cite to other sources all that you want, but he will deny to his dying breath that it happened if he can’t find it in places like the NYT. This isn’t anything new for David. But seems to be getting worse.
I'd just add that, given the state's track record, they might just have enacted this law with the intent of facilitating doxing of federal agents.
It's not surprising that you would come up with this. A conspiracy that involves the entire CA state legislature is right up your alley.
I'm not disagreeing with the result but I'm going to hold off on too much praise. This same judge may find a revised law that includes the state is just fine. Because if not for the state exemption, it would be perfectly constitutional for a state to regulate federal law enforcement officers enforcing federal law..or something.
Probably would pass muster, actually.
Wow, yet another example of the failure of our news reporting...I had no idea this law exempted state LEO's. As someone who followed this issue closely (because supremacy clause), I never once heard mention of this. I guess it's not surprising the (hostile celebratory) news reporting failed to ever mention this, as it would have demolished the narrative that masked law enforcement is beyond the pale and threat to our very democracy. Especially because I presume there are many in California who think ACAB and would gladly advocate to defund the (local) police.
Do state LEOs actually wear masks? If not, how would not forbidding something that isn't done have demolished any such narrative?
Bill Title: Law enforcement: masks.
" (a) A law enforcement officer shall not wear a facial covering that conceals or obscures their facial identity in the performance of their duties, except as expressly authorized in this section."
"(e) For the purposes of this section, “law enforcement officer” means a peace officer, as defined in Section 830, employed by a city, county, or other local agency as well as any officer or agent of a federal law enforcement agency or any law enforcement agency of another state or any person acting on behalf of a federal law enforcement agency or law enforcement agency of another state."
So, first, yeah, it does appear to have been deliberately drafted to not apply to California state police, and ONLY California state police.
Local? Yeah.
Other states' police? Yeah.
Federal police? Yeah.
California state police? Nope.
Second, do state LEOs actually wear masks? Sure. It's expressly permitted under some circumstances:
Active undercover operations
Tactical operations requiring protective gear
Compliance with occupational health and safety laws
Protection of identity during prosecution
Legal accommodations as required
So, yeah, actually California police are permitted to wear masks, expressly to conceal their identities, under some circumstances.
And if you read the court filings, you might notice the CA statute exempts federal law enforcement from the prohibition on masks under essentially the same set of circumstances...none of which apply to to the great majority of anything ICE and CBP have been doing during their surges. Is that different, or similar treatment? (And btw, I agree the state law should reflect that consistent treatment.)
Now, tell me about all the state LEOs you've watched masking up in the same circumstances—roving patrols and Kavanaugh Stops at least partially based subjective racial identification, using self-approved administrative warrants—as these ICE/CBP surges?
Oh, FFS. So are federal agents. The law doesn't prevent them from wearing masks during a gas leak or while scuba diving. We're talking about the wearing of masks to prevent the general public (and the victims) from knowing who those doing the arrests are. Please stop trying to do pedantry; you're bad at it.
While I do think the law should apply to California state police as well as all the others, are there any actual instances of California state police doing the thing this law is designed to prevent?
OK, let's be clear about this law.
It applies to law enforcement "employed by a city, county, or other local agency as well as any officer or agent of a federal law enforcement agency or any law enforcement agency of another state or any person acting on behalf of a federal law enforcement agency or law enforcement agency of another state."
Which is to say that, while it applies to ALL non-California law enforcement agents who happen to be within the state, for California law enforcement agents, it only applies to the LOCAL ones, not the state ones. State level California law enforcement are not subject to this law to begin with!
So, while LOCAL California, and all non-California, law enforcement are limited to masking under the circumstances this law enumerates, state level California law enforcement are subject to no such limit.
And that's why it got blocked, because federal law enforcement are entitled to 'most favored nation' status, they have to be treated at least as leniently as any state law enforcement. While this law limited them in the same way local, but NOT state level, cops were limited.
So, yeah, state level California police, under this law, can just wear masks for any reason they want. There might be a different statute that would limit their mask wearing, but not this one.
I am not discussing either the coverage of the law or the court's reasoning. I am asking a simple question: "are there any actual instances of California state police doing the thing this law is designed to prevent?"
I will take from the fact that you filibustered rather than providing a simple "Yes" or "No," that you know of no such instances.
And that's not relevant to the ruling, so I don't care if there are or not. Whether or not they're doing it, this law would permit them to, while forbidding the feds from doing it. And that's why it got enjoined.
"A rule that prohibits law enforcement officers from wearing masks or requires them to have visible identification does not facilitate or enable criminals to harm law enforcement officers."
...just their wives and children.
Authoritarians jonesing for a secret police!
Yea, the Judge's argument is obviously wrong there. Worse, this error was completely unnecessary; she could have simply used some sort of balancing test e.g., "...but that concern must be balanced against the public's risk from impersonators and concerns over accountability...." Must have "special deans list" clerk.
It does not do a damn thing about "their wives and children." These are not only nutty conspiracy theories about things that don't happen, but stupid ones that make no sense. Whether they wear masks has no bearing on threats against them.
I am surprised a state would have *any* ability to control how federal officers go about their jobs. I would fully expect that the state could say "no, we're not helping, go do it yourself", but an actual ability to say "no, you can't be masked" (so long as state officers are equally affected) does surprise me.
Would the answer be different if it were actual federal law rather than departmental (or even lower) level policy?
So a state should not be able to prosecute an IRS agent who drives 95 mph in a school zone just because he's on his way to an audit? A state should not be able prohibit a federal postal worker from randomly murdering people on her mail route? Your claim goes much too far.
States have every right to compel federal agents in their jurisdiction to obey generally-applicable laws until and unless that specific law is preempted by a specific job responsibility required by and unique to that federal position.
The IRS agent's driving is not a core part of his job, and again I wonder if the answer would be different if there were actual federal law "No state or its political subdivisions shall enforce traffic law against federal government employees during the course of job-related activities." (of course, such a law is ludicrous - and probably unconstitutional, I am simply trying to examine the outer limits of the delineation the above case determines).
It's also worth remembering you can always seek damages from the Federal Government in claims court or file a 1983 case if harmed by a federal agent. The real issue here is whether the state can attack an individual agent for following federal agency policy and/or 'not clearly illegal' orders.
IIUC 1983 only applies to state officials, and the Bivens line of cases drastically limits the ability to sue the Feds.
It is not worth remembering that because you cannot, in fact, file a § 1983 case if harmed by a federal agent.
By that standard of "a core part of his job", wearing a mask fails to make the cut as a core part of law enforcement's job (with a very, very few exceptions that are, as noted above, already carved out in the law being discussed). That's the entire point. If something truly is a core part of a federal job and is unique to that federal job, it could be preempted. Everything else is not.
It is analogous to legal jurisdiction on military bases. It is not a simple matter to know when the military protocol,, federal law, or state law holds sway in many matters. As explained to me by a JAG many years ago, each base is established under individual and specific legal basis. To understand, not all bases are federal property. Some are both state and federal property or leased private land. Further, some are actually state and federal forests which the military uses under a special use agreeement. In some places, the Forest Ranger is actually the overriding law enforcement official.
Could states actually regulate the wearing of federal military uniforms by persons on federal active duty.
So much of this case law on state regulation/prosecution of feds proceeds under the assumption that the laws were passed and will be used in good faith.
But our Constitution, including federal supremacy, is not written with that assumption. It is written with the assumption that imperfect men will use power for evil purposes.
Any millimeter of the state camel's nose in the Federal supremacy tent is an opportunity for a corrupt or rebellious state government to persecute Federal employees under color of law.
I had this same argument over diplomatic vs official passports. US State Dept people tried to tell me, "well, the only difference is they can prosecute you for crimes with an official passport." Big bloody difference if you are in a country where no one hesitates to make criminal cases out of whole cloth.
This analogy applies to Fed v state here. CC, JSM
You are absolutely correct that our Constitution was written with the assumption that imperfect men will seek to use power for evil purposes. You are wrong, however, to assume that the Founders were worried only about evil men at the state level. On the contrary, their focus on federalism and separation of powers makes clear that they were far more worried about those seeking to abuse the new federal powers. Federal supremacy is a check on states seeking to abuse their powers but only in those cases where Congress clearly (and within limits of the powers enumerated in the Constitution) preempts those state laws. Federal supremacy is not a free-standing 'get out of jail free' card for the other two branches.
"Any millimeter of the state camel's nose in the Federal supremacy tent is an opportunity for a corrupt or rebellious state government to persecute Federal employees under color of law."
Yup. Swalwell claims that if elected, he'd deny ICE agents drivers licenses so they'd have to walk to work.
To the contrary, the Framers generally took the position that any millimeter of the federal camel’s nose in the states’ rights tent was an invitation to enable corrupt and oppressive federal officials to institute tyrrany. The framers feared what they called the “man on a white horse.” This was a reference to the First Horseman of the Apocalypse in the New Testament. But it was meant in a very secular sense, a demagogue who would pander to people in order to usurp absolute power to himself.
I find myself curious. Who is shooting more people right now, federal folks or state folks? Why are you so focused on state folks being the problem when objectively, it’s the federal folks who seem to be more out of hand?
In any event Congress in its wisdom requires federal officials to follow generally applicable, nondiscriminatory state laws, as a matter of federal policy. Do you really want a world where any fed who wants to is going at 90 miles an hour through red lights in a residential district? As long as a state is willing to subject its own officials to the same rules, Congress has decided that federal officials will have to live with them too.
Why in the world did the Califiornia legislature make an own goal as stupid as this? Any competent staff lawyer should have been able to tell them you can’t do this.
What the legislature did here is a candidate for a “don’t do stupid stuff” award along with the Colorado Human Rights Commission’s gratuitous put-downs of conservative Christianity in Masterpiece Cakeshop and the Philadelphia ordinance that gave complete discretion to exempt an organization from its discrimination laws.
What’s the point? If the legislature wants to make work for lawyers, there’s plenty of legitimate work for them to do. It could fund some of it rather than wasting evdrybody’s time passing obviously constitutionally flawed laws and then paying to put up absurd defenses.
The defense was frivolous. In all likelihood no state official does exactly the same thing as a federal official with a similar title because the governments they work for do different things. But “state law enforcement” and “federal law enforcement” is about as close as it comes.
"Why in the world did the Califiornia legislature make an own goal as stupid as this? Any competent staff lawyer should have been able to tell them you can’t do this."
It's California. They WANTED to do it. And are convinced that they can do what they want.
How did they become this way?
They're big enough they generally get away with this sort of thing. For instance, under the Clean Air Act, they're the only state permitted to have their own, stricter, environmental rules. Every other state is stuck with the federal rules.
And they've benefited from being in, dominating actually, the 9th circuit, which routinely has let them get away with stuff most states in other circuits would not be permitted to get away with.
So they've gotten kind of entitled.
The same way the state is going bankrupt -- gradually, then (soon enough) suddenly.
The federal only problem only arises in one of the laws addressed in the opinion.
The state argued that one was applied to the feds only because the federal government and the state are not equally situated. The state officers both have limited jurisdiction, and those that do regularly engage with the public typically wear uniforms and badges that identify themselves in ways the feds do not.
The court is not satisfied with those defenses.
I don't see any reason to exempt the state police, but there's no "federal only" issue; the law applies to the feds, to local police, to out-of-state police, etc. It's only state cops who fall into the loophole. (That's not to say I'm criticizing the court's decision.)
What a bizarro world we live in. It seems only a few years ago when we all had phone books with nearly everyone's name and address. The word doxing didn't exist.
Today, doxing is a major problem. People have been convicted of crimes for doxing. There have been cases where gun registration lists were used for doxing. I have no doubt that ICE agents use masks to avoid doxing, and that the push to unmask them is a dog whistle call to dox the agents and their families.