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The Third Circuit's Curious Opinion on the "De Facto" U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey
The Circuit's decision appears to invite the workaround of dividing responsibilities between two persons in the U.S. Attorney's Office, who could then each exercise half of that Office's powers.
Today the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed a district court ruling that Alina Habba is disqualified from serving as the acting U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey. The ruling is a setback for the Trump Administration's efforts to install its own leaders in U.S. Attorneys Offices in New Jersey and elsewhere. I have my doubts about the merits of the decision, on statutory construction grounds that I have previously blogged about here and here. (Co-blogger Steven Calabresi has also highlighted constitutional concerns that cast doubt on the underpinnings of the Circuit's decision). But rather than dive into those details, it may be more important to highlight a curious limitation to the Third Circuit's ruling. In its ruling's penultimate paragraph, the Circuit seems to invite the Administration to simply divide the powers of the U.S. Attorney between two people—rather than one. So divided, the opinion seems to suggest, then there is not a single "acting U.S. Attorney." And, accordingly, no problem exists under the relevant statutes with those two appointees each exercising half of the powers of the U.S. Attorney. Rather than appeal the Circuit's ruling (or, perhaps, in addition to appealing), the Administration could swiftly work-around the decision by cleaving Habba's duties in half.
The background surrounding the dispute has been laid out in my earlier posts, and recounted this morning by co-blogger Jonathan Adler's post about the Third Circuit ruling. In a nutshell, Senate Democrats have (for whatever reason) been slow-walking Trump Administration nominees for U.S. Attorney positions. While Senate Republicans have described these delaying tactics as "unprecedented", the important point for this blog post is that the Administration has needed to find a way to put in place its legal teams in place U.S. Attorneys Offices around the country, such as in New Jersey.
The approach that Administration took in New Jersey is, no doubt, complex. I have described the maneuver in detail previously. To quickly recap, on July 24th of this year, the Trump administration took the following steps (as the Third Circuit recounts): (1) the President withdrew Habba's then-pending nomination to be the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey; (2) Habba resigned as the Interim U.S. Attorney; (3) the Attorney General issued an order appointing Habba as "Special Attorney" to the Attorney General, accompanied by a letter authorizing Habba to conduct "any kind of legal proceedings . . . which United States Attorneys are authorized to conduct" pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 515; and (4) in the same order, the Attorney General also designated Habba as First Assistant U.S. Attorney, which purported to mean that Habba automatically became Acting U.S. Attorney pursuant to the Federal Vacancies Reform Act (FVRA), 5 U.S.C. § 3345(a)(1). As a result of these moves, the Administration contends that Habba is properly the Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey.
A district court previously rejected the Administration's position, and today the Third Circuit affirmed the district court's disqualification of Habba. Here's the Circuit's summary of its decision (and note the language I've highlighted below):
Habba is not the Acting U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey by virtue of her appointment as First Assistant U.S. Attorney because only the first assistant in place at the time the vacancy arises automatically assumes the functions and duties of the office under the FVRA. Additionally, because Habba was nominated for the vacant U.S. Attorney position, the FVRA's nomination bar prevents her from assuming the role of Acting U.S. Attorney. Finally, the Attorney General's delegation of all the powers of a U.S. Attorney to Habba is prohibited by the FVRA's exclusivity provision. Therefore, we will affirm the District Court's disqualification order.
Op. at 32 (emphasis added).
So, as the Third Circuit makes clear in its summary, the problem with the Attorney General's delegation to Habba was that she delegated "all the powers of the U.S. Attorney" to Habba. Could the Circuit really mean that, so long as (let's say) only half of the powers were delegated, that would be fine?
And, indeed, that fine line seems to be what the Circuit seems to be defending.
In the penultimate paragraph of its decision, the Third Circuit explains:
Moreover, as the District Court noted, our decision that the delegation of all the powers of a U.S. Attorney would run afoul of the FVRA's exclusivity provision does not necessarily mean that some delegation by the Attorney General to Habba—or to any First Assistant U.S. Attorney—would not be permissible. 2025 WL 2416737, at *26 n.257. The Government is dismissive of this view, claiming that delegation to multiple individuals rather than one results in a "reductio ad absurdum." "It is not evident," it asserts, "why that distinction would be material." Id. But it might be material, as it is possible a more dispersed delegation of authority might not create a de facto U.S. Attorney and therefore might not run afoul of the FVRA's exclusivity provision—though we do not decide that today because those are not the facts of this case. As it stands, Habba alone is exercising all the powers of a U.S. Attorney, making her an Acting U.S. Attorney whose appointment is not FVRA compliant.
To unpack this paragraph a bit, the Third Circuit was concerned about language in the FVRA providing that the statute is "the exclusive means for temporarily authorizing an acting official to perform the functions and duties of any [PAS—i.e., presidential appointment and Senate confirmation] office," 5 U.S.C. § 3347(a), unless a statute expressly authorizes another means of acting or interim service in a specified office, id. § 3347(a)(1). The Circuit was concerned that the Attorney General's decision to delegate to Habba "any kind of legal proceedings . . . which United States Attorneys are authorized to conduct" effectively made Habba the acting U.S. Attorney for New Jersey. As the Third Circuit noted (p. 26), the Attorney General "thus attempted to delegate to Habba the full panoply of powers of a U.S. Attorney. This de facto U.S. Attorney-by-delegation theory is plainly prohibited by the FVRA's exclusivity provision."
The Government argued to the Third Circuit that interpretations such as this one would undermine the proper functioning of the Executive Branch. The Circuit responded that it was not "tasked with resolving such policy concerns" (op. at 31). This response seems like a bit of a dodge, given the constitutional questions swirling in the background of this case. But, at the same time, the Circuit also seemed to endorse the Government's view that it was "not aware of any powers of a U.S. Attorney that are not delegable"—that is, the Attorney General must be allowed to assign someone to make criminal charging decisions in New Jersey. Nothing in the opinion casts appears to cast doubt on the Attorney General's ability to use her delegation authority to send criminal charging decisions to Habba. (Note: the opinion does cast doubt on the opinion of placing Habba in the First Assistant position of the Office and then assuming powers by virtue of that assignment.)
As noted in the paragraph above, in the Third Circuit the Government raised a reductio ad absurdum argument. The Government contended that it would be strange to rule that, while the Attorney General could not delegate authority to one person, two people would be fine. (Or would it be three? At that point, no one person would exercise most of the powers of a U.S. Attorney.) But the Circuit did not seem to find anything strange about that approach—expressly leaving that door open.
To be clear, the Third Circuit did not rule today that dividing the U.S. Attorney's duties in half would resolve the appointment problem—the Third Circuit expressly said that it was not deciding that question today. But the logic of the Circuit's decision appears to expressly allow this workaround.
In light of this logic, the quickest fix for the Administration would seem to be for the Attorney General to expressly delegate, let's say, half of the duties of the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey to Habba. For example, the Attorney General could delegate all of the criminal charging decisions to Habba, while delegating all of the civil case responsibilities to another person. At that point, it would no longer be the case that Habba would be exercising "all the powers of the U.S. Attorney." Put another way (to borrow words from the Third Circuit), she would no longer be the "de facto" U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey, but rather the person making criminal charging decisions for the Office.
Some may argue that this workaround is a gimmick, which courts should reject to protect the Senate confirmation process for U.S. Attorneys. But as already noted, for whatever reason, the confirmation process is not fully functioning. (I take no position on those reasons here.) So someone must ultimately make charging decisions for federal crimes committed in New Jersey. And nothing in the Circuit's decision suggests that the Attorney General of the United States has to make each and every one of those hundreds of decisions. The Attorney General's charging authority is delegable, and delegating it to Habba (who has the confidence of the Attorney General) makes sense from a chain-of-command perspective.
As I've written before, the anomalous conclusion here would be to bar the Trump Administration from putting its own legal team in place to pursue the President's priorities. The cleaving-responsibilities-workaround that I've discussed here—which was expressly offered by the Third Circuit to demonstrate the reasonableness of its opinion—reaches a sensible outcome of putting the President and the Attorney General in command of important Executive Branch decisions. However convoluted the path is to that bottom-line position, that position clearly seems like the right one.
Update: I've fixed a few typos in the original post, such as adding "New" in front of the first reference to "Jersey."
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"As I've written before, the anomalous conclusion here would be to bar the Trump Administration from putting its own legal team in place to pursue the President's priorities."
But this misses the point entirely, because you're assuming the conclusion without actually engaging in the process to understand why the conclusion is unwarranted.
There's even a section in the Federalist about why we have the President make the appointments- WITH THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE SENATE- for certain offices. Such as ... USAs.
It's because the President gets to make their own choices, but the Senate acts as a necessary check; so you don't end up with the President appointing an unqualified crony to a position (for instance). Like, um, Alina Habba.
Moreover, there are express mechanisms that allow, inter alia, the judiciary to select an interim USA in the meantime. The idea that the President can completely bypass the regular process and put in whomever the President wants forever ... doesn't pass muster. It would eviscerate the entire process that we designed. We would no longer need to bother with ... well, the stuff that we explicitly wrote into the Constitution.
It's this type of thinking (the unitary executive) that has aggrandized power to one branch above and beyond the branch that was supposed to be the greatest among equals- the Congress. It's dangerous and stupid, and we seem to have gone down a path of ignoring the lessons that were dearly learned in the past.
Loki,
I completely agree with all of your policy arguments. But courts have been remarkably compliant in terms of letting him do shit. (Not to mention the horrific decision of SCOTUS to essentially let Trump get away with doing crimes.) Question: Why didn't this court simply echo your above argument? Why did it specifically leave this option open as a possible workaround? I think Paul's OP is totally legitimate, based on this court's (frightening, IMO) laying out of a possible loophole.
Trump's presumed response? "You won't let me put in an incompetent moral whore? Fine! I'll put in TWO incompetent whores . . . how'd ya like *them* apples?"
To underline a notable point, the "policy" arguments include what the Constitution requires.
It's truly shocking how far the unitary executive has progressed in people's minds that to Cassell, it's just intuitively unworkable that a president can't nominate whoever he wants. I blame lack of intellectual diversity at S.J. Quinney.
The unitary executive theory is to the U.S. Constitution as the Laffer Curve is to macroeconomic theory. It is a useless tool for anything other than giving shallow thinkers something to say about a complex subject that they don’t understand.
The unitary executive does seem more a product of conservative psychology than of the Constitution.
This doesn’t really have much to do with the Unitary Executive Theory because Congress has expressly given the president the authority to fire any USA, including those appointed by the courts, and to otherwise be in control of those USAs. So your favorite boogeyman doesn’t apply here.
Nobody denies that Congress can require Senate approval for USAs. What’s odd is that they require it for presidential nominees but not court appointments. That creates a weird situation where the president sometimes can’t get his chosen nominee confirmed, but he can instantly fire whoever the courts choose.
But the unitary executive theory says that the president can fire any executive branch official without limitation regardless of what Congress says.
Yeah, but it’s irrelevant here because, even if Unitary Executive Theory is wrong, Congress still gave the president the power to fire USAs at any time for any reason. It’s simply a non-factor in this circumstance.
The issue is appointments of USAs, not their removal, and Congress has weighed in on that subject.
But this misses the point entirely, because you're assuming the conclusion without actually engaging in the process to understand why the conclusion is unwarranted.
I agree. Cassell is making a policy point not a legal point, and as you say the policy revealed by the constitutional structure does not support the idea that the President has unconstrained appointment power. But you fall into the same trap yourself ....
It's because the President gets to make their own choices, but the Senate acts as a necessary check; so you don't end up with the President appointing an unqualified crony to a position (for instance).
Whether the crony is qualified or not is irrelevant to the scheme established by the constitution and suoplemented by statute. And both constitution and statute expressly provide for the bypassing of the Senate in particular cases - including this one.
This is a statutory interpretation case, and nothing to do with windy rhetoric about unitary executives, whether from Cassell or yourself.
As it happens, I think the court has had to strain pretty hard to arrive at the conclusion it reaches, and I'd be doubtful that it would survive SCOTUS review if it gets there. The money lines seem to be :
These questions require us to interpret the FVRA, and“we will ‘start where we always do: with the text....
followed after a while by :
The text of subsection (a)(1) alone is, at first glance, silent as to whether the first assistant must be in the role at the time of the vacancy
which is a roundabout way of conceding that actually the text itself contains no restriction on when the first assistant gets the job.
Hence the need to rummage around, not very convincingly, in the "context."
But anyway that is by the by. The point is, this is a nerdy statutory interpretation case not a tub thumping flowery principles Save-Our-Republic case.
One contextual point that cuts strongly against the court's conclusion is 5 USC §3345 (b)(1) :
(b)(1) Notwithstanding subsection (a)(1), a person may not serve as an acting officer for an office under this section, if-
(A) during the 365-day period preceding the date of the death, resignation, or beginning of inability to serve, such person-
(i) did not serve in the position of first assistant to the office of such officer; or
(ii) served in the position of first assistant to the office of such officer for less than 90 days; and
(B) the President submits a nomination of such person to the Senate for appointment to such office.
This was discussed in the case and formed a second reason for the court concluding that Habba was disqualified. But the discussion was limited to (B) - whether the Presidential nomination condition "submits" incudes "has submitted".
But part (A) is contextually relevant to the argument that the court accepted that you have to be the first assistant at the time that the vacancy first arises. Because (A)(i) disqualifies you (in combination with a Presidential nomination) if you haven't been the first assistant in the 365 days before the vacancy arises. But on the court's reading of (a)(1) any person falling foul of (A)(i) by not having been the first assistant in the 365 days prior to the arising of the vacancy must already have been disqualified from (a)(i) by not being first assistant at the time the vacancy arose. Hence on the court's reading, (A)(i) is superfluous.
"There's even a section in the Federalist about why we have the President make the appointments- WITH THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE SENATE- for certain offices. Such as ... USAs."
Then they can fucking vote on it. And if GOP Senators want to go on record for voting down a Trump nominee just because a Dem Senator refused to return a "blue slip", then they can do that.
But no judge should EVER be appointing a prosecutor. So unless and until the Senate votes the nominee down, the President should have free rein to appoint any interim USA he wants, who meets the basic criteria
The Third Circuit is saying that Alina Habba should have been fucking voted on by the Senate. Glad you're on board.
You are making the same, erroneous, argument that the squeakier Dems were making at Garland time - that the Senate has an obligation to vote on a nominee. But it doesn't. The constitution requires Senate consent before the President can appoint , at least principal, officers. That is a potential block on the Presidential appointment power - it's not a requirement that the Senate vote on a nominee. Senates have been happily ignoring nominees for well over 200 years.
The twiddle in this case is that, a bit like the filibuster, but not quite like it, the Senate has adopted procedures whereby the home state Senators can block appointments of federal officers in their state. While this may be irritating for the majority party, the majority party Senators like having that power themselves in relation to their own state.
If the GOP, in the minority, were to adopt this blocking tactic in relation to a Dem president's nominees for district attorney, tit for tat, I would expect the Dem majority to nix the block by changing the rules. The Dems run a much tighter ship than the GOP in the Senate.
This particular blocking tactic is, IMHO, one of the more corrupt bits of the Senate old boy rules. Because it gives home state Senators an effective veto on both federal prosecutors and federal judges in their home state. And it is in their home states that Senators are likely to be pursuing their most lucrative, ah, private enterprise opportunties. So it's very useful to be able to ensure that any home state federal prosecutor and any home state federal district judge is simpatico with the Senator.
As for judges appointing prosecutors - I'm afraid that rule is there in black and white in the constitution. I tend to agree that it shouldn't be - buit it is.
It's worth noting that the GOP majority has a simple work around - just go into recess - and the President can then make recess appointments at will. But they won't. Which is a reminder that although they wear the same badge, the GOP President and the GOP Senate are not really on the same side, They're just pretending.
Ya I don't see the conclusion flowing from these facts. Alina Habba in particular is disqualified because she was NOT the first assistant when the vacancy originally arose AND she was nominated but not confirmed. Simply delegating all the power of the US Atty to someone in that position makes a mockery of advice and consent. Delegating half the power to her and half to somebody else NOT confirmed just to avoid putting up somebody who can get the Senate's confirmation also seems like dirty pool.
You are missing some steps in the analysis. The statue gives authority to the President, heads of cabinet, and the judiciary the power to fill the role. The president gets first choice; but it requires advise and consent. Same for if the Atty Gen makes the pick. When that fails and if the time limits are reached; the judiciary can fill the role. And it did here. With the person that was the old US Attorney's first assistant as that person automatically became acting US Attn upon the resignation of her boss who actually met all the statutory criteria. This administration fired her! And then was playing games with naming Habba the first assistant (when the spot above her was vacant due to them firing the judiciary's pick) as well as a special attorney after her nomination failed in the Senate.
Pam Bondi sucks. She tries to be too cute by half and all it does is make a mockery of the rule of law and the judiciary. In service to what?? Being the most loyal Trump dick fluffer at Mar a Lago? Ohhhh what a prize.
This isn't happening in a vacuum. Lindsay Halligan's ridiculous appointment and 'ratification of her actions' by the Atty Gen in the E.D. Virginia is an even more pathetic circus than Habba's in Jersey. Somehow that is possible. Defies belief but here we are.
A couple of weeks ago when we discussed this, I commented that this was the part that really hurt Trump's case: the administration's position was that they could skip Senate confirmation and make Habba the USA in every single aspect as long as they didn't call her USA. I thought that might be a bridge too far.
The statu[t]e gives authority to the President, heads of cabinet, and the judiciary the power to fill the role. The president gets first choice; but it requires advise and consent. Same for if the Atty Gen makes the pick.
Cite please for the notion that the AG's appointment requires advice and consent.
When that fails and if the time limits are reached; the judiciary can fill the role. And it did here
I don't recall whether it was in this actual case, but in one of these cases, the court actually appointed its candidate before the time limit was up. Which seems odd.
"Today the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed a district court ruling that Alina Habba is disqualified from serving as the acting U.S. Attorney for the District of Jersey. "
Why is there a U.S. attorney in the Channel Islands?
Thanks - will fix that. Paul
Is there something that prevents Bondi (or some other confirmed official) from being the official charging officer and delegating to Habibi the administrative task of running the office?
The law provides for only one US attorney per judicial district. 28 USC 541.
Yes, but the argument is that if two people each have half a US Attorney’s powers and diutiez, neither meets the definition of a “US Attorney.”
I think Mr. Cassell misunderstands what the 3rd Circuit wrote. Leaving a question not before the court for another day is not at all the same as saying it would rule differently on that question.
If for example the Attorney General appointed one person to prosecute anyone with a last name beginning with A through M and another for anyone beginning with with N through Z, it would still be open to the 3rd Circuit to say that the word “special” means that a special assistant US Attorney cannot be given a general prosecution power, but can only be assigned specific individual cases and duties, and that this amount of delegation is too general to fit within the word “special.”
That is, Professor Cassell’s argument forgets that the word “special” in “special assistant US Attorney” also has a specific and limiting meaning, and can’t necessarily be stretched to mean anything that is less than a full US Attorney.
As is often the case in logic, there can be and indeed in human affairs nearly always are more than two categories. The negation of one category does not in any way imply that its perfect opposite holds. When there are more than two categories, the negation of one category does not in any way imply that what holds is the union of all the others. It could be a specific individual category that is only one of the others and a small subset of their union.
A pretty obvious workaround would be to nominate a choice to the Senate and have them approved.