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Second Amendment Roundup: 3d Circuit Oral Argument on N.J. Rifle Ban
The en banc court exhibited a deep understanding of the issues.
On October 15, the Third Circuit en banc heard arguments on New Jersey's prohibition on numerous semiautomatic firearms (pejoratively named "assault firearms") and magazines holding over ten rounds. Three cases were consolidated under the title Association of New Jersey Rifle & Pistol Clubs, Inc. (ANJRPC) v. Attorney General New Jersey. The district court in ANJRPC held the rifle ban to violate the Second Amendment but upheld the magazine ban. Earlier, a Third Circuit panel upheld the magazine ban, but the Supreme Court ordered it to reconsider in light of Bruen. In August, the Third Circuit sua sponte ordered that the appeal of the district court decision be held en banc.
Predictably, the "common use" test set forth in Heller and Bruen was at the heart of the controversy. The challengers argued that the banned firearms are bearable "arms" in the meaning of the text, and that the Supreme Court in Heller decided that arms in common use may not be banned under the history and tradition test. Counsel agreed with a judge that the banned firearms are in common use both numerically and as determined by the numbers of gun owners. The Supreme Court in Staples, and most recently in S&W v. Mexico, acknowledged that AR-15 rifles are commonly possessed by Americans.
New Jersey rejected what it called a "popularity test" for common use and argued that the banned firearms and magazines are not in common use, meaning that on average a gun is fired only 2.2 times in self-defense. But "common use" refers to "keeping and bearing" and not "shooting/going bang bang" at a bad guy. To use arms as in to keep and bear means, as Heller stated, "to possess and carry weapons in case of confrontation."
Judge Hardiman noted that Heller referred to defense against tyranny three times, and that self-defense being the "central component" of the Second Amendment implied other lawful purposes. New Jersey changed the subject to machineguns, suggesting that the high number of registered machineguns – 176,000 – proved the numerosity test to be unworkable. Judge Hardiman countered that they are bound by Heller's statement that machineguns are not protected. Moreover, the challengers noted, registered machineguns are largely held today as collector's items, not for self-defense, and many are not even functional. This is a phantom question that the court need not resolve.
Moreover, the challengers pointed out that, unlike semiautomatics with magazines that have been chosen by Americans for over a century, machineguns were never widely accepted into the market as useful for self-defense, not to mention hunting and target shooting. While a semiautomatic can pinpoint aggressors and avoid bystanders in a self-defense situation, indiscriminately firing in full automatic cannot distinguish the guilty from the innocent.
That got into the issue of arms that are "dangerous and unusual." Judge Matey asked whether the element of creating "terror to the people" implied that the people at large are a factor in what is common use. The challengers responded that doing so was a common-law offense but that carrying arms peaceably is not subject to a heckler's veto. Arms that are commonly carried are not dangerous and unusual.
While most historical references use the term "dangerous and unusual," New Jersey contended that some also use the formulation "dangerous or unusual," citing Blackstone. But Blackstone referred not to mere possession, but to "riding or going armed, with dangerous or unusual weapons, … terrifying the good people of the land." Heller used the term "dangerous and unusual," and Justice Alito, concurring in Caetano, wrote that "this is a conjunctive test: A weapon may not be banned unless it is both dangerous and unusual." And Bruen found aspects of English history "ambiguous at best," seeing "little reason to think that the Framers would have thought it applicable in the New World."
New Jersey then claimed that "dangerous or unusual" actually boils down to the test of "unusually dangerous," a term never used by the Supreme Court. In any event, it ultimately doesn't matter, because common arms cannot be unusually dangerous.
In response to a question of whether the people decide subjectively what they deem appropriate for self-defense, New Jersey argued that "the people" through their representatives decide what is unusually dangerous based on their perception of "objective characteristics." As one judge suggested, since all firearms are dangerous under the alleged dangerous-or-unusual test, no limit would exist on what the legislature may choose to ban, despite what the people choose.
New Jersey responded that AR-15s have been used in mass shootings, to which another judge noted that handguns are used in the majority of murders, yet Heller held them to be protected. Indeed, the Virginia Tech shooting in 2007 involved the criminal using modern semiautomatic handguns with so-called "large-capacity magazines," yet a year later, the Supreme Court decided Heller. Not to mention that there were other similar pre-Heller murders, showing that mass shootings were not considered "unprecedented" in the minds of the Justices even back in 2008.
New Jersey counsel was fixated on the "Bowie knife craze" of the nineteenth century that prompted laws that are supposedly the most substantial analogues for New Jersey's rifle and magazine ban. But most of those laws restricted only concealed carry, not possession. What is more, the outcome of cases challenging Bowie knife laws turned on common use. For example, the Texas Supreme Court held in Cockrum v. State (1859) that citizens had a right to carry Bowie knives for lawful self-defense, even though the Bowie knife was the "most deadly of all weapons in common use."
Since the focus was on the AR-15 semiautomatic rifle, the question arose whether the court should remand the case to the district court for fact finding on the other rifles as well as the shotguns and handguns on the ban list. The challengers answered in the negative, as all (except one shotgun) were semiautomatics and shared many of the same features. Staples drew the line at full automatics versus semiautomatics. Moreover, the burden was on New Jersey to demonstrate that each and every weapon it sought to ban was not in common use. It had ample opportunity to fulfill that burden but failed to introduce such evidence. See Mark W. Smith, "What Part of 'In Common Use' Don't You Understand?" JLPP (2023) (the common-use issue is encompassed in the history-tradition test of Bruen and, thus, the burden rests with the government to prove a banned arm NOT in common use).
New Jersey argued that in contrast to handguns, AR-15s have muzzle velocity that can shoot through walls and can fire out to 500 yards, features not appropriate for self-defense. A judge stated that a rifle may be better for self-defense in a rural area, asking whether the Second Amendment recognizes a rural-urban distinction. New Jersey responded that a Bowie knife or a machinegun could also be useful for self-defense, but are still not protected. Once again, that side steps the fact that AR-15s meet the common-use test. Also recall that the majority in Bruen rejected Justice Breyer's dissenting argument that violence with firearms is "more common in urban areas than rural ones."
Since the record established that AR-15 rifles typically come with magazines holding no more than thirty rounds, which in turn are in common use, the question arose of whether a facial challenge is proper since the record reflected nothing about magazines holding over thirty rounds. The challengers responded that the ban is facially unconstitutional because it essentially bans all magazines that hold over ten rounds, making it invalid in all applications. It is not an element of the criminal offense that a magazine hold over thirty rounds. Similarly, Heller facially invalidated a handgun ban in toto, even though it suggested that full automatics could be banned. And Bruen facially invalidated New York's "may-issue" carry regime even though the Court reaffirmed that felons could be banned from public carry and that "sensitive places" may exist that warrant a carry ban in certain locations.
New Jersey sought to depict the facial challenge as improper because plaintiffs didn't challenge the law's subsection defining firearms equipped with bumpstocks as "assault firearms." Since these items are not at issue, the challengers responded that the court could view the case as challenging the other subsections of the assault weapons definition. Whether that is characterized as facial with respect to those subsections or as-applied is a matter of semantics.
Early in the argument, one of the judges warned that they must not "stray into intermediate scrutiny," which Bruen soundly rejected. New Jersey counsel did just that with the argument that the state, not the people, decide what is so "unusually dangerous" that it can be banned. That wholly flips the purpose of a guarantee in the Bill of Rights, which confirms "the right of the people" themselves to pick the arms they desire to keep and bear.
With the new Administration, circumstances are changing in the Second Amendment space. The United States filed an amicus curiae brief on behalf of the challengers. Moreover, the composition of the Third Circuit recently changed. Judge Emil Bove took the bench in July, and Judge Jennifer Mascott was sworn in shortly before the oral argument. If the court holds that New Jersey's firearm and magazine bans violate the Second Amendment, as it should, it will – to use Justice Kavanaugh's words in Snope – "assist [the Supreme] Court's ultimate decisionmaking on the AR–15 issue."
I litigated the New Jersey rifle and magazine bans decades ago in Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen v. Whitman (D. N.J. 1999), aff'd (3d Cir. 2001). That was pre-Heller, so we focused on vagueness and equal protection. The state argued that the ban list consisted of semiautomatics, but many have machinegun names, most obviously the Avtomat Kalashnikov (Russian for Kalashnikov's automatic rifle). At oral argument in the Third Circuit, one of the judges disagreed with our vagueness argument, unbelievably stating that "everyone knows what an assault weapon is, it's a submachinegun with a silencer." Predictably, we got an adverse ruling. We've come a long way since then.
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A sub with a silencer! Now that sounds fun (and expensive).
They are
"New Jersey rejected what it called a "popularity test" for common use and argued that the banned firearms and magazines are not in common use, meaning that on average a gun is fired only 2.2 times in self-defense."
That's certainly an unusual twist. According to New Jersey, the problem is that people are not shooting each other enough. If they shot each other at the rate NJ prefers the guns would then come into "common use" and be protected.
"Judge Hardiman countered that they are bound by Heller's statement that machineguns are not protected."
No! That is dicta. Not necessary to the holding. SCOTUS had no power to issue such a binding opinion in the Heller case as Heller had nothing at all to do with machine guns.
2A case law is unwieldy and incomprehensible. This case makes that very clear. This is because SCOTUS is bashing a square peg (individual right to a gun) into a round hole (right of states to have militias).
The 2A is about the right of states to have militias. This non-sense with Trump wanting to use the National Guard to occupy places he does not like reinforces that interpretation. An individual right to have guns never made any sense in the context of the Constitution as a whole or the actual text.
I agree that the law in this area is a mess, but disagree completely as to the reason. The reason it is a mess is that even SCOTUS does not wish to give "shall not be infringed" an honest reading. They will give the language the most tepid reading they can possibly get away with.
Honestly, I would not have minded even Miller that much if it were then implemented in an honest manner, that civilian ownership of militarily useful arms is presumptively protected.
Republicans seem allergic to the words "A well regulated".
Which refer to the militia, while the right is a right of the people.
Seriously, that 'well regulated' argument has been beaten into the ground, you're just going through the motions here.
Democrat Party Monarchists like Molly are allergic to armed citizens.
Not seeing the Monarchism.
It's not specifically monarchism, of course. Just authoritarianism in general. All flavors of authoritarians are nervous about the public being armed, because it means that it's dangerous to piss the public off too much, it puts hard limits on what you can get away with doing.
I don't think it's self evident that danger of assassination or revolution is what keeps our politics on track.
Funny, I can't find any legislative achievements by JFK after 11-22-1963 (OK, and not many before that either)
It's part of what keeps it on track, but it's primarily a fallback position if democracy and the courts aren't enough to get the job done. To quote Joseph Story's Commentaries:
" The importance of this article will scarcely be doubted by any persons, who have duly reflected upon the subject. The militia is the natural defence of a free country against sudden foreign invasions, domestic insurrections, and domestic usurpations of power by rulers. It is against sound policy for a free people to keep up large military establishments and standing armies in time of peace, both from the enormous expenses, with which they are attended, and the facile means, which they afford to ambitious and unprincipled rulers, to subvert the government, or trample upon the rights of the people. The right of the citizens to keep and bear arms has justly been considered, as the palladium of the liberties of a republic; since it offers a strong moral check against the usurpation and arbitrary power of rulers; and will generally, even if these are successful in the first instance, enable the people to resist and triumph over them. And yet, though this truth would seem so clear, and the importance of a well regulated militia would seem so undeniable, it cannot be disguised, that among the American people there is a growing indifference to any system of militia discipline, and a strong disposition, from a sense of its burthens, to be rid of all regulations. How it is practicable to keep the people duly armed without some organization, it is difficult to see. There is certainly no small danger, that indifference may lead to disgust, and disgust to contempt; and thus gradually undermine all the protection intended by this clause of our national bill of rights.
§ 1891. A similar provision in favour of protestants (for to them it is confined) is to be found in the bill of rights of 1688, it being declared, "that the subjects, which are protestants, may have arms for their defence suitable to their condition, and as allowed by law." But under various pretences the effect of this provision has been greatly narrowed; and it is at present in England more nominal than real, as a defensive privilege."
Gun control is, precisely, those sorts of "various pretences", intended to render the right nominal rather than real.
Given the Left's orgasmic adoration of Barak "I have a pen and a phone" Obama, the Monarchism is obvious to all but the purposefully obtuse.
But Obama? In TYoOL 2025?
Haha take the L it’s less shameful.
Take a look in the mirror, loser.
LOL
It's always Year Zero for these losers.
A well regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the State to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
Huh. Not like my copy. MollyGodiva is special.
2A case law is a mess primarily because a lot of judges don't want to admit what the 2A says. The 2A is not about the right of states to have militias; like the rest of the Bill of Rights, it is primarily about individual rights.
Precisely. There was a fad in legal circles in the middle of the 20th century to deny that it actually meant what it said, which led to some nasty lower court precedents, and the Supreme court simply avoiding the whole topic for decades.
But the Court has been very clear about this point in United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, and then again in Heller:
"That text, by contrast with the Fifth and Sixth Amendments, extends its reach only to "the people." Contrary to the suggestion of amici curiae that the Framers used this phrase "simply to avoid [an] awkward rhetorical redundancy," Brief for American Civil Liberties Union as Amici Curiae et al. 12, n. 4, "the people" seems to have been a term of art employed in select parts of the Constitution. The Preamble declares that the Constitution is ordained and established by "the People of the United States." The Second Amendment protects "the right of the people to keep and bear Arms," and the Ninth and Tenth Amendments provide that certain rights and powers are retained by and reserved to "the people." See also U.S. Const., Amdt. 1, ("Congress shall make no law . . . abridging . . . the right of the people peaceably to assemble"); Art. I, § 2, cl. 1 ("The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States") (emphasis added). While this textual exegesis is by no means conclusive, it suggests that "the people" protected by the Fourth Amendment, and by the First and Second Amendments, and to whom rights and powers are reserved in the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, refers to a class of persons who are part of a national community or who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to be considered part of that community."
It's the sustained position of the Supreme court that the phrase, "right of the People" always and everywhere refers to a right of the American people as individuals, not collectively, and not some government defined subset of the People, either.
In Heller, the majority quoted that language, and then added,
"This contrasts markedly with the phrase “the militia” in the prefatory clause. As we will describe below, the “militia” in colonial America consisted of a subset of “the people”—those who were male, able bodied, and within a certain age range. Reading the Second Amendment as protecting only the right to “keep and bear Arms” in an organized militia therefore fits poorly with the operative clause’s description of the holder of that right as “the people.”
We start therefore with a strong presumption that the Second Amendment right is exercised individually and belongs to all Americans."
fwiw - there was considerable historical writings on the "common defence ", There is also considerable historical writings on the "common defence" and "self defence" , though much less than the former. There was reasonable amount of historical writings on "self defence"
There was also a proposal during the senate debate to add "the common defence" to 2A which was voted down.
It would be inane to have one of amendments in the Bill of Rights to limit a right to a time when the federal government gives the citizen permission.
MollyGodiva 9 hours ago
" An individual right to have guns never made any sense in the context of the Constitution as a whole or the actual text."
WTF ? an amendment to deny a right is in the bill of rights? please explain
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the prefatory subordinate clause, shall be misinterpreted to be the main thrust of this Amendment.
Stephen Halbrook could make an even exchange of a nine dollar bill with three dollar bills. People who care about this case should listen to the oral argument and come to their own conclusions. The mp3 of the oral argument is at this link -> https://www2.ca3.uscourts.gov/oralargument/audio/24-2415_EtAl_AssnNJRiflePostolClubsv.AttyGenNJ_EnBanc.mp3
Ironic (dontcha think) that the case was heard in a building in Filthydelphia PA, protected by Security Guards armed with the very weapons New Jersey Citizens aren't allowed to legally own.
Sidebar,
Did anyone ever find out what model gun Common-Law owns??? I get it, she's married to a Domestic Violator, she might need it.
Frank
"A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."
Why is the preface ignored now?
It used to be that "everyone" was saying this only applied to militia, and not individuals. Now "everyone" is only looking at self-defense, and ignoring the first part.
An AR-15, like all other scary icky guns, would be useful to a militia member who answered the call. Large capacity magazines as well. It be effective in his unit the citizen must have the ability to maintain proficiency, so regular practice, meaning access to ammunition, should not be infringed with taxes.
So their keeping and bearing are protected from government infringement.
"well-regulated" doesn't mean what modern regulators think it means either.