The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Second Amendment Roundup: Antonyuk's and Koons' Historical Feet of Clay
The 2d and 3d Circuits mistook a widely-criticized, private publication for a Founding-era “law.”
After a long delay (see post here), on September 10 the Third Circuit finally reached a decision in Koons v. Attorney General of New Jersey, which upheld many of New Jersey's prohibitions on firearm possession in public places. Like a handful of other states, New Jersey reacted to New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n v. Bruen, which invalidated New York's limitation of handgun carry licenses to persons with a "proper cause," by a sweeping ban on places where firearms may be possessed.
Bruen held: "When the Second Amendment's plain text covers an individual's conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that conduct. The government must then justify its regulation by demonstrating that it is consistent with the Nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation." Yet as explained below, Koons would rely heavily upon a fake citation that misled it to get that historical tradition backwards. Further, while firearms may be restricted in certain "sensitive places," Bruen continued, that does not include "all places of public congregation that are not isolated from law enforcement." But Koons held just the opposite about many such places.
In setting about to find Founding-era analogues to that of New Jersey, Koons correctly read the 1328 Statute of Northampton as providing that "going armed offensively was prohibited in fairs, markets, in the presence of justices or ministers, or in similar places." It added that two states enacted versions of that offense, including a 1786 Virginia statute with an explicit "terror" element. For North Carolina, it cited A Collection of Statutes of Parliament of England in Force in the State of North Carolina 60–61 (Francois-Xavier Martin ed., 1792), which it referred to as "hereinafter N.C. Statute of Northampton."
Far from being a law, Martin's Collection was a self-published book that simply reprinted, among other British laws, the Statute of Northampton. Citing Justice Breyer's dissent in Bruen, Koons continued, "North Carolina's 1792 statute was so traditional that it retained references to the King." Yet this "statute's" six references to "the King," supposedly enacted sixteen years after independence was declared, should have been a dead giveaway that North Carolina enacted no such law.
For its purported Founding-era analogues, Koons is a cookie-cutter repetition of the flawed Second Circuit's decision in Antonyuk v. James (2024), which initiated a false history of Founding-era law to uphold New York's wide-ranging ban on where firearms may be possessed. Antonyuk began with the Statute of Northampton's language that one shall "bring no force in affray of the peace, nor to go nor ride armed … in Fairs [or] Markets…." But Bruen held that the Statute "has little bearing on the Second Amendment adopted in 1791." As held in Sir John Knight's Case (1686), the Statute applied only to "go[ing] armed to terrify the King's subjects" with evil intent, a common-law offense.
That offense was codified in Virginia's 1786 statute providing that no person shall "go nor ride armed by night nor by day, in fairs or markets, or in other places, in terror of the Country." Bruen read that law and similar ones as restricting the carrying of arms only in a manner to cause "terror," not to prohibit peaceably carrying in public. Antonyuk conceded that "the Virginia statute differed from the medieval English Northampton statute in that it prohibited conduct and not simply carriage, i.e., bearing arms in 'terror' of the county [sic]…."
The Antonyuk court next turned to "a 1792 North Carolina statute replicating the 1328 British statute and prohibiting firearms in fairs or markets …." It claimed that "the North Carolina statute, like the Northampton statute, appears to have prohibited firearm carriage in general at fairs and markets regardless of conduct." And it cited this "law" as Martin's above Collection of Statutes. The following traces actual North Carolina law, none of which the Second Circuit even mentioned.
In 1749, the North Carolina General Assembly passed "An Act to put in Force in this Province, the several Statutes of the Kingdom of England, or South-Britain, therein particularly mentioned." It included several statutes of Edward III, but did not include the Statute of Northampton. This 1749 Act was published in A Collection of All the Public Acts of Assembly of the Province of North-Carolina (1752), which was confirmed by the General Assembly. That volume also included two enactments passed in 1741. First, the state's "Act to Appoint Constables" required that constables take an oath to arrest "all such Persons as, in your Sight, shall ride or go armed offensively, or shall commit or make any Riot, Affray, or other Breach of his Majesty's Peace." While no act of Assembly made that a crime, it reflected the common-law offense of an affray.
Second, and by contrast, the state's "Act concerning Servants and Slaves" provided: "That no Slave shall go armed with Gun, Sword, Club, or other Weapon, or shall keep any such Weapon, or shall hunt or range with a Gun in the Woods, upon any Pretence whatsoever, (except such Slave or Slaves who shall have a Certificate, as is hereinafter provided;)…." So, it was a crime for a slave to "go armed" per se, but it was an offense for a free person to go armed only if done so "offensively." It goes without saying that, if a master could issue a certificate to authorize a slave to go armed peaceably, the master could also go armed peaceably.
Antonyuk would have been aware of the 1741 law on going armed offensively, because it was cited by the Supreme Court in U.S. v. Rahimi (2024). In fact, the Supreme Court granted cert, vacated the Second Circuit's 2023 Antonyuk judgment, and remanded it for further consideration in light of Rahimi. In its second Antonyuk decision, the one reviewed here, the Second Circuit made no material changes.
Nor did Antonyuk bother to consult any other North Carolina statutes. In 1787, the General Assembly commissioned James Iredell to revise and compile all laws that remained in force and to leave out acts that are repealed or obsolete. (Iredell would serve as a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court from 1790 until 1799.) The compilation was approved by an act passed in 1791 and was published as Laws of the State of North-Carolina. It contained the two "going armed" laws passed in 1741: the constable's oath to "arrest all Persons as, in your Sight, shall ride or go armed offensively," and the prohibition that "no Slave shall go armed" without a certificate from the master.
The Antonyuk court cites Martin's A Collection of the Statutes as the source of the alleged North Carolina "law" that replicated the Statute of Northampton in North Carolina. Yet Martin himself was well aware of the terror element of the common-law offense of going armed. In 1791, Martin published a manual entitled The Office and Authority of a Justice of the Peace and of Sheriffs, Coroners, &c. It defined "affray" as "a fighting between two or more; but there must be a stroke given or offered, or weapon drawn…." The terms "stroke offered" and "weapon drawn" are practical ways of describing the crime of going armed offensively.
Apparently in 1791, Martin began work on a book he self-published in 1792 under the title A Collection of the Statutes of the Parliament of England in Force in the State of North-Carolina. That was only his second year as a member of the bar. This was wholly his private work and did not bear oversight by any other person, much less approval by the North Carolina legislature. He noted in the Preface that "many, even among the most respectable, professors of the law disagree in regard to the applicability of a number of British statutes…." He modestly wrote: "How far my endeavors have been attended with success, remains to be decided."
Unfortunately, Martin's Collection "was utterly unworthy of the talents and industry of the distinguished compiler, omitting many statutes, always in force, and inserting many others, which never were, and never could have been in force, either in the Province, or in the State." That was the conclusion of the Commissioners of 1833, who the General Assembly appointed and directed "to collate, digest, and revise, all the public statute laws of the State." They consisted of then-Governor James Iredell Jr., state Supreme Court Justice William H. Battle, and Judge Frederic Nash, who later became Chief Justice of the state Supreme Court.
Perhaps the defects in Martin's Collection were attributable to his inexperience in the law, as he was only admitted to the bar in 1789, and inability to master the English language, as his native language was French. A modern source states about Martin's publications: "Both his newspaper and his books contained many errors, some attributable to his incomplete mastery of the English language, others to carelessness and poor proofreading."
One of the English statutes that Martin printed in A Collection was Edward III's Statute of Northampton of 1328. That would be a clue good enough even for Inspector Jacques Clouseau of the Pink Panther series that this was not a statute passed by the North Carolina legislature, given its references to "the King's servants," "the King's precepts," "the King's justices," "the King's Ministers," "the King," and "the King's pleasure." Only a few years earlier, the Americans had fought a bitter war to gain independence from the hated King.
The Second Circuit in Antonyuk repeatedly claims the Statute of Northampton from Martin's Collection to be a North Carolina "law," but meticulously avoids quoting any of the phrases referring to "the King." Its only actual quotation from Martin's book was its reference to the "North Carolina law prohibiting 'to go nor ride armed by night nor by day, in fairs, markets'…."
Revisions of North Carolina law appeared in 1804 and 1821. They included the same constable's oath to arrest those who "go armed offensively" and the same prohibition on slaves going armed at all. In 1837, the legislature mandated that "all [of] the statutes of England or Great Britain heretofore in use in this State, are hereby declared be repealed and of no force and effect from and after the first day of January next [1838] …."
Antonyuk should have done the research necessary to understand the above statutory history before making its sweeping conclusion that North Carolina banned the mere carrying of arms, at least in fairs and markets, without any offensiveness element. But this failing is worsened by the court's failure to acknowledge North Carolina's judicial precedents on the issue.
In State v. Huntly (1843), the North Carolina Supreme Court upheld an indictment alleging that the defendant armed himself with pistols and threatened to kill others, "to the terror of the people…." The court stated that the Statute of Northampton did not create this offense, and in any event whether it was previously in force was now moot based on the above 1837 law. As stated in Sir John Knight's Case, the Statute was but "in affirmance of the common law." While a citizen "is at perfect liberty to carry his gun" "for any lawful purpose," "he may not carry a weapon "to terrify and alarm, and in such manner as naturally will terrify and alarm, a peaceful people."
The Antonyuk court would have been aware of Huntly, as Bruen and Rahimi both discussed it. And Antonyuk disregarded several other North Carolina precedents, not one of which recognized carrying guns in fairs and markets to be an offense per se. Most recently, in State v. Lancaster (2023), the state Supreme Court held that "the elements of the common law crime of going armed to the terror of the public" includes going armed in a public place "for the purpose of terrifying" others, and "in a manner which would naturally terrify" others.
Having constructed this non-existent "North Carolina model" of "prohibit[ing] firearms in quintessentially crowded places notwithstanding behavior," Antonyuk claimed that three state laws in the late 19th century followed and confirmed that supposed Founding-era model, which sufficed to establish a historical tradition of restrictions per Bruen. That raises the issue of whether these laws are too late and too few to be proper analogues, particularly given that they are not consistent with any Founding-era law. We'll cover that topic in the next post.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
Thet thar is some fine shootin', feller! I do believe you shot thet Third Circuit squirrel right thru th' eye.
One thing Halbrook misunderstands is that pre-founding era colonial laws were not usually intended to rely on the modern style of interpretation which puts emphasis on the intent of the person charged. More often than not, what made an ordinary colonial person a malefactor was the effect his conduct produced on those around him, regardless of his intent. Thus, Halbrook gets backward the import of, "go nor ride armed by night nor by day, in fairs or markets, or in other places, in terror of the Country."
Colonial American society tended to prioritize group cohesion ahead of individual rights and motivations. If you acted in a way which made people around you anxious about their safety, then no matter what you intended, you risked being judged to act, "in terror of the Country." You were expected to know better, and not do that. You were not, as an ordinary person, expected to assert a personal privilege to the contrary.
That said, anther thing Halbrook gets wrong is tone deaf incapacity to detect arbitrary distinctions among social classes in both colonial America, and throughout Great Britain. In fairness, expectation of class distinctions in law enforcement is not typically a feature of American legal texts, even from those eras. Thus, if all you think history requires is to read legal texts (welcome to Halbrook, welcome to Bruen) then you may not pick up on what a hazard it is to read laws as general which everyone affected by them understood instead as means to privilege higher-status minorities only.
The practical expectation in many times and places was that the vast majority would be governed arbitrarily, without regard for liberties like carrying guns, or even (especially in Britain) for freedom to decide to reside in one village vs another. The general rule of arms in society was, quite often, and especially in settled places, that no matter what the law said, most people would be denied access to arms most of the time. Or perhaps in some places and times, privileged to own arms, so long as they were carried abroad only under strict constraints as to time, place, and purpose.
But even with insight into those norms, the interpretive challenge remains yet more complicated. Because today's notion of broad regional uniformity in law enforcement was not a typical feature of pre-revolutionary American society. Both practicalities and customs differed from place to place. Understanding was general that a city was not a frontier, and a place with a courthouse would do law more rigorously than another place where not one person with training to do the job of a magistrate was to be found in a county.
For all those reasons the strait-jacketed interpretive demands of Bruen become incoherent and unworkable in practice. They cannot be applied in true originalist context. For that, history must be taken to require forthright interpretation of what happened in the past. Bruen's interpretive rules exclude any such attention to specifics of time, place, people, and context which set the bounds of historical relevance. Bruen says, just look at texts, and only some of the texts.
"tone deaf incapacity to detect arbitrary distinctions among social classes in both colonial America, and throughout Great Britain. In fairness, expectation of class distinctions in law enforcement is not typically a feature of American legal texts, even from those eras."
Perhaps Colonial attitudes toward nobility well-preceded the drafting of the Constitution. In that case, Colonists weren't tone-deaf to distinctions of class, they just insisted that class will not influence treatment before the law here in the Colonies.
Aubrey LaVentana — Your speculations are noted. Doubtless they can find some support in the historical record. As a general statement about what happened in, for instance, pre-revolutionary Virginia and Massachusetts they are more misleading than otherwise, and especially so in Virginia.
These 2A "battles" and banter are actually all very much contrived; beginning with the formation of a new nation founded on the principle that all power flows from the People to the government.
Recall, that to ensure that the federal government so formed only had limited Powers a "Bill of Rights" (Ten Amendments) was attached to the ratified Constitution, wherein were specified "absolute restrictions" on said newly formed federal government.
Were it not for usurpation by the judicial branch of the "policy-making" roles specified to the executive and legislative branches within the ratified Constitution (which has never been amended to expand the role of the judicial branch) all Amendment II. cases brought would be readily recognized as non-judiciable and outside the jurisdiction of the judicial branch.
Nevertheless, to add to your "misunderstandings ... of the pre-founding era" nearly all of the subjects and alien friends in residence or visiting the colonies (and territories, protectorates, etc.) were "moral and religious people" respecting the civic leaders of the colony governments, continuing a "european culture" of respecting magistrates. ...
Thus consider "peaceable" commoners going armed was not much of an issue to the powers that then were; Just like today. So why all the contrivance and restrictions on individual rights ? ... Could it be sociopaths, pathological tyrants seeking absolute power ?
[Quick aside: The first Lutheran service was held in 1619; before the Pilgrims landed. (Lutherans: Mostly peaceful Protestants.)]
which initiated a false history of Founding-era law
What goes around comes around I guess. Bruen and Heller are chock full of false history. It's the sorry state of Originalism today: start with your preferred outcome, dig up some dubious historical precedents, and spin them into modern policy. Scalia started it all.
“Favorite founder theory” has been around a much longer time. When there was a robust debate among the founders about something, you simply quote only the founders supporting your side, and then claim that this is what “the founders” said.
Like what?
Randal - Read Stevens dissent in Heller. That is a piece of work that is chock full of false history.
I gather that Randal and Lathrop live in a fantasy world where Belesilles' Arming America wasn't a work of fraud.
Randal and Lathrop believe neither side's cherry-flavored-cotton-candy version of history. The fact that you believe the fairy tale you want to believe but purport to see through the fairy tale you dislike shows who has the mind of an especially gullible child. You probably still think Jesus was lily-white, when in reality his relationship to whiteness was that of like an uppity American Indian.
yet you choose to ignore then blatant lies , distortions and serious omissions in Stevens heller dissent.
They're not law, so yeah, there's not a lot of reason to get wound up about it.
Wtf?
Stevens was claiming to be an originalist in his dissent. There is no denying that Stevens engaged in blatant lies, distortions and serious omissions in his heller dissent.
One of the biggest omissions was pretending that the proposal during the senate debate to qualify/limit 2A to the common defense was voted down.
There is no denying that Stevens engaged in blatant lies, distortions and serious omissions in his heller dissent.
So did Scalia. But his are law. That's why people care about them more. It's not hard.
Yes Scalia got some of the history wrong. But it wasnt blatantly intentional as was Stevens
I beg to differ. Scalia knew exactly what he was doing.
Indeed. The difference between them wasn't intentionality, but intent: Stevens intended to render the 2nd amendment utterly moot, while Scalia was willing to uphold a somewhat neutered version of it.
Bellmore, once again, I concede Bellesiles published fraudulent data, and was properly tossed from the history profession. I have been over that with you before, so try to remember this time there is no advantage to be had by misrepresenting what I have now mentioned at least 3 times.
What I also mentioned to you previously, which I do not recall ever getting acknowledgment for, is that you are committing your own error of historical interpretation. Misdeeds committed by Bellesiles did not somehow prove factual the opposite of his thesis. Bellesiles misrepresentation of the past is not somehow validation of someone else's careless conclusions.
If the critics want to go beyond critique, and actually do history, they must begin that different project from scratch. They need to formulate their own historical queries, base them on encounters with historical survivals, then make those survivals critique each other, to enable well-qualified inferences about a past which has long-since been forgotten.
Like Bellesiles' critics, you continue to speculate without historical acquaintance, and with the lack of caution and insight typical of folks who have not even begun actual historical activity. Except for the achievement of the critics (but not you) to discredit Bellesiles, neither you nor the critics know what you are talking about.
One difficulty with Holbrook’s argument is that evidence the North Carolina Legislature repealed the law in 1837 tends to suggest it was in effect during the Founding era rather than the opposite.
A second is that the fact that North Carolina common law crime of affray is based on the common law rather than the Statute of Northampton doesn’t imply that the Statute of Northhampton was not separately in effect.
By way of analogy, the fact that using a weapon is an element of an armed robbery statute doesn’t prove that robbery without a weapon (common law robbery) is legal. The fact that something isn’t an element of a particular crime doesn’t prove the non-existence of other offenses that don’t require that element.
So, in 1837 the North Carolina legislature enacted a statute just generally establishing that British law was no longer in effect in North Carolina. Not specifically repealing the Statute of Northhampton, just reminding the courts that we weren't part of the British empire anymore. And this is supposed to make said Statute North Carolina law prior to 1837?
No. Mr. Halbrook is claiming the repeal establishes that the statute was not legitimate North Carolina law, period. All it establishes is it wasn’t legitimate North Carolina law after 1837. It tells us nothing, either way, about whether it was or was not before then.
They did not repesl a law they never passed.
They did not repesl a law they never passed.
Drafters of the 2nd amendment presumably knew about these types of precolonial laws, yet they still wrote the amendment with the unequivocal right assigned to individuals and invalidating those laws.
They knew governments tend toward control and meant to leave arms in the hands of the people as a means of enforcing the limits of their consent to be governed.
Correct - unequivocal right.
A proposal in the Senate was to amend the proposed 2A to add the language to limit the right to keep and bear arms to the common defense was voted down. That should have ended the debate on the RKBA
Whateves. None of the rights in the Constitution are unequivocal, not even the ones without a prefatory clause.
Randal - ignore historical facts
The proposal in the senate to limit 2a to the common defense was voted down.
So? At best that's some (weak) evidence that the Second Amendment shouldn't be read as solely applicable to the common defense. That doesn't make it "unequivocal."
Anyway, the prefatory clause, which is actually in the Constitution, overrides whatever garbage they didn't put in the Constitution.
The proposal in the senate to limit 2a to the common defense was voted Down!
What part did you not understand?
Or are going to ignore historical facts in the same manner that Stevens chose to ignore historical facts?
Ummm... what part of logic don't you understand? Even if everything you said is true and determinative, it doesn't make the Second Amendment unequivocal.
Imagine I said, all your money belongs to me. Then you said, no it doesn't. Then I said, yes is does, because you wrote me a check for $10, and when you tried to stop payment, the bank said no, so that means all your money belongs to me. Then you said ok, that makes sense according to my understanding of logic, here's all my money.
And here's what you're ignoring: There's a second amendment!
Like the 1st amendment, it is stated in absolutist terms. It establishes a default rule that gun control laws are illegitimate, and for gun control laws to survive anyway you have to rebut that default.
That's what historical analogs are treated as here: Rebuttal of an otherwise absolute bar on gun laws.
You want more or less the opposite default rule, but you can't have it, because there IS that pesky 2nd amendment.
Like the 1st amendment, it is stated in absolutist terms.
And, like the 1st amendment, it is not unequivocal.
The process by which the three independent clauses introduced by Rep. Madison were merged into the final text shows that the opening clause was not a limit on the second clause.
With respect to the states, why look to the founders' intent and not the intent when the 14th amendment was drafted? After all, the Bill of Rights was intended to rein in the Federal government, not state government.
Because we don't do that for any other right. There isn't a separate standard on speech, religion, search and seizure, etc. between the state and the feds because of the 14A application to the states coming later.
This is not a question of standard. It is a question of originalism. If we want to say that the standard is the same regardless of original intent, then they can be the same. But if we are goining to discuss intent, then we have to decide whose intent we look to for the originalist view. Seems like we should look to the intent at the time the right was created. For example, when determining what the 21st amendment means, do we look to the 18th century?
The right wasn't "created." It was recognized and applied. "The freedom of speech" is a right recognized in 1789 and applied to the federal government. That very same right was applied to the states in 1868. The same right.
There are not two different versions of it that we apply, one to the states and the other to the feds.
That argument is illogical in light of originalism. I am not saying it is wrong,. I am saying that thie theory is living constitutionalism at its finest.
I appreciate Halbrook's work and what he is trying to accomplish, but don't buy this: "The terms 'stroke offered' and 'weapon drawn' are practical ways of describing the crime of going armed offensively."
Affrays can occur without the weapon drawers initially going forth with intent to fight, and the stroke can be offered purely defensively.
Just so we are all on the same page and maybe a little OT but starting around 1250 English law required able bodied males of military age to own a long bow and every Sunday were required to train with it. There was even an earlier English law absolving an archer of murder if someone was killed during this training. By the 1500s fathers were required to provide a bow to seven year old males and teach them how to shoot. It was not until after the English Civil War that any restrictions were put on firearms but an exception was allowed for Protestants if needed. Not until 1903 were there serious restrictions on pistols but the real start was in the 1920 law and later in the 1960s.
For all of its problems, Bruen was thorough in its discussion of the Statute of Northampton. It is not a source to deny any right of public carry to the people but a recognition that one cannot go armed offensively or to the terror of the people.
How the 3rd Circuit could use this law to restrict peaceful, defensive carry in any place is beyond me. Bruen already foreclosed that use of the statute. Courts have strained analogies before regarding Bruen, but it this case it is just taking the opposite position from what SCOTUS already decided.
It's the Reinhardt principle: "They can't catch them all."
They figure that if enough lower courts simply refuse to apply Supreme court precedent in an area, regardless of how clear it might be, the Supreme court simply lacks the time to individually drag them into compliance. And so the Supreme court will not be supreme everywhere.
In truth it only works because the Court is willing to let it work. The majority on the Court have the tools necessary to put a stop to it if they get sufficiently pissed off, starting with summary reversals.