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Jefferson, Wine, and the Wall of Separation
The Dangers of Amateur History at the Court
Many people know Thomas Jefferson's phrase about a "wall of separation between church and state." Fewer know how that phrase entered constitutional law. It's a curious story, which I discuss in a new Legal Spirits podcast with historians Don and Lisa Drakeman.
The story begins with Jefferson's 1802 letter to the Danbury Baptists, written to reassure them that he shared their view of church-state relations. In that letter, Jefferson wrote that the First Amendment had built "a wall of separation between church and state." The metaphor was memorable, but the letter was not widely circulated and largely disappeared from public memory.
This was not surprising. Jefferson played no direct role in drafting of the Constitution or the First Amendment. Although he wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom in the 1780s, which influenced American thinking about liberty of conscience, he was abroad during the Philadelphia Convention and, by the time Congress proposed the Bill of Rights in 1789, he was serving as Secretary of State. The Religion Clauses were the product of Madison and the First Congress, not Jefferson.
The Danbury letter might have remained obscure but for a rediscovery in the 1870s. Chief Justice Morrison Waite, with the help of his neighbor, historian George Bancroft, came across the letter and cited it in Reynolds v. United States (1879). The Court in Reynolds upheld the federal government's prosecution of a Mormon defendant for practicing polygamy, despite his claim of religious obligation. Waite distinguished between belief and conduct: Congress could not legislate about belief, but it could regulate conduct that violated social duties or threatened public order. To support this distinction, Waite quoted Jefferson's Danbury letter, treating him as an authoritative interpreter of the First Amendment.
But Waite didn't stop there. He also invoked an earlier piece of Jefferson correspondence, a letter to a Virginia wine merchant, in which Jefferson remarked that the Constitution should be ratified and then amended to add an express protection for religious freedom. That letter was largely about Jefferson's views on wine, not constitutional design, yet Waite used it to suggest that Jefferson was an "acknowledged leader" of the movement for a bill of rights. By relying on this passing aside, buried in a letter on an entirely different subject, Waite sought to link Jefferson directly to the First Amendment.
The move was "stunningly flimsy," the Drakemans argue. Jefferson's letters were written in contexts removed from the adoption of the First Amendment. Yet Waite elevated them into constitutional law, where they would play an outsized role for more than a century.
Indeed, Jefferson's metaphor of the "wall of separation" dominated the Court's Establishment Clause jurisprudence in the twentieth century. Although the Court has stepped away from the metaphor in recent decades, preferring instead a "history and tradition" approach, Jefferson's words remain influential in law and politics. Few metaphors in American constitutional history have had greater staying power.
This curious episode illustrates both the power and the risks of judicial reliance on history. Offhand remarks in private correspondence—about constitutional law, but mostly about Bordeaux—became touchstones for constitutional doctrine. The episode reminds us that history can take on a life of its own in ways the Founders themselves never imagined.
In the podcast, the Drakemans and I discuss Jefferson, Waite, and Bancroft, the risks of amateur history at the Court, and Jefferson's other writings on religious freedom. You can listen to the full conversation here.
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"The Dangers of Amateur History at the Court"
A very good preface for a discussion of Stevens discussion of history in his Heller dissent.
Respectfully, you miss the point -- the Danbury Baptists were afraid OF A DIFFERENT RELIGION being imposed on them -- CT & MA were theocracies -- in MA the Congregational Church was taxpayer funded until 1855.
Each state had it's own religion in 1787 -- PA Quaker, MD Catholic, VA Anglican, etc.
The concern was that a DIFFERENT state would impose its religion on the whole country.
This was not surprising. Jefferson played no direct role in drafting of the Constitution or the First Amendment. Although he wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom in the 1780s, which influenced American thinking about liberty of conscience, he was abroad during the Philadelphia Convention and, by the time Congress proposed the Bill of Rights in 1789, he was serving as Secretary of State. The Religion Clauses were the product of Madison and the First Congress, not Jefferson.
Madison closely worked with Jefferson to fight for religious liberty in Virginia. The Baptists played a significant role in Madison's views. He was appalled at their treatment; their support of the separation of church and state was similar to his own.
So what exactly does this tell us?
Jefferson worked with his attorney general when writing the letter. The letter was not just a personal missive. It was a way to state his administration's policy. Jefferson was the head of a political party. He was a significant voice regarding the meaning of religious liberty. I would not belittle the importance of his views here.
Madison was not "the First Amendment," of course. His views on multiple issues were not exactly a reflection of the median view of America. His ultimate opposition to a paid congressional chaplain, for instance, was rejected.
So, the overall history here should be treated carefully. That includes not only criticizing the "amateur history" of the ideological side you oppose.
JoeFromtheBronx — After leaving out some of what might have been said, you still delivered a better assessment than Movsesian's. Which does you injustice by comparison to too low a standard. Thanks for an informed and perceptive comment.
Thanks.
There often is more to be said.
Thank you Paul Harvey.
Joe_dallas shows he is absolutely as well qualified to talk about historical professionalism as is Mark Movsesian. Having listened to the linked podcast, I say that literally, and without reservation.
The OP, and the podcast, and Movsesian, and Joe_dallas are equally tendentious. None shows any familiarity with academic historical method. Which is surprising, because Don Drakeman is at least conspicuously credentialed as an academic historian.
But in this discussion Drakeman seems to have forgotten how to do historical inference, in favor of promoting a Federalist Society agenda item. After listening to Drakeman on the podcast, I was about to rebuke Movsesian (who is historically clueless) for calling Drakeman a historian.
Turns out that is the one thing Movsesian got right. It just wasn't on display this time. To speculate why would take me too far afield.