The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Jefferson, Wine, and the Wall of Separation
The Dangers of Amateur History at the Court
Many people know Thomas Jefferson's phrase about a "wall of separation between church and state." Fewer know how that phrase entered constitutional law. It's a curious story, which I discuss in a new Legal Spirits podcast with historians Don and Lisa Drakeman.
The story begins with Jefferson's 1802 letter to the Danbury Baptists, written to reassure them that he shared their view of church-state relations. In that letter, Jefferson wrote that the First Amendment had built "a wall of separation between church and state." The metaphor was memorable, but the letter was not widely circulated and largely disappeared from public memory.
This was not surprising. Jefferson played no direct role in drafting of the Constitution or the First Amendment. Although he wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom in the 1780s, which influenced American thinking about liberty of conscience, he was abroad during the Philadelphia Convention and, by the time Congress proposed the Bill of Rights in 1789, he was serving as Secretary of State. The Religion Clauses were the product of Madison and the First Congress, not Jefferson.
The Danbury letter might have remained obscure but for a rediscovery in the 1870s. Chief Justice Morrison Waite, with the help of his neighbor, historian George Bancroft, came across the letter and cited it in Reynolds v. United States (1879). The Court in Reynolds upheld the federal government's prosecution of a Mormon defendant for practicing polygamy, despite his claim of religious obligation. Waite distinguished between belief and conduct: Congress could not legislate about belief, but it could regulate conduct that violated social duties or threatened public order. To support this distinction, Waite quoted Jefferson's Danbury letter, treating him as an authoritative interpreter of the First Amendment.
But Waite didn't stop there. He also invoked an earlier piece of Jefferson correspondence, a letter to a Virginia wine merchant, in which Jefferson remarked that the Constitution should be ratified and then amended to add an express protection for religious freedom. That letter was largely about Jefferson's views on wine, not constitutional design, yet Waite used it to suggest that Jefferson was an "acknowledged leader" of the movement for a bill of rights. By relying on this passing aside, buried in a letter on an entirely different subject, Waite sought to link Jefferson directly to the First Amendment.
The move was "stunningly flimsy," the Drakemans argue. Jefferson's letters were written in contexts removed from the adoption of the First Amendment. Yet Waite elevated them into constitutional law, where they would play an outsized role for more than a century.
Indeed, Jefferson's metaphor of the "wall of separation" dominated the Court's Establishment Clause jurisprudence in the twentieth century. Although the Court has stepped away from the metaphor in recent decades, preferring instead a "history and tradition" approach, Jefferson's words remain influential in law and politics. Few metaphors in American constitutional history have had greater staying power.
This curious episode illustrates both the power and the risks of judicial reliance on history. Offhand remarks in private correspondence—about constitutional law, but mostly about Bordeaux—became touchstones for constitutional doctrine. The episode reminds us that history can take on a life of its own in ways the Founders themselves never imagined.
In the podcast, the Drakemans and I discuss Jefferson, Waite, and Bancroft, the risks of amateur history at the Court, and Jefferson's other writings on religious freedom. You can listen to the full conversation here.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
"The Dangers of Amateur History at the Court"
A very good preface for a discussion of Stevens discussion of history in his Heller dissent.
He's now an expert historian too, folks!
He is not an expert is getting old
Stevens butchered the history of 2A
Try reading the congressional record for the bill of rights. You will see that Stevens made shit up - in quite a similar fashion that DN does frequently
Respectfully, you miss the point -- the Danbury Baptists were afraid OF A DIFFERENT RELIGION being imposed on them -- CT & MA were theocracies -- in MA the Congregational Church was taxpayer funded until 1855.
Each state had it's own religion in 1787 -- PA Quaker, MD Catholic, VA Anglican, etc.
The concern was that a DIFFERENT state would impose its religion on the whole country.
No matter how many times you write this, it won't become true. Not even if you put it in your dissertation.
Your name is not David.
No matter how many times you claim it is, it won't come true.
Even if it is on your driver's license.
I'm sure this was meant to be witty, but it does not change the fact that you are — as always — making up historical claims. Quaker was never the state religion of Pennsylvania nor was Catholicism ever the state religion of Maryland. (And the one you were closest on, you still managed to get wrong: although the Church of England was established in Virginia for centuries, it was dis-established in 1786, the year before you cited above as it still being established.)
Massachusetts had sports. Kentucky later had bourbon.
This was not surprising. Jefferson played no direct role in drafting of the Constitution or the First Amendment. Although he wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom in the 1780s, which influenced American thinking about liberty of conscience, he was abroad during the Philadelphia Convention and, by the time Congress proposed the Bill of Rights in 1789, he was serving as Secretary of State. The Religion Clauses were the product of Madison and the First Congress, not Jefferson.
Madison closely worked with Jefferson to fight for religious liberty in Virginia. The Baptists played a significant role in Madison's views. He was appalled at their treatment; their support of the separation of church and state was similar to his own.
So what exactly does this tell us?
Jefferson worked with his attorney general when writing the letter. The letter was not just a personal missive. It was a way to state his administration's policy. Jefferson was the head of a political party. He was a significant voice regarding the meaning of religious liberty. I would not belittle the importance of his views here.
Madison was not "the First Amendment," of course. His views on multiple issues were not exactly a reflection of the median view of America. His ultimate opposition to a paid congressional chaplain, for instance, was rejected.
So, the overall history here should be treated carefully. That includes not only criticizing the "amateur history" of the ideological side you oppose.
JoeFromtheBronx — After leaving out some of what might have been said, you still delivered a better assessment than Movsesian's. Which does you injustice by comparison to too low a standard. Thanks for an informed and perceptive comment.
Thanks.
There often is more to be said.
Thank you Paul Harvey.
Nonetheless, the phrase has no business occupying a place in the Constitutional lexicon.
And the way it went from obscurity to a constant and memorable refrain in elementary schools across the nation is . . . interesting.
The phrase did not go into "obscurity."
The separation of church and state (especially as a question of federal power) continued to be debated in the 19th Century. For instance, the Sunday Mail debate during the Jacksonian presidency was settled partially based on it.
A single phrase should not settle basic constitutional principles, but it provides a basic theme of what the religious liberty stands for, including the no religious tests provision.
James Madison was a big believer of it. I'm not an originalist, but they in particular should be interested in such history.
Joe_dallas shows he is absolutely as well qualified to talk about historical professionalism as is Mark Movsesian. Having listened to the linked podcast, I say that literally, and without reservation.
The OP, and the podcast, and Movsesian, and Joe_dallas are equally tendentious. None shows any familiarity with academic historical method. Which is surprising, because Don Drakeman is at least conspicuously credentialed as an academic historian.
But in this discussion Drakeman seems to have forgotten how to do historical inference, in favor of promoting a Federalist Society agenda item. After listening to Drakeman on the podcast, I was about to rebuke Movsesian (who is historically clueless) for calling Drakeman a historian.
Turns out that is the one thing Movsesian got right. It just wasn't on display this time. To speculate why would take me too far afield.
SL you should consider the number of self promoted experts who intentionally distort facts to present erroneous conclusions.
Both you and stevens play the same game of " in depth historical analysis" while ignoring significant historical record. You do that frequently. Claiming superior historical analysis does excuse distorting the historical record.
At this point in time, you should be fully aware of the considerable historical writings on both the common defence and the common defence joined with the self defence.
You should also be aware of the congressional record during the senate debate on the bill of rights that the proposal to limit 2A to the common defence was voted down. That alone should quell any illusions that 2A is only protecting the right while serving in the militia.
Falling back on "he is not an expert" is a piss poor excuse to hide the alleged experts lie.
Joe_dallas — Feel free to point to anything specific I have written. I am capable of error of course, and welcome correction. But if your point is to criticize what I write, repeating what you want me to say is not the way to do it.
bottom line - you have a very myopic view of what is historical research. A myopic view that allows you to ignore considerable historical evidence, especially in regard to 2A.
I have commented numerous times on both the historical writings that discuss both the common defence and self defence. You have chosen to ignore that historical evidence.
I have commented numerous times on the senate proposal to limit 2A to the common defence which was voted down during the debate on the bill of rights. That vote is significant and overwhelming evidence that 2a is not limited as Stevens (and you continue to write).
How Could you continually be that wrong (or ignorant of the history) and still claim the mantle of proper historical research?
"Every person who shall be chosen a member of either house, or appointed to any office or place of trust, before taking his seat, or entering upon the execution of his office, shall take the following oath, or affirmation, if conscientiously scrupulous of taking an oath, to wit: “I, do profess faith in God the Father, and in Jesus Christ His only Son, and in the Holy Ghost, one God, blessed for evermore; and I do acknowledge the holy scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given by divine inspiration.”"
- Delaware Constitution, 1776
And oaths like this were banned by the Constitution. What you quoted is an example of what is not allowed.
NO THEY WEREN'T!
"but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States"
The Baptists of Connecticut were a religious and political minority in Federalist Connecticut, where Congregationalism was the established religion and the Federalists were the ruling party. Congregationalist ministers were influential in Connecticut Federalism and preached against Jefferson. Naturally, the Baptists supported Jefferson's Republicans, who were the majority in the country but a minority in New England.
Baptists in Danbury, Connecticut sent Jefferson an encouraging letter. Jefferson replied in 1802. He originally wanted to defend his refusal to declare national days of prayer but he crossed out that part, and what he said instead is linked here:
https://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/9806/danpre.html
A relevant excerpt: "...I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should "make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof," thus building a wall of separation between Church & State. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural right in opposition to his social duties."
So he looked forward to the day when Connecticut's laws guaranteed as much religious freedom as federal law did. Needless to say, there was no 14th Amendment at the time, and no "incorporation" argument.
At least Jefferson's letter was public, and kinda contemporaneous with the First Amendment.