The Volokh Conspiracy
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Eliminating The Voting Rights Act Asymmetry
After Callais, neither party would benefit from a VRA bonus.
As a practical matter, the Voting Rights Act helps one political party and hurts the other party. When a Republican legislature draws a gerrymandered map, Democrats will claim that the map harms African American or Hispanic voters. But when a Democratic legislature draws a gerrymandered map, Republicans will have a hard time raising a Section 2 claim that the map harms White voters. Illinois could gerrymander all Republican districts off the map, without any meaningful legal challenges. But if Mississippi or Louisiana tried to gerrymander all the Democratic districts off the map, there would be immediate legal challenges. Indeed, these southern states are forced to create "opportunity" districts to ensure minority voters can elect Democratic politicians.
This is the asymmetry of the Voting Rights Act. Because African American and Hispanic voters tend to vote for Democratic politicians, Democrats will benefit from VRA claims. By contrast, because White voters tend to vote for Republican politicians, Republicans will less likely benefit from VRA claims. What is the upshot? Gerrymandered maps in the South drawn by Republican legislatures are routinely blocked under the VRA, while gerrymandered maps in the North drawn by Democratic legislatures are far more likely to survive.
This asymmetry is not a bug of modern Voting Rights Act jurisprudence. It is a feature. Is it any wonder that Republican groups are lining up behind Louisiana in Callais to weaken, if not nullify Section 2? And is it any wonder why Democratic groups are fighting to save Section 2?
Nick Stephanopoulos has a post at the Election Blog that explains what might happen if the Callais challenge is successful:
A final feature of the SG's proposal is that it would doom most Section 2 claims in areas where most minority voters are Democrats and most white voters are Republicans. In these areas—which notably include much of the South—an additional minority-opportunity district can usually be drawn only at the cost of an existing Republican district. This swap of an old Republican district for a new minority-opportunity district, however, is exactly what the SG's proposal would prevent.
But what is the status quo now? Currently, Democratic voters in the South benefit from the VRA, while Republican voters in the North do not. Much turns on what the baseline is.
I see a similar argument over mid-decade redistricting. If Texas redistricts, then California should redistrict as well. Fair elections, the argument goes, depends on red states not having an advantage over blue states. But this is precisely what the VRA accomplishes: burdening red states, but not burdening blue states.
Callais would eliminate the asymmetry. Going forward, neither party would benefit from a VRA bonus. Critics may charge that this approach is unfair or unjust, but I think that doesn't fully recognize that for decades, the VRA would typically only help one side of the political spectrum. It is no longer 1964. As Shelby County explained more than a decade ago, "things have changed dramatically."
I'm not convinced the sky will fall after Callais. We were told the sky would fall after Rucho v. Common Cause, and it didn't. Now both parties are seeking to engage in overt partisan gerrymandering. I think most predictions of doomsday fail to account for how political groups respond to new dynamics.
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Professor Blackman makes an interesting point and argument. Two additional thoughts - 1) perhaps the Republican party and the Democratic party could both consider adopting political positions designed to attract the votes from all racial and ethnic groups; 2) if a state were to go to a system of pure proportional representation without any electoral districts then the problem goes away. Alas, neither of these events is likely to come to pass.
Pure proportional representation without electoral districts does solve gerrymandering but it does so at the expense of accountability and personal representation. No longer does Congresscritter A represent me and my immediate neighbors - now she represents "everyone".
Contrast the accountability and responsiveness between your House Rep and your Senator for a real example of the difference. My Rep shows up at county fairs, Eagle Courts of Honor, Memorial Day parades and other civic events. I have at least of hope of personally knowing my Rep. My senator I'm lucky to see on the news and have at best a 50/50 chance of even recognizing their face.
In short, pure proportional representation is a 'cure' that's worse than the disease.
No longer does Congresscritter A represent me and my immediate neighbors - now she represents "everyone".
It's even worse than that. Most proportional representation schemes don't even allow voting for a person. You have to vote for a party, and the party decides who their "list" will be.
Even if the scheme puts a person's name on the ballot, it is, by necessity, interpreted as a vote for the entire party when allocating seats. It's not possible to vote for, say, Thomas Massie, while disapproving of Republicans as a whole. A vote for him will be used to give Republicans in general more seats, and if they win enough seats, the ability to toss him out in favor of someone more loyal to the party.
But under the current system, there's little accountability either. If it's a safely blue or red district, the congresscritter doesn't have to care about public opinion; so long as he doesn't get primaried, his seat is safe no matter what. And the fact that you don't see much of your senator may simply be a function of the senator has many times more constituents spread over a larger area than your rep does.
I'm far from sold on proportional representation but it would eliminate gerrymandering, and it would make public opinion actually count for something on election day, both of which I view as favorable. No system will be perfect, but the current system has essentially rendered many elections a mere formality.
And finally, parliamentary systems like Canada and the UK have the functional equivalent of proportional representation based on party discipline -- your MP is pretty much obligated to tow the party line. I haven't noticed that they get dramatically worse results.
They have their own flaws. Canada and the UK can have the bizarre situation where a party wins big but the party leader - the person the most voters actually wanted to see as prime minister - loses their own seat.
Then the choices are (a) someone further down the list who the average voter might not know much about, or might even dislike, becomes PM; or (b) patch it up by holding a by-election in some safe district the PM pretends to be from, making a mockery of the idea that members actually represent a district.
I just looked it up. The last time a Canadian Prime Minister lost her own seat in a general election was Kim Campbell in 1993, an election in which her party also lost power. Before that, the last time it happened was to William Lyon McKenzie King in 1945.
Gerrymandering, on the other hand, is a problem every election. In parts of the country it has rendered elections mostly a waste of money. As I said, no system will be perfect, but I would rather fix the problem that happens every election than the one that has happened twice since 1945. (And in the case of Kim Campbell didn't affect anything at all since her party lost power so she would not have been PM again regardless.)
The last time a Canadian Prime Minister lost her own seat in a general election was Kim Campbell in 1993, an election in which her party also lost power.
"her party lost power" is a delicious understatement. Her party was reduced to 2 seats and effectively collapsed forever. The same richly deserved fate was meted out to the British Tories last year when after an extended display of incompetence and cowardice they lost half their vote and two thirds of their districts. They may survive the next election, or they may not.
What delivered these condign punishments ?
FIRST PAST THE POST
Don't knock it !
Most proportional representation schemes don't even allow voting for a person. You have to vote for a party, and the party decides who their "list" will be.
Most but not all.
My main objections to PR are .... the consequences. In a PR system it more or less unheard of for a party, or even a pre-election coalition, to win a majority of districts. Consequently governments are always composed of post election coaltions of several parties, who have different aims and priorities. And consequently the actual government is always carried on by the permanent bureaucracy, and the nominal government is much too weak to interfere*.
Therefore PR offers the promise of a more representative and democratic government but actually delivers the opposite - rule by the Swamp, or the Blob or whatever its local name is.
IMHO Democracy is not a praiseworthy system, just, as Churchill said - the worst of all systems, except for all the others. The primary function of having the public vote now and agai is to enable the most important benefit of representative government to be achieved - throwing the bums out from time to time, so that their backsides do not get glued to their sinecures, nor become too accustomed to the insolence of office.
PR prevents this and is therefore a bad thing.
* I am not claiming that rule by the permanent bureaucracy does not happen in first past the post regimes - merely that it is only in a FPTP regime that it can be avoided.
In a non-PR system it's not really any different; The "Parties" are just more persistent coalitions of groups that work together for mutual support.
This has problems because the coalitions don't necessarily make a lot of sense, since there can really only be two of them, and the make up of the coalitions is a lot less fluid, which means that mismatches between the coalition supporting a party and the actual legislative activities of the party can get pretty big and last quite a while.
The difference between an intra party coalition and a coalition made up of different parties is that there is more discipline in the former, because straying is more easily punished, either by the party's supporters of the party leadership.
Right. And that "discipline" is exactly what enables the party to get away for a long time with screwing over part of its base.
But not forever.
Proportional representation WITH electoral districts, where each of the candidates gets a legislative vote weighted according to their vote share. It makes gerrymandering a waste of time, AND the identifiable office holders represent specific groups of people.
Would have been too hard in the 18th century, but it's dirt simple when Congress is using electronic voting anyway.
The real obstacle is that the incumbent office holders don't fancy their chances under a new system.
Lucid argument that reaches a logical conclusion. Thank you.
The VRA was intended to be a greater burden on what are now red states, because those states, particularly those of the former Confederacy discrinated against slaves. The same could be said about the 13th, 24th, and 15th amendments. What is described is a feature of the VRA, not a bug.
It wasn't intended to be a "burden" on anyone. Originally it was a 5 year temporary and limited law to get states to quit discriminating against blacks at the voting registrar's office. It successfully accomplished that.
But it remains 60 years later and counting as a definite burden on states, creating a solution in search of a problem.
In search of a problem? You don't keep up on the gerrymandering going on in the south much, do you.
Gerrymandering goes on everywhere---California and Maryland come to mind. The VRA wasn't enacted to eliminate gerrymandering. It was and remains perfectly legal.
The problem with the law today, as the article demonstrates, is that a perfectly legal political gerrymander can be falsely called racial discrimination and heard under the auspices of this act which is no longer needed.
No. The problem is that that illegal discrimination can be disguised as a gerrymander.
Nobody has a scintilla of evidence that there remains racial discrimination in voting. These laws are all politically motivated.
Your argument is not supported by facts in evidence. For example, Georgia's Election Integrity Law (SB202) was attacked as modern day Jim Crow by Democrats who claimed it would suppress minority voting. The empirical evidence destroyed that argument. Following the passage of SB 202, voter turnout in the 2022 midterm elections reached record levels, and Black voter turnout specifically increased.
The evidence directly contradicts your claim of persistent, systemic racism.
You have this the wrong way round. A gerrymander can be disguised as illegal discrimination - by the courts.
It is of course true that once upon a time Democrats in the South discriminated against black voters because they didn't want blacks to vote. Period.
But now, Republicans gerrymander .... so as to get more House (and state legislature) seats. They don't want to discriminate against black voters per se, they want to discriminate against Democrat voters per se. The effect on black voters is a disparate impact consequence of discriminating against Democrats, not the objective. It happens because black voters vote Democrat in large proportions.
Republicans just want more House seats. Just as Democrats want more House seats when they're gerrymandering. It does not, these days, have anything to do with race. Democrat Courts simply pretend that it's about race so that they can transfer seats from the Republicans to the Democrats.
> We were told the sky would fall after Rucho v. Common Cause
Ahhh yes. Because it’s quite normal for California to allocate 82% of house seats to democrats in a state that votes 40% republican. Move along, nothing to see here. Just another “academic”.
Instead of making it open season to gerrymander based on race, it makes more sense to outlaw gerrymandering itself.
And what will you replace it with?
For all the potential for abuse in gerrymandering, no vote-allocation system has yet been proposed that's any better. Most are considerably worse (or require the finding of angels to run things - but if we had access to angels, we wouldn't need voting in the first place).
No districts. Go with proportional representation. In the modern age districts make little sense.
Already raised by Hugh in the very first comment above. And rejected because it's awful. Verifiably worse than even the system we have today. As ducksalad points out, it erases candidates entirely and replaces them with effective races for parties instead.
We already have party races.
The voters don't seem to think so; Wisconsin voted Trump for President and Baldwin (a Democrat) for Senator on the same day.
No, we don't. We elect candidates and we voters regularly split tickets.
The Athenians dealt with the same democratic electoral issues, proportional vs geographic based representation, and geographic representation triumphed. Thank you Cleisthenes.
As long as you're not under some misconception that in the absence of gerrymandering, the election results would "naturally" be proportional to either party or race.
Democrats have taken to defining "gerrymandering" in terms of electoral harm to their own interests. You could hire the ghost of Escher himself to draw a map with salamander shaped districts, and they wouldn't admit it was a gerrymander if they did well using it.
Well, I hear plenty of whining about gerrymandering from Republicans also, just not so much in the VRA Section 2 context.
There is no real definition of gerrymandering except "shows evidence of human influence". I'm not sure why compactness is of importance. It's not like Patrick Henry stood up and said "give me compactness or give me death".
If the idea is that people with similar interests should be grouped together, and we acknowledge in modern times those interests are by party rather than by geography, then the "best" districts would be maximally packed, ideally with 100 to 0% partisan lean, limited only by the fact that we aren't perfectly segregated in where we live, and would have grotesque shapes.
Then most of all us could wake up Wednesday morning and find that our candidate for Congress won. Few of us would have voted for a loser. We'd all be so happy....
" I'm not sure why compactness is of importance."
Because it's literally how the term got its start?
You want to complain about compact equal population districts that respect natural boundaries causing problems, come up with a NEW term, "Gerrymandering" already has a meaning, and it doesn't apply to compact districts.
Well, OK. But if a state managed to come up with districts that were compact but also engineered to maximize one party's winnings, there would still be complaints. Maybe you'd insist on calling it gerrysquaring but the whining wouldn't stop.
Sure, and that would be worthy of complaint.
What I'm saying is that the definitions of "gerrymandering" Democrats adopted during the gerrymandering litigation of a few years ago were totally divorced from "gerrymandering" as originally defined, because the metrics they settled on would conspicuously NOT detect non-compact districts. In fact, making districts compact actually made it harder to satisfy a metric like "vote efficiency".
There's this thing called "political geography", it has to do with how voters are distributed on the ground. Voters can be distributed in ways such that any randomly generated compact map is almost certainly going to hurt a particular party. In fact, they usually ARE distributed in ways that hurt Democrats under any map that is drawn without a deliberate effort to negate political geography.
That's because the political distribution has a "skinny tail" on the Republican side, and a "fat tail" on the Democratic side; Very little of the population lives in areas that are more than about 60% Republican, while a good deal of the population lives in areas that are 70, 80, even 90% Democratic.
The result is that any compact map is likely to waste a lot of Democratic votes electing people by landslide percentages, in most states. While Republicans have the advantage of mostly winning by margins that are efficiently close to 50%.
Democrats tend to think this is horribly unfair, Republicans view it as just a brute fact. (If the situation were reversed, yeah, opinions would probably swap.)
But the fact remains that it is not surprising that Democrats adopted a definition of "gerrymandering" that had absolutely nothing to do with the shape of the districts: In most states compact districts HURT Democrats! They actually need gerrymandering, as it was originally defined, to reach parity.
So they set out to change the definition of "gerrymandering" to something more self-serving. And the Court threw up its collective hands at the fact that people couldn't agree on how "gerrymandering" is defined.
I think the Court might have actually been willing to do something about gerrymandering, real gerrymandering, otherwise.
Oh, and they've got their other bete noire, the House having too few members, wrong, too. Has practically no impact at all on either control of the House or the outcome of Presidential elections.
Part V: Impact of House Expansion on the Partisan Control of Congress and the Electoral College
What about the argument to increase the number of representatives to bring them closer to their constituents again since it would not effect either House or Presidential elections?
Isn't it better to have a rep for every 300,000 citizens instead of 600,000?
Sure, though I'd much rather that it be done in the context of my multi-member PR scheme.
I was just saying Democrats assumed that increasing the size of the House would negate their perceived EC problem, but when the effect of increasing the House size was analyzed, it turned out to be a total wash.
And just how do you do that? No, seriously. You think it hasn't been tried?
You take redistricting out of the hands of politicians and put it into the hands of an "independent" commission, the commission will just end up getting stacked with partisan hacks (such is the fate of all Quangos), regardless of how you choose to appoint people.
You instead opt for districting by algorithm, but that still has to be run by humans, and they will just keep generating solutions then find the one they like the best (and then use a bit of post hoc rationalization to justify why it should be used).
Seriously, how do you propose to "outlaw gerrymandering"?
I suppose if eliminating any human influence was the main objective (not sure why that should be, other than generic distrust of humans, but that's a different issue) then one could use a generic and public algorithm that is based on a random seed drawn from a hat, and does not optimize to find the "best" population fit, or most compact, or anything like that. Just the first random solution that is contiguous and meets tolerance for population difference. And don't get too picky on the tolerance, maybe 1% at the strictest. Agree to use the first result period, no voting on whether to accept it.
Odd shapes would result, but then oddness of the shapes isn't really what upsets people. It's that the oddness is evidence of some kind of nefarious purpose.
such is the fate of all Quangos
I had to look that up, but anyway, unproven. What is so special about "quangos" that it necessarily merely results in "hacks"?
No system is perfect. Nonetheless, practice has shown that ways exist to at least limit blatant political gerrymandering.
I acknowledge that it is not clear exactly (though blatant cases of partisan gerrymandering can be identified) how to do it. Rucho in a vacuum, therefore, made some sense, though for this Court, it was a bit hard to take (see, e.g., Shelby County v. Holder).
Well, I'll kick in my perennial proposal:
Step 1: Generate a large number of maps algorithmically, starting from random seeds, which respect equal population, compactness, and physical boundaries. The algorithm does NOT have access to any voting data, none of the resulting maps are gerrymanders.
There are already existing algorithms to do this.
1a: In the trivial case where only one district can be generated, you're done. (Alaska, only one member of Congress...)
Step 2: In a process similar to voir dire, allow each of N ballot qualified parties to reject 1/(N+1) of the resulting maps, on any basis they like.
Step 3: Publicly pick one of the surviving maps using a bingo cage.
If you're going to produce your favored algorithm, then I get to do mine.
Step 1: Generate a large number of maps algorithmically, starting from random seeds, which respect equal population, compactness, and physical boundaries. The algorithm does NOT have access to any voting data, none of the resulting maps are gerrymanders.
I'm going for a similar idea, but different ????
Step 1 - to limit the number of maps you limit the number of people who can propose a map. Maybe any member of the state legislature, but I'm not going to get religious about who the proposers can be, except that every registered voter might create too many maps to be practicable. If you want ordinary voters to have a chance too then you can have a lottery with 100 winning tickets. But whoever is eligible to propose a map can propose any map he likes, no random seeds, just proposer picks.
Step 2 - feed the maps into the computer which first rejects all the non equal population maps
Step 3 - for each qualifying maps, the computer, which has the geography in its files, computes the aggregate length of the district boundaries. (The computer model is available to all proposers.)
Step 4 - the proposed map with the shortest aggregate district boundaries wins
Step 5 - in the extremely unlikely event of a tie, it's a mud wrestle. All right - flip a coin.
The point obviously is that except where there's a tie, there's only one solution.
The solution is ranked choice voting with multimember districts.
There are no solutions, only trade-offs.
A "solution" is often an imperfect answer to a problem.
Are you one of those people who looks at a 435 member Congress and thinks "what this body needs is to have thousands of people, so no member can ever be accountable for more than a yes or no vote on whatever bills leadership pushes"? Or are you thinking "we totally should have millions of people per district"? Because to me either one of those is a downgrade from what we have, but one or the other is necessary if you want multimember districts.
We should have just gone with proportional representation. If all congressional districts in all states with more than 2 total representatives were required to use districts with 3-to-5 elected house representatives per district, 1 vote for one candidate per voter, top 3-to-5 candidates win seats, this whole racial gerrymandering thing would be pretty much solved. Any district with 20%-33% racial minorities in it would be entirely free to pick a representative from that minority, or not pick a representative from that minority, as they saw fit.
There is not, currently, any racial gerrymandering, except that which is mandated by the Voting Rights Act. That racial gerrymandering can be dealt with by a simple repeal of the relevant part of the VRA. It is not necessary to introduce a whole new voting system.
Pure proportional representation without electoral districts does solve gerrymandering, but it does so at the expense of accountability and personal representation.
We prefer personal representation, which is why proportional representation is rejected, even if it might be a sensible solution.
The question does arise if there are ways to address this concern. Are there ways to make proportional representatives accountable? There would appear to be, in theory.
For instance, if a congressional delegation is split 7/5, each representative can still be assigned a certain area or broken down in some other way. They need not merely represent "everyone."
There would also need to be ways to keep representatives accountable. Since proportional systems are in place, we would have to study them to show how they advance that end.
Many would argue that the current system has only limited accountability, with re-election often pro forma. Personal representation is also a mixed bag, often partisan actors only representing their parties, not the people as a whole.
See, with a 12-representative state, I would just do a 5-representative district, a 4- rep district, and a 3-rep district.
Or 3 districts of 4-reps each. I don't care.
If you think that's too many voters per district, just change the size of the house. If we implemented the Wyoming Rule, and gave Wyoming 3 representatives in 1 district, that would make the new size of the house about 1722 total reps. the average house district which currently elects 1 rep would then elect 4 reps instead. Go to the same polling booths, vote for the same candidates, but now, instead of the top 1 winner getting a seat, the top 4 winners do. And all 4 winners still need to keep the same population of the same district happy, or that population will cheerfully replace one or all of them in two year's time.
We'd need a system to redistribute inefficiently-cast votes, but that's not hard. Personally I prefer a system where once the returns are finalized, all candidates have 48 hours to horse-trade, and then they must submit a letter in writing to the relevant election official telling them what to do with 'extra' votes that candidate received, by giving them to another candidate. So if your district had a voter turnout of 100k, you need 25k votes to guarantee yourself a seat, you got 35k votes but your friend got 15k votes, you just write down that you're transferring 10k votes to him in return for a favor to be named later, and he writes down that he's going to stand on his 15k votes. No votes can be transferred more than one time. All deals are only enforceable between the deal-makers own sense of fair play, they are not legally binding.
" Are there ways to make proportional representatives accountable?"
Sure. This isn't the 18th century anymore, we can do some things now that would have been impossibly arduous back then.
What you do is have compact districts, and every candidate who qualifies for the ballot in a district is elected. They each get a share of that district's vote in the legislature proportional to their share of the vote. Perhaps you split the pay for the office proportional to votes, too.
Maybe for practical purposes, only the two top vote getters get floor privileges, and the runners up only can attend virtually. Gotta give the major parties SOME kind of sop.
Under this scheme it doesn't matter how you draw the maps, everybody who votes is represented. If the voters in California are 40% Republican, you get a Republican member in every district, no matter what shape the district, and they cumulatively have 40% of the voting power in the legislature. Even the tiniest minor parties' members get represented.
This requires that all votes in the legislature be electronically recorded roll call votes, but in this day and age we shouldn't permit voice voting anyway; Anybody who has watched CSPAN knows that voice votes most of the time aren't real votes anyway.
One issue I see with that is that candidates and elected officials would not be terribly responsive to voters nor work very hard to get approval.
Take a 55-45 district, GOP over Dem. A really good Democrat could flip enough GOP votes to win over a weak Republican candidate. Both parties have an incentive to nominate quality candidates who will fight and scrape for every vote.
Under your system, is it really worth putting in the hard work for the 5 to 10 percent increase or decrease to your voting strength? Under the current system, you may be out of a job entirely if you fail to respond to the voters. Under this system you get a modestly lower vote percentage.
How would this case be distinguished from Allen v. Milligan (the recent Alabama redistricting case)?