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What Do We Make Of The Boston Federal Judge Who Apologized For Not Knowing Emergency Docket Orders Are Precedential?
Judges who are unfamiliar with the workings of the emergency docket should be more cautious in granting emergency relief against the federal government.
Judge William G. Young of the District of Massachusetts presided over the case that would become NIH v. APHA. In this case, a majority of the Court held that a suit over cuts to funding belongs in the Court of Federal Claims. This ruling followed directly from an earlier ruling, California v. Texas. Justice Gorsuch wrote a sharp concurrence, chiding Judge Young, and other judges, for defying Supreme Court orders. (I discuss this history in my Civitas column.) While writing this piece, I speculated aloud what could possibly be motivating judges who took actions that were inconsistent with the Supreme Court's emergency docket rulings.
Judge Young, to his credit, has shed some light on his thinking. Regrettably, these insights cast even more doubt on the Judge's decision-making authority.
The New York Times offers this account:
Judge Young said on Tuesday that he had not realized he was expected to rely on a slim three-page order issued with minimal legal reasoning in April to his case dealing with a different agency.
"Before we do anything, I really feel it's incumbent upon me to — on the record here — to apologize to Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh if they think that anything this court has done has been done in defiance of a precedential action of the Supreme Court of the United States," said Judge Young, who was appointed to the bench by President Ronald Reagan in 1985.
"I can do nothing more than to say as honestly as I can: I certainly did not so intend, and that is foreign in every respect to the nature of how I have conducted myself as a judicial officer," he added.
…
"I have served in judicial office now for over 47 years," he said. "Never before this admonition has any judge in any higher court ever thought to suggest that this court had defied the precedent of a higher court — that was never my intention."
He went out of his way to stress that it was never clear to him that the court's emergency ruling in the education case represented its thinking in other instances of federal grants the Trump administration has slashed since January.
"I simply did not understand that orders on the emergency docket were precedent," he said. "I stand corrected."
After delivering the apology, Judge Young met with lawyers out of earshot of the public, and eventually ended the hearing without saying more. He scheduled a follow-up hearing on Thursday to determine how the case should proceed.
I believe this apology is sincere and heartfelt. Judge Kozinski once said that being a federal judge means never having to apologize. Judge Young could have said nothing, and no one would have asked him to. Kudos to Judge Young.
But there is a far bigger problem: how could he have made that mistake? Maybe during the early days of the COVID pandemic, it could be argued that the precedential value of shadow docket orders was unclear. But Chief Justice Roberts's concurrence in South Bay become a super-precedent! (I found at least one order from Judge Young in 2021 that cited South Bay and Roman Catholic Diocese. Delaney v. Baker, 511 F. Supp. 3d 55, 72 (D. Mass. 2021) (Young, J.)).
In 2021, Judge McFadden (D.D.C.) co-authored an article on the precedential value of shadow docket rulings. In July 2022, I wrote that West Virginia v. EPA cited as precedents two other shadow docket rulings Alabama Association of Realtors v. HHS and NFIB v. OSHA. And since then, there has been a pretty consistent stream of authorities from the Supreme Court indicating these orders were precedents.
Most recently, DHS v. D.V.D. and Boyle expressly chastised lower courts for not following shadow docket precedents. D.V.D. rebuked Judge Brian E. Murphy, one of Judge Young's colleagues on the District of Massachusetts. Was Judge Young not even aware of that remarkable reversal of his colleague?
Moreover, before Judge Young, the Department of Justice vigorously argued that California v. Department of Education was a precedent. Here is how the emergency application described the record:
When the government pointed out that respondents' challenges to those grant terminations belong in the Court of Federal Claims under California, the district court recognized with serious understatement that California was a "somewhat similar case." App., infra, 221a. Yet the district court dismissed this Court's ruling as "not final" and "without full precedential force," "agree[d] with the Supreme Court dissenters," and "consider[ed] itself bound" by the First Circuit ruling that California repudiated. Ibid.; see id. at 229a (California "is not binding on this Court").
So it is not just the case that the Judge was unaware. Judge Young listened to the government's (correct) arguments, failed to do any additional research on the issue about the precedential value of shadow docket orders, and still issued an injunction against the government. To be sure, there is an academic debate on this issue, but that debate requires knowing both sides. Judge Young didn't even know there was a debate!
The problem here is not Judge Young's sincere mistake. Rather, the trouble arises from his willingness to enter broad relief without conducting sufficient research. Or more precisely, his law clerks were unable or unwilling to advise him otherwise. I find persuasive David Lat's description of law clerks as general counsels, and not associates. They have an obligation to advise their judge in on some fairly obvious Supreme Court precedent. And they failed to do so.
Judge Young turns 85 later this month. He has had a distinguished judicial career spanning half a century. A lot has changed since he graduated law school in 1967. Perhaps this apology provides a moment to reconsider where his talents and efforts are best suited.
At a minimum, this story should be a cautionary tale to the entire judiciary: judges who are unfamiliar with the workings of the emergency docket should be more cautious in granting emergency relief against the federal government. Perhaps readers of this blog take for granted that judges follow the Court as they do. It's not the case. Many federal judges never read new Supreme Court decisions. Maybe they'll ask their clerks to summarize it. Maybe they'll just wait for briefs to come in. Maybe they'll never read the briefs. But if you are such a judge, and you are presented with an emergency petition, you better be damn well sure you are up to speed before granting an injunction, especially an ex parte TRO. It is not the plaintiffs' job to provide a balanced approach to the law--that is what the adversarial process is for.
But you know which Article III nonagenarian still has a firm grasp of Supreme Court doctrine? Judge Pauline Newman. But she was just suspended for another year by the Federal Circuit, which is apparently waiting for her to die. She has nothing to apologize for.
One final note: the Times and other outlets make a point of saying that Young was a Reagan appointee. This point is irrelevant. President Reagan appointed Judge William G. Young to the federal bench in Boston in 1985. To be clear, the Harvard grad's blue slips were signed by Ted Kennedy (ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee) and (freshman) John F. Kerry. Young became eligible for senior status in 2005. In March 2021, only a few months after the inauguration, Young notified President Biden that he would take senior status. If there is any conservative indicia in Judge Young's four-decade tenure on the bench, I can't find it. Just another data point to prove that we shouldn't put any stock in the judicial philosophy of a Republican appointee in a deep blue state like Massachusetts or Hawaii.
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"It is not the plaintiffs' job to provide a balanced approach to the law--that is what the adversarial process is for." Plaintiffs counsel has more obligations when presenting an ex parte motion both as to facts, see ABA Model Rule 3.3(d) & cmt. 14, and law, see ABA Model Rule 3.3(a)(2).
It seems this lower court judge is paying more attention to our Constitution than the SCOTUS justices (and professors) focusing myopically on the support to which the president or SCOTUS justices claim entitlement. The latter seem to be missing a vastly more important principle. Clearly and emphatically, our Constitution was designed to secure to the sovereign people the means of preservation of our own sovereignty and our society. That is the point of the entire Constitution. So our Constitution and federal law expressly emphasize that the duty of every employee of the judicial branch and employees of the executive branch below the president is to support our Constitution, not merely support the president or SCOTUS justices.
Article VI emphasizes that our "Constitution" is first and foremost among "the supreme Law of the Land" and "all executive and judicial Officers" (state and federal) are "bound" to "support this Constitution." 5 U.S.C. 3331 emphasizes that every judge and executive branch employee below the president must "support and defend" our "Constitution" against "all enemies, foreign and domestic" and "bear true faith and allegiance to" our Constitution. Supporting and defending our Constitution is not necessarily the same as pleasing the president or SCOTUS justices.
James Madison emphasized the same principle (that the preservation of American society and our Constitution are paramount) when he reminded people of the point of federalism in Federalist No. 46:
Partisans and people in power too often "have lost sight of the people altogether in their reasonings on this subject; and to have viewed these different establishments [federal and state governments], not only as mutual rivals and enemies, but as uncontrolled by any common superior in their efforts to usurp the authorities of each other. These gentlemen must here be reminded of their error. They must be told that the ultimate authority, wherever the derivative may be found, resides in the people alone, and that it will not depend merely on the comparative ambition or address of the different governments [state versus federal], whether either, or which of them, will be able to enlarge its sphere of jurisdiction at the expense of the other. Truth, no less than decency, requires that the event in every case should be supposed to depend on the sentiments and sanction of their common constituents."
Seeing the people as sovereign helps see the relevance here of the following in Federalist No. 43 and in Federalist No. 59:
Federalist No. 43:
Questions about this issue should be "answered at once by recurring to the absolute necessity of the case; to the great principle of self-preservation; to the transcendent law of nature" which "declares that the safety and happiness of society are the objects at which all political institutions aim, and to which all such institutions must be sacrificed."
Federalist No. 59:
"EVERY GOVERNMENT OUGHT TO CONTAIN IN ITSELF THE MEANS OF ITS OWN PRESERVATION. Every just reasoner will, at first sight, approve an adherence to this rule, in the work of the convention [our Constitution]; and will disapprove every deviation from [this rule except to the extent such deviation was] dictated by the necessity of incorporating into the work [our Constitution] some particular ingredient, with which a rigid conformity to the rule was incompatible."
It seems you don't even know what the issue in the case was, maybe you should figure that out first.
The issue was whether monetary claims against the federal government should be brought in federal district courts or the Federal Court of Claims, as Congress directed. That is clearly Congress's prerogative under article 3, to establish inferior courts and make rules to determine jurisdiction.
Kazinski, you may have thought only one issue ("The issue") was being addressed. Other people obviously had other ideas about what was at issue.
I don't understand your allusion to " Congress's prerogative under article 3." To the extent that Article III addresses any prerogatives, they are of courts, not Congress, right?
Kazinski, one issue was the one that Justice Gorsuch, himself, emphasized: "Mere deference to [other] decisions risks relegating courts to the status of potted plants, inconsistent with their duty to say what the [governing] law is in the cases that come before them." Turkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States, 598 U.S. 264 (2023) (Gorsuch, Alito, JJ., concurring, dissenting).
Justice Gorsuch and other SCOTUS justices are knowingly violating their own constitutional duty to say what the governing law actually is, and they're preventing lower courts from fulfilling their constitutional duty to say what the governing law actually is.
"Article III of the Constitution establishes an independent Judiciary" whose “duty" is "to say what the [governing] law is” in "particular cases and controversies." Bank Markazi v. Peterson, 578 U.S. 212 (2016).
"It is emphatically" the "duty of the judicial department to say what the [governing] law is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that rule." Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803).
Kazinski, if your allusion to “Congress’s prerogative under article 3” is directed at supporting a misrepresentation by Justice Alito (that Congress lacks the power to regulate SCOTUS), it is clearly contrary to our Constitution.
Regarding the vesting of "[t]he judicial Power of the United States," Article III draws a distinction between “one supreme Court" and "such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” But that cannot mean that Congress’s power is limited to regulating lower courts.
Article I vested in Congress the power and duty to "constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court." Such power implies the power to regulate inferior courts, but it does not imply that Congress has no power to regulate SCOTUS.
Article I is clear and emphatic about the power and duty of Congress to “make all Laws” that are “necessary and proper for carrying into Execution” absolutely “all” the “Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.”
Without Supreme Court reasoning sufficient to analogize other subsequent cases, on what reasoned basis can a lower court be remiss?
Where do Kavanaugh or Gorsuch (or tiny footnote Blackman) get the notion that lower courts are capable mind readers? The Supreme Court has no one to blame but itself if an inadequately-supported decision is not subsequently analogized the way the justices later demand they wanted it to be.
It is the Supreme Court which owed the apology, to the lower court, and in other similar instances to the nation. Emergency document abuse is the problem here, not lower-court insubordination.
Auto correct, maybe. "Emergency docket abuse," not "Emergency document abuse."
Plus the Supreme Court itself has suggested that emergency docket orders aren't precedential. As the linked NYT piece notes, Alito stated in 2021 that "a ruling on an emergency application is not a precedent with respect to the underlying issue in the case."
100% correct, both of you. If they want to make something precedential, they have to give some kind of explanation for lower courts to apply on cases other than literally the same case.
Did you read the original per curiam opinion? It lays out the reasoning very clearly:
"The APA’s waiver of sovereign immunity does not apply “if any other statute that grants consent to suit expressly or impliedly forbids the relief which is sought.” 5 U. S. C. §702. Nor does the waiver apply to claims seeking “money damages.” Ibid. True, a district court’s jurisdiction “is not barred by the possibility” that an order setting aside an agency’s action may result in the disbursement of funds. Bowen v. Massachusetts, 487 U.S. 879, 910 (1988). But, as we have recognized, the APA’s limited waiver of immunity does not extend to orders “to enforce a contractual obligation to pay money” along the lines of what the District Court ordered here."
So much lower court revolt...
Too bad the judiciary isn’t more like aviation. Then there’d be no old, bold judges.
It sounds like a non-apology that my wife sometimes gives me. "I'm sorry I was unable to read your mind and do what you thought I should do. I will pay more attention next time."
As you say: it sounds exactly like a sarcastic non-apology. That was my immediate reaction when I read it. I do not know why Blackman is acting as if the judge was being sincere. Is Blackman clueless or disingenuous or both?
You know the answer.
Really hilarious that this piece forgot what it was about half-way through in order to pivot to "an 85 year old must be a mental incompetent who is unable to discern facts, but you know who isn't a mental incompetent, a 98 year old, justice for Pauline Kael!!!!!" I know it's 2025 and everyone has ADHD but if you get bored of writing your argument half-way through maybe just don't post it?
Yes. Also, I am not sure how Newman got caught up in this MAGA culture war anyway. I can understand on abstract grounds that one thinks the procedure for handling Newman's incapacity was improper. But Newman herself has no political valence that I can see, and nobody who has actually read the utterly nonpolitical report on her could actually think she's fit. So why is Blackman leaning so hard into defending her honor? Is there some other, MAGA-y judge out there who he's worried this might set a precedent for?
Is it a Kimberly Moore thing?
“Pauline Kael” would be 106 years old—if she was still alive.
Is this another “really hilarious… ADHD pivot” from the federal judiciary to former New Yorker magazine film critics?
"Judges who are unfamiliar with the workings of the emergency docket should be more cautious in granting emergency relief against the federal government."
OR
Judges who are unfamiliar with the workings of the emergency docket should be fired and disbarred.
Justices who use the emergency docket to lift lower court stays with no explanation justifying their actions should be fired and disbarred.
It is nearly impossible to tell if Blackman didn't understand what the Judge was saying, or deliberately chose NOT to understand what the Judge was saying.
Here's a hint. When a judge says that he has served for forty-seven years and always applied precedent, and it never occurred to him until THAT EXACT MOMENT that he did not understand emergency orders were precedent ...
What do you think he's actually saying?
I got it. I think anyone who has practiced real law got it.
To be clear- given Blackman's posts (that are both full of legal errors, but also legal errors that always result in his desired conclusions) I truly do not know if Blackman doesn't get it, or did get it and simply ignored the obvious.
The entire screed is a massive self-own.
Nice of you to explain why Blackman, and the Supreme Court are wrong.
But unfortunately, as even the judge now recognizes the Supreme Court has the final say, especially as to what constitutes precedent.
Sure, but they are doing a terrible job of making it clear what the precedents are supposed to be (in general; I agree in California v DOE they made their thoughts more clear, per the discussion amongst loki, CommentMonkey and wvattorney below).
Graduated from law school listening to Frank and Nancy sing Somthin' Stupid. Christ on a popsicle stick.
Finally, I'd like to note that Blackman does not seem to understand the difference between authority and precedent- which are similar terms that get used interchangeably by a lot of people, but are not the same.
Courts cite authority all the time. Almost anything can be an authority cited by a court- rules of procedure, cases from courts in other countries, cases from courts in other jurisdictions in the United States, statutes, model rules, legislative history (if you're into that), law review articles, and so on. Authorities can be persuasive- obviously, an authority can be more or less persuasive. A law review article from Blackman will be LESS PERSUASIVE than a holding from a federal appellate court applying similar facts with the same legal rules.
Precedent should be used to discuss binding authority from courts. In other words, vertical stare decisis. A court that is "higher up in the food chain" has decided an issue, and the lower court MUST apply the precedent decided by the higher court.
This is the entire problem with the emergency docket (shadow docket). I will point this out again. Imagine there's a case on the emergency docket where the CoA upheld a preliminary injunction. The movant argues that the preliminary injunction should not have been granted by the District Court for five reasons. The Supreme Court reverses without providing any written explanation.
Okay. What does that mean? Which of the five reasons was the one? Or, perhaps, was there some "penumbra" reason that there was a reversal?
Lower courts do not know. They aren't supposed to guess. This is why there is a long history of the Supreme Court telling the lower courts that emergency docket orders ARE NOT PRECEDENT. Period.
Now, I would say that there are occasions when the Supreme Court deals with a matter on an expedited or emergency basis and releases a written opinion, and that can then be cited as authority (NOT PRECEDENT). In addition, it's perfectly fine to cite a emergency order as authority to support an opinion - but it's not precedent.
What Blackman does not seem to realize is that he is the one that is advocating for Calvinball. The traditional role of the Supreme Court is to let matters percolate in the lower courts and then to resolve issues with finality, and when they do so, the lower courts will then apply the reasoned opinions of the Supreme Court.
It's not for the Supreme Court to run around like a headless chicken, telling the lower courts "Read our minds, but read them correctly. Always apply our precedent, except when we don't want you to apply our precedent and we don't feel like overruling it. Read between the lines of what we write, and if we don't bother writing something, guess what we might have said would be the precedent. Common law is about the vibes."
I agree with most, if not all, of the above as general propositions. But they don't really pertain to this case. In California v. DOE, the majority cited Great-West Life v. Knudson and the text of the APA in support of its holding that the APA doesn't provide a pretext for grant recipients to skip the Court of Federal Claims and obtain injunctive relief forcing the government to pay out funds it is unlikely to ever get back (Rule 65's bond requirement also would seem to foreclose such a remedy). That wasn't some kind of vague commentary on the merits, but a definitive ruling on the preliminary relief issue itself.
So along comes Judge Young and he cites the dissent in California v. DOE. His ruling essentially found that the four dissenters in California v. DOE got it right, the majority got it wrong, and he was therefore siding with the dissent. He made a pro forma effort to distinguish California v. DOE, which Gorsuch's opinion demolishes.
If you look at the overwrought verbiage of Judge Young's rulings, it is pretty obvious he simply hated the political choices the government made ("have we fallen so low? Have we no shame?”; "weaponizing what should not be weaponized”; " “extensive discrimination against everyone whose lived experience of their sexuality is in any way different from the executive orthodoxy"). He allowed his vehement disagreement with the underlying policy to override what was obvious after California v. DOE - preliminary injunctive relief forcing the government to keep paying out grant money was off the table.
While I find the fake apology amusing, it is also disingenuous. He knew all along he was defying established law.
"So along comes Judge Young and he cites the dissent in California v. DOE. His ruling essentially found that the four dissenters in California v. DOE got it right, the majority got it wrong, and he was therefore siding with the dissent. He made a pro forma effort to distinguish California v. DOE, which Gorsuch's opinion demolishes."
Correct. If he was being sincere he would have said, "Counsel, don't cite me California v. DOE. That is an emergency docket ruling that is not binding precedent. Give me a precedential opinion of the Court."
If he said that then I would believe this "apology." But he acknowledged the case, deliberately sided with the dissent and tried to distinguish it. That shows that he KNEW that he had to deal with that case as binding on him.
I don't know about extracurricular comments, but to the extent that an emergency docket order (on the same issue) sites specific precedent (and/or textual authority) ...
Then I agree with you. Also, I agree that it's disingenuous for a judge to cite the dissent in an emergency docket order so as to "distinguish" something that the judge claims does not apply.
Now, if the judge had simply not cited it at all and followed binding precedent in the circuit (the other case was out of circuit, right?) that would be more than fair.
(Which means that I also agree, given the facts presented, with wvattorney13)
What to do with this incompetent, activist judge? Let's consult our Constitution shall we? Impeach and remove the hack.
Riva, why just one judge? Why not all judges who knowingly violate their oaths and our Constitution?
Wouldn’t mind myself but realistically not really doable. And a few good examples may be sufficient.
What to do with this incompetent, activist judge? Let's consult our Constitution shall we. Impeach and remove the hack.
Is this concern for lower court judges respecting precedent going to be applied evenly to conservative lower court judges who don't do so? Here, a lower court judge was wrongly attacked by Gorsuch and Kavanaugh [I share Prof. Vladeck's position; he's quoted in the article] for reasonably reading the tea leaves.
A three page sparse emergency docket ruling on a separate case is not precedential.
I've got multiple problems with this post, but I just want to highlight my disagreement with this assertion: "If there is any conservative indicia in Judge Young's four-decade tenure on the bench, I can't find it."
Before getting a law degree, Judge Young served as a captain in the U.S. Army, which is significant because veterans tend to lean conservative. After attending law school, Judge Young served as a law clerk to Massachusetts Supreme Court Justice Raymond Sanger Wilkins, who was appointed by Republican Governor Christian Herter. Judge worked as a special assistant attorney general, which says something because attorneys in prosecutorial roles are generally more conservative than lawyers at large. He next served as chief counsel for Republican Governor Francis W. Sargent. Judge Young was appointed by President Reagan, a Republican. In a 2009 lawsuit, he ruled in favor of taxi drivers who sued over a Boston policy requiring taxi owners to switch to hybrid vehicles by 2015.
Basically, Judge Young seems like a classic old school Republican, and there is basically nothing in his history to suggest otherwise. Blackman suggests that Judge Young is some kind of closet liberal by his suggestion that "we shouldn't put any stock in the judicial philosophy of a Republican appointee in a deep blue state like Massachusetts or Hawaii," but that is based on the absurd suggestion that conservative philosophy hasn't undergone a seismic shift between Reagan and Trump. There's nothing to suggest that Judge Young doesn't rule in pretty much the way we would expect a Reagan-era Republican to rule, as evidenced by other Republican appointees who have also ruled against Trump in recent lawsuits. In fact, as of late March this year, lawsuits seeking injunctions against the current Trump administration have obtained preliminary relief in 45% of the cases before Republican-appointed district court judges.
Judge Young served as a captain in the U.S. Army, which is significant because veterans tend to lean conservative.
Of course. Who could argue with such prime examples as noted conservative Lieutenant John Kerry, or GOP fanboy Lieutenant Jimmy Carter
Of course. You can list two who don't, so his comment that "veterans tend to lean conservative" must be false. Who could argue with that?
Maybe Professor Blackman misunderstands the meaning of conservative under our Constitution, and Judge Young's military experience might be relevant for another reason. Many in our Armed Forces take seriously our oaths (5 U.S.C. 3331) to "support and defend" our "Constitution" against "all enemies, foreign and domestic" and "bear true faith and allegiance to" our Constitution (which oath is required by Article VI). Judges ruling against servicemembers and even the military have repeatedly emphasized that supporting our Constitution and fulfilling the foregoing oath is more important than following any illegal order. Our Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and no illegal order by anyone (including the president, any officer of the armed forces or any judge) can supersede our Constitution.
Boomer Republicans are likely the most disgraceful generation in recorded history for what they did to this country, e.g., $30T debt, 100 million third worlders, and handing over the entire education system to leftists, and this is reflected in their judicial nominations: for every Clarence Thomas there are hundreds of David Souters. This sanctimonious blowhard judge just got done accusing the president of racism and homophobia for cutting NIH programs. His conservatism was also on full display when he upheld a ban on "assault weapons" (aka the most common rifle in the country) and "large capacity magazines." These traitors can't go extinct quickly enough.
"If there is any conservative indicia in Judge Young's four-decade tenure on the bench, I can't find it."
I presume you meant to say that if there *are* any conservative indicia in Judge Young's four-decade tenure on the bench, you can't find *them*.
(As authority (not precedent), I'd cite Bryan A. Garner, Garner's Dictionary of Legal Usage 447 (3d ed. 2011) (s.v. indicia).)
A lot has changed since Judge Young graduated law school in 1967? A lot has changed since I graduated law school in 2014! The impression I had from law school is that whatever the Supreme Court does on the shadow docket is binding for that case only, and has no precedential value in other cases. The Supreme Court creates precedent by hearing and deciding cases on its regular docket, with full briefing and oral arguments, and by that process only. And I thought that was undisputed. Did I just get a bad legal education? Alternatively, how one earth can this have completely reversed in the last few years to the point that a judge can be accused of defying the Supreme Court?
One needs nothing more than a high LSAT score to see your proposed model of emergency orders is absurd on its face. If SCOTUS could not establish precedent in an emergency posture, then no precedent could ever be established with respect to emergency orders. When cases reached SCOTUS in the normal course, emergency orders would necessarily be moot, and thus unavailable for forming precedent.
The whole argument that SCOTUS, or any appellate court in fact, can't establish precedent over emergency orders is disingenuous, TDS exceptionalism.
I am, frankly, surprised that Judge Young made this mistake. I took a course from him a long, long time ago. He was a very sharp attorney and judge. It also does not surprise me that he confessed error. He is a man of integrity.
What do we make of it?
Since the DC judges have been getting themselves aot of spotlight the last few months, what I make of it is - regardless of your ideological leanings - the lower court benches are filled will it grant buffoons propped up by their staff.
It seems the DC's are appointed as political rewards and it's only that there is a hard filter into the appellate courts where you get a majority that just apply the law rather than work backwards from their desired conclusion.
And yeah, I am sure there are good people - but they're not sending their best.
There needs to be some sort of disciplinary process for federal judges less than impeachment - this clown, Boeberg, et al are not bringing credit to the judiciary.
Is that because you think impeachment is too severe, or because it isn't practically feasible?
This will probably not convince anyone of anything, but I practiced in front of Judge Young for many years. He was and is unfailingly fair and reasonable and is an exemplary judge. As both an Assistant US Attorney and in private practice, he was prepared in hearings and his opinions were well-founded, well-researched, and well-written (even when he found against my clients). I think I can speak for the Massachusetts bar in endorsing Judge Young and disagreeing with those who cast aspersions based on nothing much.