The Volokh Conspiracy
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What are the Precedential Values of Wilcox and Boyle?
Judge Rao explains how to read emergency docket orders on stay applications.
President Trump removed Federal Trade Commissioner Rebecca Slaughter without cause. The District Court ordered that Slaughter must be reinstated. Today, a divided panel of the D.C. Circuit declined to stay that order. Judges Millett and Pillard found that Wilcox and Boyle did not reverse Humphrey's Executor. As a result, that under-siege precedent controls this case. Judge Rao dissented, and parsed how the lower courts should read emergency docket orders that arise from stay applications.
I do not think this is a case where the D.C. Circuit is overtly defying Wilcox and Boyle, as Justice Gorsuch put it in NIH. Rather, I think the majority and dissent vigorously disagree about how to parse the effect of Wilcox and Boyle on Humphrey's Executor.
The majority opinion explains that Wilcox concerned the NLRB and MSPB and Boyle concerned the CPSC. By contrast, the Supreme Court did not issue any new ruling concerning the FTC. The only precedent on the books for that case is Humphrey's Executor.
In contrast, the present case [Slaughter] involves the exact same agency, the exact same removal provision, and the same exercises of executive power already addressed by the Supreme Court in Humphrey's Executor and subsequent decisions, and so is squarely controlled by that precedent.
I'm not sure that claim is exactly right. The FTC of 1935 is very different from the FTC of 2025. The Commissioners now exercise far more executive power. Judge Rao favorably cites Eli Nachmany's important new paper, The Original FTC. (Query whether Chief Justice Roberts will serve up another blue plate special, and distinguish Humphrey's Executor on the grounds that the members now have more executive power--to paraphrase Shelby County, "history did not end in 1935.")
But let's put aside that factual disagreement. Is it the case that Wilcox and Boyle have no impact on Slaughter? The majority argues that granting the stay would in fact be defying the Supreme Court!
Granting the government's motion would ignore the Supreme Court's stay order in Wilcox, not comply with it. That order said, less than three months ago, that stay decisions by the courts of appeals remain controlled by extant precedent including Humphrey's Executor.
Take that, Justice Gorsuch!
Judge Rao approached this issue from a completely different angle. Indeed, she provides a careful analysis of how lower-court judges should read orders from the emergency docket. The majority opinion does not respond to Judge Rao. They should start thinking of a response, because this approach very well may make it into a future Supreme Court decision.
Wilcox and Boyle did not simply decide that Trump had the power to remove members from certain boards. Rather, the Court stated how to resolve emergency applications to stay reinstatement to those boards. In short, the Court held that because these members exercise "significant executive power," the equities favor staying the injunctions. Here is the key paragraph from Judge Rao:
While it is true the removed officer here is a commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, and the Supreme Court upheld the removal restriction for such commissioners in Humphrey's Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935), a stay is nonetheless appropriate. The Commission unquestionably exercises significant executive power, and the other equities favor the government. These grounds were sufficient to support the Supreme Court's judgment that a stay was warranted in two recent cases in which the district court ordered reinstatement of an officer removed by the President. The Court determined that "the Government faces greater risk of harm from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty." Trump v. Wilcox, 145 S. Ct. 1415, 1415 (2025); see also Trump v. Boyle, 145 S. Ct. 2653, 2654 (2025). Because we are required to exercise our equitable discretion in accordance with the Court's directives, the district court's order must be stayed. I respectfully dissent.
Judge Rao writes later:
Granting a stay of the district court's injunction, however, does not require this court to claim that Humphrey's Executor has been overruled. Instead, the stay is warranted by the Supreme Court's decisions to stay injunctions ordering the reinstatement of removed officers.
As I read Judge Rao, Wilcox and Boyle are not precedents for some future motion for summary judgment. Rather, these precedents explain how to handle emergency stay applications concerning reinstatement. Specifically, the Supreme Court has instructed the lower courts of how to balance equities in the case of a reinstatement.
In the stay posture, the Supreme Court has withheld judgment on the lawfulness of the President's removals of so called independent agency heads, focusing instead on the harm to the government from reinstatement. That reasoning similarly requires a stay here while the merits of the removal, and the ongoing validity of Humphrey's Executor, continue to be litigated.
Judge Rao explains:
And finally, we need not definitively determine whether Slaughter's removal was lawful, because we must follow the Supreme Court's conclusion that an injunction reinstating an officer the President has removed harms the government by intruding on the President's power and responsibility over the Executive Branch.
The en banc D.C. Circuit previously held that reinstatement was appropriate. Judge Rao contends that Wilcox and Boyle overruled (or at least abrogated) the en banc precedent.
My colleagues inexplicably stick to this court's en banc decision in Harris v. Bessent, which denied a motion to stay a similar reinstatement injunction. Order at 10 n.1 (citing Harris v. Bessent, No. 25-5037, 2025 WL 1021435, at *2 (D.C. Cir. Apr. 7, 2025) (en banc) (per curiam)). But the en banc court was reversed by the Supreme Court, which granted a stay of the injunction. Wilcox, 145 S. Ct. at 1415. I see no reason to follow overruled circuit precedent rather than Wilcox and longstanding Supreme Court precedent.
This is a very sophisticated approach to parsing emergency docket precedents. Unlike some judges who apparently did not know that emergency docket orders are precedential, Judge Rao is sketching out in what ways these orders are precedential. I think this opinion reinforces Justice Kavanaugh's Boyle concurrence. I like when Judges explain why they are doing what they are doing.
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More lower court revolt...
Will you be attending the wake for Humphrey's Executor?
Are you kidding me? With my track record of commenting on this blog I'm not going near the US until democracy is restored.
LOL!
Am I mistaken or are you the Dutch guy that lives in the UK?
If so, don't send any mean tweets about Islam or you really will discover where democracy needs restoring.
Um, pursuant to Humphrey's Executor, the president doesn’t have this power with respect to the FTC, so therefore his power isn't being intruded on.
Way to miss the point. The dissent is arguing that Wilcox and Boyle have, if not overrulled, at least modified Humphrey's Executor and thus the president does again have this power even with respect to the FTC.
I'm not sure the dissent is correct in that argument but you can't simply hand-wave away the argument with a tautology.
Because the remedy isn't to reinstate the employee but rather to give them backpay if they were wrongfully terminated. People often forget that that Humphrey's Executor didn't reinstate Humphrey because he was dead. Rather his estate got backpay. So, to follow Humphrey's Executor isn't to reinstate the official. It's to give them backpay.
That's a fairly stilted reading of precedent: Humphrey's Executor survives but only with respect to the FTC. A better read, IMHO, is that the state of the law is in flux and Wilcox and Boyle hold that while these cases are litigated, no injunction should issue.
It seems that SCOTUS justices (and professors) focusing myopically on the support to which the president claims entitlement are missing a vastly more important principle. Clearly and emphatically, our Constitution was designed to secure to the sovereign people the means of preservation of our own sovereignty and our society. That is the point of the entire Constitution. So our Constitution and federal law expressly emphasize that the duty of every employee of the executive branch below the president is to support our Constitution, not merely support the president.
Article VI emphasizes that our "Constitution" is first and foremost among "the supreme Law of the Land" and "all executive and judicial Officers" (state and federal) are "bound" to "support this Constitution." 5 U.S.C. 3331 emphasizes that every executive branch employee below the president must "support and defend" our "Constitution" against "all enemies, foreign and domestic" and "bear true faith and allegiance to" our Constitution. Supporting and defending our Constitution is not necessarily the same as pleasing the president.
James Madison emphasized the same principle (that the preservation of American society and our Constitution are paramount) in Federalist No. 46:
Partisans and people in power too often "have lost sight of the people altogether in their reasonings on this subject; and to have viewed these different establishments [federal and state governments], not only as mutual rivals and enemies, but as uncontrolled by any common superior in their efforts to usurp the authorities of each other. These gentlemen must here be reminded of their error. They must be told that the ultimate authority, wherever the derivative may be found, resides in the people alone, and that it will not depend merely on the comparative ambition or address of the different governments [state versus federal], whether either, or which of them, will be able to enlarge its sphere of jurisdiction at the expense of the other. Truth, no less than decency, requires that the event in every case should be supposed to depend on the sentiments and sanction of their common constituents."
Seeing the people as sovereign helps see the relevance here of the following in Federalist No. 43 and in Federalist No. 59 (pertaining specifically to federal regulation of state elections):
Federalist No. 43:
Questions about this issue should be "answered at once by recurring to the absolute necessity of the case; to the great principle of self-preservation; to the transcendent law of nature" which "declares that the safety and happiness of society are the objects at which all political institutions aim, and to which all such institutions must be sacrificed."
Federalist No. 59:
"EVERY GOVERNMENT OUGHT TO CONTAIN IN ITSELF THE MEANS OF ITS OWN PRESERVATION. Every just reasoner will, at first sight, approve an adherence to this rule, in the work of the convention [our Constitution]; and will disapprove every deviation from [this rule except to the extent such deviation was] dictated by the necessity of incorporating into the work [our Constitution] some particular ingredient, with which a rigid conformity to the rule was incompatible."
How can a lower court be defying SCOTUS when SCOTUS said their ruling did not apply to the FTC?
Because the remedy isn't to reinstate the employee but rather to give them backpay if they were wrongfully terminated. People often forget that that Humphrey's Executor didn't reinstate Humphrey because he was dead. Rather his estate got backpay. So, to follow Humphrey's Executor isn't to reinstate the official. It's to give them backpay.
I agree. Nowhere does Humphrey's Executor state that the remedy for violating a term of office statute is injunctive relief. It couldn't (and if it did it would be dicta) since Humphrey was dead. Oh there is lots of flowing language about "independent" agencies and the respective powers of Congress and the presidency. I wonder if the court would have ruled the same way if the question presented was whether Congress could statutorily keep its favored people in important positions even though the voters tossed those Congressmen confirming that favored person out of power.
I've long found it ironic that modern conservatives hate Humphrey's Executor, while liberals love it, when Humphrey himself was a Republican hostile to the New Deal and FDR, the great liberal, is the one who fired him so that he could more easily enforce his New Deal policies. So, when the media (among others) is on about how overturning Humphrey's Executor is a way to help Republican presidents impose their will, they are either ignorant of or willfully ignoring that an opposite in that case result would have helped advance arguably the biggest left-wing accomplishment in the nation's history.
So you're saying that Humphrey's Executor should meet the same fate as Lochner?