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Who Is Lawfully Exercising the Powers of the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey?
A district court ruling that Ms. Habba has been unlawfully exercising the powers of the New Jersey U.S. Attorney ducks the critical question of who can exercise those powers ... which is strong reason for doubting the ruling's reasoning.
Today a federal district court (Judge Brann) ruled that Alina Habba is not lawfully acting as the U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey. But, remarkably, the district court failed to explain who instead lawfully holds the power of the U.S. Attorney for that district. The district court apparently recognized the uncertainty that its ruling would create, staying the ruling pending the Justice Department's sure-to-follow appeal. But the fact that the district court's order gives no answer to that basic question is, itself, strong reason for questioning its reasoning. On my reading of the relevant statutes, Ms. Habba is currently lawfully exercising the powers of the U.S. Attorney for New Jersey via the interim appointment statute. And if for some reason Ms. Habba lacks authority under that statute, the Attorney General has authority to name someone to assist in carrying out the Department's prosecutions in that state—and the Attorney General has properly named Ms. Habba.
I've blogged about this appointment issue earlier. Because the details are important, a recapitulation is in order (with some minor details omitted—you can read the District Court's 77-page opinion for the full chronology). As with my earlier posts, I express no view on the merits of Ms. Habba's appointment, only its lawfulness.
On January 8, 2025, as President Trump's inauguration was approaching, President Biden's U.S. Attorney—Philp R. Sellinger (who had previously been confirmed to the Senate by voice vote)—resigned to make way for the new Administration's nominee. Upon Sellinger's resignation, his First Assistant U.S. Attorney—Vikas Khanna—became the Acting U.S. Attorney pursuant to the Federal Vacancies Reform Act (FVRA). (Since then, Mr. Khanna has left the Department to go into private practice.)
On March 3, 2025, the Trump Administration appointed John Giordano interim United States Attorney for the District of New Jersey, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 546's vacancy provision. (He later was nominated to be the new Ambassador to Namibia.)
Then, a little more than three weeks later, on March 27, 2025, Attorney General Pam Bondi appointed Alina Habba to that interim position. The next day (March 28), Ms. Habba was formally sworn in to the interim position. Ms. Habba was appointed based on § 546, which limits such interim appointments to a maximum of 120 days. 28 U.S.C. § 546(c)(2). Given an interim appointment running for 120 days, Habba's appointment would seem to have been set to expire on Saturday, July 26—120 days later.
On June 30, 2025, President Trump formally nominated Ms. Habba for the permanent position of United States Attorney for the District of New Jersey and submitted her nomination to the Senate. The Senate took no action on the nomination.
On July 22, 2025, the judges of the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey invoked their statutory power under § 546(d) to appoint Desiree Grace (Ms. Habba's then-First Assistant) as the interim U.S. Attorney, making that appointment effective on "July 22, 2025 or 'upon the expiration 120 days after appointment by the Attorney General' of the Interim U.S. Attorney Alina Habba, whichever is later."
The Justice Department was not pleased with that appointment. And so, on July 24, 2025, before the 120 days had expired, the President withdrew Habba's nomination. That same day—July 24—Habba resigned her interim position as United States Attorney. The Attorney General then immediately appointed her as a Special Attorney under 28 U.S.C. § 515, which appointment Ms. Habba accepted. Exercising her authority under 28 U.S.C. §§ 509, 510, 515, and 542, among other provisions, the Attorney General also designated Ms. Habba as the First Assistant in New Jersey, effective upon her resignation as the interim United States Attorney. As a result of her holding the position of First Assistant U.S. Attorney position in New Jersey, by operation of law, Habba then seemingly became the Acting United States Attorney under the FVRA, 5 U.S.C. § 3345(a)(1).
In addition, on Saturday, July 26, a senior Justice Department official notified the former First Assistant (Ms. Grace) that the President would have removed her from the position of United States Attorney if her judicial appointment to that office had somehow become effective. The notification indicated that, in taking that step, the President was exercising his authority under Article II of the Constitution and 28 U.S.C. § 541(c). The former vests "the executive power in" the President; the latter provides that "each United States Attorney is subject to removal by the President." At oral argument before the District Court, the Justice Department reported that this removal order came at the direction of the President. Ms. Grace was terminated from her position at the Justice Department.
With that background in mind, we can now turn to the district court's ruling. Contrary to the assumption that everyone was operating under (including the New Jersey judges), the district court ruled today that § 546's 120-day limit began running on March 3, when the Trump Administration first invoked the vacancy provision and did not re-set to a new 120 days with the subsequent appointment of Ms. Habba three weeks later. Because Court's ruling hinges on the precise language of § 546, I set out the statute's language in full:
(a) Except as provided in subsection (b), the Attorney General may appoint a United States attorney for the district in which the office of United States attorney is vacant.
(b) The Attorney General shall not appoint as United States attorney a person to whose appointment by the President to that office the Senate refused to give advice and consent.
(c) A person appointed as United States attorney under this section may serve until the earlier of—
(1) the qualification of a United States attorney for such district appointed by the President under section 541 of this title; or
(2) the expiration of 120 days after appointment by the Attorney General under this section.
(d) If an appointment expires under subsection (c)(2), the district court for such district may appoint a United States attorney to serve until the vacancy is filled. The order of appointment by the court shall be filed with the clerk of the court.
The Justice Department interprets the statute to mean that the Attorney General can make unlimited appointments under § 546(a) unless and until one of those appointments reaches the 120-day limit, at which point the appointing power shifts to the district court. A defendant being prosecuted by Ms. Habba reads the statute more narrowly, arguing that while § 546 allows the Attorney General to make appointments of different individuals, it imposes an aggregate limit for all such appointments of 120 days.
The district court agreed with the defendant, concluding that the defendant's reading was "textually sound" because
under section 546(c)(2), the 120-day limit, is benchmarked only to "appointment by the Attorney General under this section." It does not refer to "the person's appointment." In grammatical terms, there is no article, definite or indefinite, to describe the appointment to which section 546(c)(2) refers. But the text has not left us without guidance. The statute tells us that the 120 days are counted from "appointment by the Attorney General under this section." The Attorney General makes such appointment when she invokes section 546(a). So the 120-day clock begins running when the Attorney General first invokes section 546(a) and makes an appointment.
The Justice Department had argued that the introductory language of sub-section (c)—"[a] person appointed …."—should carry through to the "appointment" referred to in § 546(c)(2). To me, that seems like a straightforward, sensibly reading of the statute. But the district court disagreed, for three reasons.
First, the district court rejected the Department's interpretation because it "rewrit[es] the unmodified term "appointment" as "her appointment" or "that appointment." But one could just as easily say that it is the district court's interpretation that "rewrites" the statute, because the district rewrites the unmodified term "appointment" to be "any appointment."
Second, the district court concluded that under the Department's reading, restating the phrase "under this section" (found in both (c) and (c)(2)) becomes a redundancy
because a section-546 appointment "is the only type of appointment to which [the phrase] could apply. But courts should give 'every clause and word of a statute' . . . meaning.' [citing cases]. Giving meaning to the second use of 'under this section' indicates that that subsection (c)(2) refers more broadly to any appointment 'under this section.'"
This interpretation is odd. To make its reading of the statute work, the district court has to give the exact same words—"under this section"—two different interpretations, even though they are found just forty words apart from each other in the same statutory provision. The district court's interpretation crashes headlong into a standard rule of statutory construction—the presumption of consistent usage. As Justice Scalia and Bryan Garner articulate the presumption: "A word or phrase is presumed to bear the same meaning through a text …." Scalia & Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 170 (2012) (citing cases).
Moreover, under the Justice Department's interpretation of the statute, the second use of the phrase "under this section" in subsection (c)(2) is not a redundancy. In subsection (c)(2), the phrase clarifies that, in contrast to subsection (c)(1)'s reference to § 541, subsection (c)(2)'s reference is to "this section"—i.e., to § 546. That interpretation gives meaning to the phrase—and, indeed, a consistent meaning to the phrase throughout the statute.
Third, the district court believed that the introductory language "under this section" clearly does not "modify the other barring provision in section 546(c)(1), which is indisputably benchmarked to an event unrelated to any specific person's interim appointment: Senate confirmation of the President's nominee." But this point is a non sequitur. The issue is not whether the phrase "under this section" somehow "modifies" the latter language found in section (c). The issue is what the phrase means. The fact that the Senate confirmation of a U.S. Attorney terminates an interim appointment does not shed light on the meaning of the phrase.
The district court has one last consequentialist argument up its sleeve. The court claims that statutory "context" must mean that the 120-day clock runs out after a first invocation of section 546, because "[a]ccepting the Government's reading would give the Executive a permanent means of thwarting that provision by terminating every section 546(a) appointment on its 119th day" (emphasis added). The district court's bias in interpretating the statute is revealed in the word "thwarting." The Executive is not "thwarting" judicial power when it elects to make a successive appointment of a U.S. Attorney under section 546(a). Instead, it is simply eliminating any occasion for the judiciary to step in. Indeed, an Executive Branch appointment of the U.S. Attorney should be normal course of events. If there is any impermissible "thwarting" going on, it would seem to come from interpreting the statute to allow a judicial branch appointment of an interim U.S. Attorney against the wishes of the Executive.
To be sure, the Executive might elect to allow the judiciary to make an appointment, particularly where there has been cooperation in selecting the person. But an interpretation giving the Executive the final word over who will serve in important U.S. Attorney positions seems much to be preferred over the district court's assertion of judicial power.
But an even more glaring problem with the district court's analysis about recurring 119-day appointments is its failure to analyze what might be termed recurring 121-day terminations. The district court concedes that under 28 U.S.C. § 541(c), the President has the power to terminate a judicially appointed U.S. Attorney. See Op. at 33. So under the district court's "contextual" reading of the statute, the result is that, after 120 days, the judiciary can appoint an interim U.S. Attorney against the wishes of the Executive, and then the next day (the 121st day), the Executive can terminate that interim U.S. Attorney. And, at that point, there is a clearly a "vacancy" existing in the U.S. Attorney's Office, over which the Executive Branch then has control.
Indeed, the striking omission in the district court's 77-page opinion is that it tells us who is not exercising the powers of the U.S. Attorney in New Jersey—while begging the question of who is exercising those powers. Under the district court's ruling, those powers are clearly not being exercised by the judicially-appointed First Assistant (Ms. Grace). She has been terminated by President Trump. And under the rest of the district court's opinion, it would appear that there is no available First Assistant who is eligible to step in and serve as the Acting U.S. Attorney. (Recall that Mr. Khanna has left the Department.)
So to determine who is running things in New Jersey now, under the district court's decision, we apparently have to go back to first principles, with the Attorney General being the head of the Justice Department and entitled to exercise all of the functions of the Justice Department. See 28 U.S.C. § 509. And, of course, the Attorney General can't be everywhere at all times, and so she is entitled to have other Justice Department employees assist her in carrying out the Department's duties. And for New Jersey, Attorney General Bondi has made it clear that she wants Ms. Habba to carry out the Department's duties in New Jersey—and thus could apparently delegate that responsibility to Ms. Habba.
I admit my analysis here could be critiqued. But at least I have set out analysis for who is currently in charge of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Jersey. The district court has not told us who, in its view is in charge—a stunning omission with significant practical consequences, ameliorated only by the fact that the district court has stayed its ruling to permit an appeal.
I'll stop my statutory analysis here, in the interest of keeping this post somewhat limited. But I should emphasize that I'm writing only about how judicial appointments should be handled in the context of vacant U.S. Attorney positions. As I have discussed in my earlier posts, different considerations exist when the judiciary is exercising authority on a case-specific basis (such as appointing a special prosecutor to pursue a contempt of court prosecution). Supreme Court precedent clearly allow judicial appointments in these contexts. See, e.g., Young v. U.S. ex rel. Vuitton et Fils S.A., 481 U.S. 787, 793 (1987).
My view is that the district court's statutory ruling will be—and should be—swiftly reversed, either by Third Circuit or, if necessary, the Supreme Court. In the end, it makes sense to read the statutory scheme to allow the Attorney General to appoint someone whom she has confidence in to carry out the President's policies.
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Can Bondi personally try cases in NJ if she wants?
Can Bondi assign tasks to the USA?
Fine, all the paperwork goes through DC for Bondi to sign,
Abba appears in court, and whomever the judges wish to
appoint as USA is given the task of counting every sheet of paper
to make sure that the department isn't being cheated by reams that don't have a full 500 sheets in them.
I don't agree with the Judge that the president is flouting congress. He put forth a nominee, and they refused to have a vote because of a hold. The president did his part and gave a nominee. This would differently story if Ms. Habba had been voted down by the congress.
But according to the administration's interpretation of the law, we never got to the end of the 120 day window. So Congress didn't refuse to act, Trump pulled the nomination before they had a chance to (in theory at least).
I also don't find Cassel's analysis persuasive because there's no requirement that anyone actually be in charge in NJ. And to the extent there's not, it's the fault of the administration because they fired the person who had been selected through the mechanism laid out by Congress. Sure, Trump has the right to fire Grace, but there's consequences to that decision.
I think it'd be hilarious if Bondi appointed Habba as Special Counsel.
It'd be very funny to see every fair-weather-principled Trump hater fall all over themselves in rejecting the constitutionality of her appointment.
I think it'd be hilarious if tylertusta posted something he thought would be a hilarious hypothetical but were actually true. Bondi did appoint Habba as special counsel, citing the exact same statutes that were used to appoint Jack Smith. Which nobody has complained about. What people have complained about is that this doesn't entitle her to be USA.
I think it's hilarious that crazy Dave thought he posted something that was clever but was actually his usual bull pucky. Bondi did NOT appoint Habba as a "special counsel, citing the exact same statutes that were used to appoint Jack Smith." She appointed Habba as a Special Attorney, which was in no way similar to the illegal, unconstitutional appointment of the thug Smith as a sort of independent "Special Counsel."
And I can imagine the troll storm of obnoxious comments if I had posted something as demonstrably wrong as this. Now though…crickets. I guess it would go against the troll code to challenge one of their own.
This is why people hate lawyers. They spend lots of energy trying to convince everyone else that the plain reading of the law is wrong and in fact means the complete opposite of what it says
It is clear that Congress wrote the law to prevent the exact game Trump is trying to pull now.
No....Congress wrote the law such that if Habba was voted down by Congress, she couldn't be appointed. It didn't write it such that if Congress took no action.
Sometimes, what seems obvious is not so obvious. Other times, the process provides a test and helps strengthen the law in the process.
People hate lawyers but still want them on their side.
Lawyers are also not the only people who challenge "obvious" positions, which sometimes are not so obvious.
It might prove wise to decide that anyone who takes a properly administered oath of office is thereby presumptively empowered to exercise the powers of the office. (If I recall correctly, there is Civil War era precedent for doing that.)
And then rule that officials who do take oaths, including judges and justices, can be tried criminally if federal grand juries at their own initiative hand down presentments for oath breaking.
But I would be content if such punishments did not include criminal penalties, but only civil disbarment from holding further sworn office in the United States. I would insist that federal grand juries, as tribunes of the jointly sovereign people, have inherent power to conduct such trials on their own, whether or not the administration or the judiciary object. If an oath of office is taken to uphold the people's Constitution, then the people themselves seem obviously the most competent authority to judge their satisfaction with the performance of the oath.
The President and Vice President of the United States could be excepted, on a basis that victory in a national election is sufficient proof of the people's approval that no particular grand jury ought to be empowered to overturn so broad a mandate. No other government figures who are not the victors in national elections ought to be exempted from grand jury review of their oath-keeping performance.
What in the world does this have to do with anything this blog post is addressing?
"...then the people themselves seem obviously the most competent authority to judge their satisfaction with the performance of the oath."
Okay, sure Jan.
It's a bizarre ruling.
Rachael Honig was an acting USA in NJ for more than 10 months. The court's ruling would appear to invalidate more than 1/2 her time. NJ has several other acting USAs who have exceeded the 120 day limit.
Honig was the first assistant when the vacancy arose, so she was entitled to serve as the acting US attorney under the FVRA.
If I understand Cassell's summary (and maybe I do not, not because of any deficiency on his part), the district court has decided that after the 120 days have passed, only the district court, and not the executive branch, can fill this position on a temporary basis until a nominee is confirmed by the Senate. This is not about Habba in particular being ineligible.
That seems...problematic.
"That seems...problematic."
Why?
But also: if you don't like it, Congress can change that by changing the law. The court isn't saying this is some immutable law of physics, just interpreting the law as it's written today.
I don't think it's either your fault or Cassell's. It's that there's a bunch of moving parts involved in the FVRA — which is why the opinion is 70 pages — and he's only discussing the part applicable to Habba. It is in fact about Habba being ineligible. (Of course, lots of people are ineligible, not just her. But that doesn't mean everyone is.)
The court reasons that the AG gets a single 120-day max period where she can staff the office with an interim appointee. That appointee can be replaced as many times as desired but only within the single 120-day limit. Once it expires without a confirmed regular appointee, the AG loses this ability and the court gets to choose a non-time-bounded interim appointee.
The rationale for this interpretation is that it furthers the objective of preventing the administration from gaming the system. I agree that it would have made sense for Congress to have wanted this result, but if it was in fact their desire they would have taken more care to draft the statute to make it unambiguous.
Will no one rid us of these meddling lawyers?
Eliminating the text which is irrelevant to the point at issue, we’re left with a sentence as follows :
“A person appointed as United States attorney under this section may serve until …..the expiration of 120 days after appointment by the Attorney General under this section.”
And we’re wondering whether it is “her” or “an” which Congress omitted before the word “appointment.”
If the sentence had been written, or spoken, by a Russian speaking English, “an” might be plausible. Russians often omit the definite and indefinite article when speaking English, because Russian doesn’t use them. But native English speakers do not. Hence ‘an” is not a plausible candidate for an omission in this sentence.
Here’s that same sentence with the opening “A” omitted and with the second “the” omitted :
“Person appointed as United States attorney under this section may serve until …..the expiration of 120 days after appointment by Attorney General under this section.”
It sounds weird. It sounds like a Russian speaking. No native English speaker would attempt a sentence like that.
Whereas our other candidate for omission is “her” – which is an adjective denoting “of or relating to him or himself especially as possessor, agent, or object of an action”
And omitting it does not sound odd in the sentence. Just as no oddness is detected in comparable sentences where a possessive adjective is omitted :
“John never argued a case in court before appointment as a district judge”
“Dolores was a hooker but retired from the profession on marriage.”
“The Pope was reluctant to take on the huge responsibility, but accepted as a matter of duty, on election.”
Aside from this fairly obvious point about usage, the fact that the sentence begins by referencing a particular person’s appointment is in any event a contextual hint that that is the “appointment” referred to later on in the sentence.
To put a word to it, they aren't ... articulate?
On the contrary, it is refreshing that a court confines its answer to the question it was asked.
No, it is thwarting legislative power when it does so, since Congress was the one who decided that judges would make the appointment in these situations.
Yes, this was the least persuasive part of Cassell's analysis. The Constitution gives Congress the power to determine who will be the USA and specifically allows them to delegate that power to the courts. Congress has used that power to decide when the President may make appointments and when the courts may do so, and other than Cassell's personal bias there's no reason that the Constitution favors Congress designating executive appointments as the "normal course of events".
While the opinion doesn't state it, who holds the power of the US Attorney in New Jersey is evident from the opinion: currently, no one. Under the FVRA, there was no 1st Assistant when the vacancy occurred, so no one automatically got it. Under section 546, the 120-day limit is expired, so only the district court can appoint someone. They had appointed someone, but Trump lawfully removed the court-appointed person, so no one is currently holding that office.
I would say that then leads to the question of who, under the framework the opinion sets out for reading the statute, could be appointed. I suppose the stricter FVRA provisions in 3345 a(2) and 3345 a(3) could be exercised--presumably Trump could even direct Habba to fill the office under a(3)? But could the district court make an additional appointment under 546(d), or since they already exercised that option when the expiration occurred, have they similarly spent their only opportunity under that section?
If the analysis in your first paragraph is correct, then there is a vacancy for the office of US Attorney in New Jersey. Which would bring us back to :
"§ 546 (a) Except as provided in subsection (b), the Attorney General may appoint a United States attorney for the district in which the office of United States attorney is vacant."
So once upon a time there was a vacancy, it was filled by the AG appointing someone, the time limit expired and the district court appointed someone who was fired, so now we're back at the beginning.
There's a vacancy which the AG can fill by appointment. Whether Ms Habba can be appointed depends on how you read § 546 (b). But it's in the AG's hands. If the AG doesn't appoint anyone then the District Court doesn't get the chance to do its own appointment. If she does and the 120 day clock runs out, then the District Court can have another go.
I presume the AG did not simply reappoint Ms Habba under § 546 (a) when the deputy was informed she was being fired if she had been appointed, because of uncertainties over § 546 (b).
Wow. The once-conventionally conservative idea that courts should only address the question brought before them by the parties, and not act as professors of knight-errancy seeking to answer all possible questions and right all wrongs on matters not before them, now is used as a basis for a claim that a court acted improperly and its opinion set aside! And not only that, by a person calling himself a conservative! Conservatism sure isn’t what it used to be.
Mr. Cassell seems to believe that the office of US Attorney for the New Jersey has to be filled. He abhors a vacuum . But the constitution has no such abhorance. It provides for vacancies in various offices such as President and Senator. in several places. There’s no reason this office can’t now be vacant.
If Mr. Cassell thinks someone else is now lawfully the acting U.S. attorney, let that person file a court document and get contested by an opposing party. Then the issue of whether that person is the lawful acting U. S. Attorney will be properly before and get decided by the courts.
I think your letting your derangement syndrome get the best of you. Mr. Cassell has in previous posts explained his position on who is lawfully the acting US attorney.
The electronic ink is not even dry on this decision, yet you're demanding that for Cassell to be correct, the rightful acting US attorney should file a court document. How did you expect such a thing to happen in less than 24 hours? I expect it will happen shortly.
If Cassell thinks Habba is legally the acting US attorney right now, he's not making the argument that position has to be filled. Given that Congress has purportedly given the authority to fill to the position to the district court after no action on a nominee within the 120 temporary appointment limit, it would seem you're blaming the wrong entity. It's not Cassell but Congress that thinks that, given the statute. Oh, but also the administration too, given its shuffling to again put Habba in that role.
You are reading many things into my words that I never said.
I simply said that the question of who the real US attorney is, if anyone, was not before the court, so the court was entirely correct not to decide it. I also said that if Mr. Cassell wants the question decided, he will have to wait for a case where the question is at issue.
I demanded nothing of Mr. Cassell. Perhaps he might have standing to bring such a case himself; I don’t see how, but I don’t know for sure. Perhaps he might want to do so. But I certainly didn’t demand that he do so.