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Cancellation of DEI-Related Grants Likely Violates First Amendment, Ninth Circuit Holds
Today's Ninth Circuit decision in Thakur v. Trump (Judge Morgan B. Christen, joined by Judges Richard A. Paez and Roopali H. Desai) denied a stay pending appeal of a district court preliminary injunction that blocked the cancellation of certain research grants. In the process, the court concluded that the cancellation likely violated the First Amendment:
Plaintiffs are six researchers at the University of California (UC) who applied for and received multi-year federal research grants from … the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) … and the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH)….
In April 2025, EPA and NEH sent form letters to Plaintiffs informing them that their grants were terminated. The EPA form letter states: "the award no longer effectuates the program goals or agency priorities. The objectives of the award are no longer consistent with EPA funding priorities." The NEH form letter states: "[y]our grant no longer effectuates the agency's needs and priorities," and informs the recipient that "NEH is repurposing its funding allocations in a new direction in furtherance of the President's agenda."
Plaintiffs allege that these terminations resulted from agency implementation of at least eight Executive Orders the President issued in January and February 2025: Executive Orders 14173, 14151, 14168, 14154, 14217, 14238, 14158, and 14222. Executive Orders 14173 and 14151 (the "DEI Executive Orders") seek to eliminate diversity, equity, and inclusion ("DEI") and diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility ("DEIA") policies and initiatives from all aspects of the federal government. More specifically, Executive Order No. 14173, Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity, states that "critical and influential institutions of American society," including the federal government and institutions of higher education, "have adopted and actively use dangerous, demeaning, and immoral race-and sex-based preferences under the guise of so-called 'diversity, equity, and inclusion' (DEI) or 'diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility' (DEIA) that can violate the civil-rights laws of this Nation." This Executive Order directs the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to "[e]xcise references to DEI and DEIA principles under whatever name they may appear," including federal grants.
Executive Order No. 14151, Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing, instructs "each agency, department, or commission head," to provide the director of OMB with a list of all "[f]ederal grantees who received [f]ederal funding to provide or advance DEI, DEIA, or 'environmental justice' programs, services, or activities since January 20, 2021." This Executive Order directs agency heads to assess the operational impact and cost of those specified grants and recommend action. It expressly directs agency heads to "terminate … all … 'equity-related' grants." Similarly, Executive Order No. 14168, titled Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government, directs that "federal funds shall not be used to promote gender ideology." …
The government argues that the district court abused its discretion when it concluded that the DEI Termination Class was likely to succeed on the merits of its First Amendment claim that the agencies unlawfully terminated their grants based on their viewpoint. The government relies on the significant flexibility it is afforded when acting as a patron to subsidize speech, as opposed to when it regulates speech as a sovereign. The government argues that it "can, without violating the Constitution, selectively fund a program to encourage certain activities it believes to be in the public interest" to the exclusion of other activities. Rust v. Sullivan (1991); Regan v. Tax'n With Representation of Wash. (1983). In support, the government relies on NEA v. Finley (1998) to argue that there is a First Amendment violation only when the government uses its sovereign power to "drive 'certain ideas or viewpoints from the marketplace'"—not when the government simply ceases funding those ideas or viewpoints.
In our view, the government misreads Finley. There, Congress amended the National Endowment for the Arts's (NEA) reauthorization bill to require that grant applications be evaluated by "taking into consideration general standards of decency and respect for the diverse beliefs and values of the American public." The Plaintiffs, performance artists who applied for grants, brought a facial challenge to the amendment and argued that it violated their First Amendment rights. Importantly, the Plaintiffs "d[id] not allege discrimination in any particular funding decision," and therefore, the Supreme Court "ha[d] no occasion … to address an as-applied challenge in a situation where the denial of a grant may be shown to be the product of invidious viewpoint discrimination." The Court explained that "[i]f the NEA were to leverage its power to award subsidies on the basis of subjective criteria into a penalty on disfavored viewpoints, then [it] would confront a different case." The Court went on to emphasize that "even in the provision of subsidies, the Government may not 'aim at the suppression of dangerous ideas.'" Id. (quoting Regan).
Contrary to the government's argument, this case does not appear to be one in which an agency decided not to "fund a program." See Rust. Rather, it is one in which more than a dozen agencies selected particular grants for termination regardless of the programs through which they were funded, based on their connection to DEI, DEIA, and environmental justice. Thus, we "confront a different case" than Finley (where plaintiffs brought a facial challenge to Congress's mandate that NEA consider standards of decency in awarding grants), Rust (where plaintiffs brought a facial challenge to HHS regulations interpreting Title X's prohibition on funding for abortion services), and Regan (where plaintiffs brought a facial challenge to the IRS's requirement that organizations refrain from lobbying to qualify for § 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status).
Plaintiffs' as-applied challenge is closer to Rosenberger v. Rector (1995). In that case, the University of Virginia made funds available to cover printing costs for student newspapers. The University denied a Christian newspaper's application for funds because the newspaper engaged in "religious activity" by "promot[ing] or manifest[ing] a particular belie[f] in or about a deity or an ultimate reality," conduct prohibited by the University's guidelines for student activity funding. The Court concluded that the University "d[id] not exclude religion as a subject matter" but "select[ed] for disfavored treatment those student journalistic efforts with religious editorial viewpoints." Id. ("[W]hen the State is the speaker, it may make content-based choices," but "[h]aving offered to pay the third-party contractors on behalf of private speakers who convey their own messages, the [State] may not silence the expression of selected viewpoints.").
Here, the record at this stage shows that the agencies selected grants for termination based on viewpoint. Indeed, the government does not meaningfully dispute that DEI, DEIA, and environmental justice are viewpoints. The agencies, the termination letters, and the Executive Orders do not define these terms, but dictionary definitions demonstrate that DEI, DEIA, and environmental justice are not merely neutral topics. Instead, the terms convey the viewpoint that the exclusion of historically disadvantaged groups is undesirable.
We are bound by the bedrock principle that the government cannot "leverage its power to award subsidies on the basis of subjective criteria into a penalty on disfavored viewpoints" or "aim at the suppression of dangerous ideas" in the provision of subsidies. Finley (quoting Regan). The government does not dispute that it terminated the subject grants because they promoted DEI, DEIA, or environmental justice. We therefore conclude that the government has failed to make a strong showing that the district court abused its discretion when it concluded that the DEI Termination Class was likely to succeed on the merits of its First Amendment claim.
The agencies' implementation of the DEI Executive Orders reinforces our conclusion. McDonald's declaration states that NEH staff reviewed open grants in light of the DEI Executive Orders, and NEH's "policy for selecting grants for termination at NEH focused first on identifying open grants that focused on or promoted (in whole or in part) 'environmental justice,' 'diversity, equity, and inclusion,' or 'diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility,' and 'gender ideology.'" NEH created and used spreadsheets that identified grants as "either 'High, Medium, Low, or No Connection' in terms of the Executive Orders." Coogan's declaration states that the grant termination process "began by looking at grant titles and project descriptions." Although his declaration states that the EPA reviewed and terminated grants "independent from" the Executive Orders, the EPA's public announcements state the opposite. For example, on March 10, 2025, the EPA announced that it "cancelled grants and contracts related to DEI and environmental justice."
Because the current record suggests that the government aimed at the suppression of speech that views DEI, DEIA, and environmental justice favorably, the government has not shown that it is likely to succeed on the merits of its claim that the district court abused its discretion when it concluded the agencies likely terminated the grants based on viewpoint.
For more on plaintiffs' Administrative Procedure Act claims, which the court also viewed favorably, see the opinion.
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>JUST IN - U.S. Supreme Court rules 5-4 that Trump can cut $783 million in NIH "diversity, equity, and inclusion" funding — AP
This won't last. If DEI funding can be cut from NIH, surely it be cut elsewhere.
It is like the planned parenthood money - once leftists get some of that sweet, sweet taxpayer money - it must be funded in perpetuity. I'm sure the usual suspects will be along shortly to explain how meaningful research can never happen again because money isn't going to fund DEI nonsense.
This isn't about funding in perpetuity; this is about early terminations of grants with a specific period of performance.
And if you think only leftists can right a grant that includes researching or supporting diversity or inclusion or equity or accessibility, you really think poorly about the non-left.
“…right a grant…”
Teeheehee.
Just bustin’ your bollocks. I would have preferred the grammar Nazi Malik make the typo. As much as I find your takes typical leftist agitprop, I am confident you know “right” from, not wrong, but “write.”
Conservatives don't waste their time on stupid ideological, meaningless bullshit.
That's not what the Supreme Court ruled. What the Supreme Court did was to partially grant an application for a stay of the lower court's ruling.
Great news that USSC ruling.
IANAL but . . . . seems to me that this 9th Circuit ruling is an attempt by the plaintiffs to try a different approach.
For me, the big takeaway from the USSC decision is that it reiterates that if a party has a complaint that the Feds haven't paid what they think they are owed, according to the law, it needs to take this up with the Court of Federal Claims -- not a District Court.
For this 9th Circuit case, looks like the plaintiffs here have successfully (for now) cast their dispute, not as a more-or-less commercial "you need to pay us what you agreed to pay us" dispute but as a 1A constitutional claim. Stay tuned.
'Terminating a grant based on viewpoint' does not seem like it can be a plausible 1A violation. A grant is a way of hiring someone to do research for the government. Terminating a grant is a way of saying 'we don't want that work done anymore'.
To the extent that is speech at all, that seems like the government's own speech - speech for which the 1A does not apply. The grantees might have a breach of contract claim but I don't see a 1A claim there regardless of the basis for the government deciding to stop buying those services.
This is an adverse decision made regarding groups and individuals based *entirely* on their viewpoint.
Not seeing that it isn't viewpoint discrimination.
And expressive association as applied to the government proves way too much; it'd allow all sorts of discrimination based on viewpoint or otherwise under cover of 'we want to disassociate with that group.'
You're missing the point that the grants were originally issued entirely on the basis of their viewpoint. It was work for hire. Buyers, including government buyers, are allowed to change their minds and stop buying.
To your last point, revoking these grants is not 'disassociation with that group', it's 'we don't want that work done regardless of by whom'.
grants were originally issued entirely on the basis of their viewpoint
Explicitly untrue.
Technical merit is not a viewpoint-based decision.
You keep using contracts language like 'buyers' but grants don't buy anything.
'we don't want the work done' would be a program decision. This is, as the court pointed out, a project-level decision. Based on the abstract of the specific application.
They were DEI grants, of course they were on the basis of their viewpoint of being DEI research.
Wtf are you doing? Be a better person.
I'm all but certain that this one is also DOA. The plaintiff and the 9th Cir Court is making the same three card Monty argument that the first circuit tried in the just decided in the NIH case.
Look, another 9th Circuit decision that will be overturned. How dare Trump disfavor groups based on viewpoint who were favored because of viewpoint to the exclusion of others.
The obverse of discriminating against a certain viewpoint is discriminating in favor of a viewpoint.
Never mind the absurd stupidity of the EPA needing a study evaluating DEI initiatives. Who needs science when you have feelz? “It makes a difference if a black homo puts the water sample in a mass spectrometer instead of a straight white guy. Our study is important.”
We just don't like what you're doing so you damn well better stop doing it! Seems to me that if the government approved the grant in the first place - not knowing what the conclusions of the research might be - they should at least see the work through to its concluding report. Bitch all you want then, but don't cut things off in mid-stream. JMHO.
You hire me to put up a building. Part way through, you realize you don't need the building anyway. Or maybe better, you hire me to design a new fighter jet. In both scenarios, assume (as is applicable above) that the work you've done to date is paid for. Under either of those scenarios, why are you obligated to continue to pay me to do work you no longer want done? By the same reasoning, why should you continue paying for research that you don't care about anymore?
why should you continue paying for research that you don't care about anymore?
If the reason you don't care anymore is you're targeting a viewpoint for negative government action.
They're targeting a research question they don't care about anymore for government action.
The very fact you, and the court, keep calling it “viewpoint” discrimination lends merit to it being unscientific or un-technical to begin with. It’s really hard to argue “our research is non-viewpoint based, but you can discriminate based on our viewpoint.”
That’s what you’re going with, really?
"the government does not meaningfully dispute that DEI, DEIA, and environmental justice are viewpoints"
Which is a backwards way of saying that it DID dispute that they are viewpoints, the court just wasn't persuaded. Otherwise the court wouldn't have inserted that "meaningfully".
If you state that how in the hell do you also argue they can’t be discriminated against because of viewpoint?
The government, at least in part, chose to fund a viewpoint. They sure as hell should be able to cancel the viewpoint. And considering that viewpoint is grounded on an unconstitutional platform of promoting a specific class over other protected classes (race, gender, creed, nationality), it should be defunded—regardless of the 9ths feelz.
The whole point of having democratic elections is to give the people an opportunity to redirect the course of the government by electing the other party, and thereby change all kinds of funding and other policies. The people did choose to elect the other party last year. To then deny the new administration the ability to cut of funding is incredibly undemocratic. These people knew when they applied for government money that there was a risk it would be cut off if political winds shifted.
The counter-argument, of course, is that DEI is the promotion of invidious discrimination, and as such, the 14th amendment actually prohibits funding it.
Since you're going off the Brett version of DEI, Good luck proving that in court.
Show me a DEI initiative that says the melanin level, number of X chromosomes, or sexual preference has nothing to do with one’s ability to perform the requisite tasks and I might listen to alternate definitions of DEI.
Ya know, non-discriminatory initiatives.
Not to mention the absolute batshit philosophy that outcomes should be equitabl.
First, my point was that you can't prove that in court because it's based on vibes.
Anyhow, as to your question, there are tons of DEI initiatives don't mention race, gender, or sex.
First time college goers; military-connected families; coming from more rural states. All of them have specific demographic challenges that require specifically tailored outreach and support.
And all these have dedicated outreach and inclusion programs. Or did. In my agency only the last one remains after the admin said DEI was bad.
Another great example is University of Michigan's new DEI programs. Same money, focused on support that I personally think does more to make the school more accessible to diverse backgrounds than any formally targeted affirmative action push.
https://record.umich.edu/articles/u-m-announces-important-changes-to-dei-programs/
nut graph:
"In the months ahead, the university will shift resources to increase investments in student-facing programs, such as financial aid, mental health resources, pre-professional counseling and other efforts that strengthen community, promote a sense of belonging and expand accessibility. "
So, your evidence that DEI doesn't have to be racist is that U of M has announced (Maybe sincerely, but that's not the way to bet.) that it's going to CANCEL its racist DEI programs?
I realize you're pretty committed to denying that DEI is racist, but that is still an obvious line of argument that the administration can pursue: That it is actually constitutionally obligated to not fund racist programs.
And your record or winning in court on DEI not being racist isn't stellar.
You linked to a secondary source interpreting my primary source so you could reinterpret it?
And you ignored my third paragraph.
I don't know why you're so passionately committed to whites being oppressed in America in contravention of all evidence, but you sure didn't reason your way into that position.
No, you were being a bit mealy mouthed about what's actually going on: U of M has shut down multiple DEI initiatives, under heavy pressure. From your own source:
"The changes, outlined in a March 27 email message from university leaders to the Ann Arbor and Michigan Medicine communities, include closing the Office of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion and the Office for Health Equity and Inclusion as well as discontinuing the DEI 2.0 Strategic Plan. The changes are effective immediately."
University of Michigan abruptly closes DEI offices and ends strategic plan to promote diversity
"U of M Board of Regents Chair Sarah Hubbard, a Republican, defended the changes, posting on social media that the money being saved by ending its diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives would instead be used “to support making Michigan more affordable for our students and families through expansion of the Go Blue Guarantee to family incomes of $125,000 or less and other student facing supports.” Hubbard insisted that “eliminating bureaucratic overspending” would make U of M more accessible."
What you're touting as proof that DEI isn't racist, is actually the university shutting DEI down and devoting the savings to non-racist initiatives.
Of of M calls it DEI. They are spending the same resources on different inclusive stuff.
You're like 'they closed a the office the called DEI, so it doesn't count.
You're using the trees to ignore the forst.
This is your pattern - if it says it's DEI and you don't hate it, you insist it's not really DEI.
BUT if the administration is eliminating it and calls it DEI, you think that's great whether or not you would otherwise hate it.
It's a stupid and closed system that seems to exist only for you to stay mad forever and rationalize lawless authoritarianism thereby.
You are literally using what they've started doing instead of DEI as 'proof' that DEI isn't racist. Your own source says they redirected the funds!
Here's the Brett loop:
'DEI is anti-white-straight-male. If it's not that, it's just a liberal smokescreen and not really DEI.'
::trump lawlessly goes after something and claims it's DEI by some definition way broader then Brett's definition::
'Great job, Trump! Gotta root out that DEI. It is always, as I've already proven, always anti-white-straight-male.'
I don't know what's driving your consistent embrace of this tautological fallacy, but it sure isn't reason.
Sarcastr0, there's an old adage that when you're in a hole, you should stop digging. You should have stopped digging hours ago.
Sarcastr0, you are arguing U of M is still doing DEI except they are doing different things and under a different moniker.
I don’t know if it was you or possibly David Nieporent (I’m betting David) that has a reasonable take on DEI. The courts have accepted that DEI is meant to promote specific classes of people above others and it is unconstitutional. Yes, one can diversify and include different groups without it being unconstitutional. You, and I do mean you personally, can carry over the DEI umbrella to encompass constitutional measures that include diversity and inclusion. That doesn’t mean we accept your rational the measures are still “DEI.”
DEI, as understood by the public, is unconstitutional. Initiatives that lawfully incorporate diversity and inclusion are not DEI. It can be done as you listed (even if I don’t respond I read). But those you listed are not based on unconstitutional criteria such as race, gender, creed, or nationality.
You want to hire injured veterans? Great!!! It’s not unconstitutional to discriminate against the non-injured and/or non-veteran community. It is unconstitutional if you want to hire because they are black injured veterans, but not white.
Get it yet?
It's kind of a field, motte, and bailey defense, I guess: The bailey has been overrun, the motte lies in ruins, but the army is hiding nearby in the woods, ready to return and rebuild when the occupier leaves, so can you really say the castle has fallen?
I am absolutely in awe of how determined Sarcastr0 is to die on the hill of DEI.
Yes, DEI being unconstitutional is just my vibes. Promoting one race, gender, or creed over another is just my feelz it is unconstitutional.
Yes, and as the Bob Jones case shows the government can engage in viewpoint discrimination when it comes to funding racial discrimination.
Chalk up another 9th Cir slap down by the Supes.
Is that "supes" or "dupes?"
Let's see what things look like with the shoe on the other foot. Suppose that the Trump administration, to gratify its evangelical supporters, issues a number of long-term grants to fund creation-science research. Come 2029, would the incoming Warren administration be able to cancel those grants, or would they continue for the duration stated at the time of their issuing? For that matter, would it be possible to issue a perpetual grant, of so much per annum, inflation-adjusted, until the Last Trump sounds?
would it be possible to issue a perpetual grant
Assuming Congress appropriates money each year, since grants say each year's funding assumes no lapse in appropriations.
2 CFR § 200.77 - Period of performance.
"The Federal awarding agency or pass-through entity must include start and end dates of the period of performance in the Federal award."
Here's what stands out to me. The court relies on Rosenberger v Rector (1995). In that case, the plaintiff Christian newspaper didn't have a grant terminated. Its initial application for funding was denied. But here the 9th Circuit is saying that terminating a grant is unconstitutional. If, tomorrow, someone applies for a grant that is for all relevant purposes the same as the ones at issue, and the federal government denies that grant application, have the applicant's First Amendment rights been violated? If we take seriously that this is the same as Rosenberger, we would have to say 'yes'. But that strikes me as absurd. Of course these agencies will deny DEI grants at least until the end of the second Trump administration. And it seems obvious that they would not violate the First Amendment by doing so. It therefor seems that what the court is really saying is that these agencies have less discretion in terminating grants than in making grants. That is definitely not supported by Rosenberger, which was about making grants, not terminating them. And it does not make any conceptual sense either. Logically, it seems that an agencies discretion ought to be the same whether they are making or terminating a grant. I think the 9th Circuit got this one wrong, and I hope it is overturned either by the en banc court or by the Supreme Court.