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Does Judge Boasberg Still Have Jurisdiction To Pursue Criminal Contempt Proceedings?
Judge Katsas says no, Judge Rao leaves open the possibility.
Back in April, Judge Boasberg all but announced that he would appoint a special counsel to bring criminal contempt proceedings against Trump Administration officials. I wrote about those orders here, here, and here. A divided D.C. Circuit panel granted a stay (Katsas and Rao), with Judge Pillard in dissent. Today, the panel issued a divided opinion. Judges Katsas and Rao granted the government's mandamus petition, while Judge Pillard would have denied it. Judges Katsas and Rao agree on the bottom line, but they disagree on the reasoning. One particular point of disagreement has some significance for future proceedings.
Judge Katsas found that Judge Boasberg lacks jurisdiction to initiate any further proceedings, since the Supreme Court found that this case belongs in Texas, not D.C.
The impact of jurisdictional defects in subsequent criminal-contempt proceedings is unclear. Many cases hold that a court may not impose criminal contempt for violation of an order that it lacked jurisdiction to enter. The Supreme Court explained: "When … a court of the United States undertakes, by its process of contempt, to punish a man for refusing to comply with an order which that court had no authority to make, the order itself, being without jurisdiction, is void, and the order punishing for the contempt is equally void." Ex parte Fisk, 113 U.S. 713, 718 (1885); see, e.g., Ex parte Burrus, 136 U.S. 586, 597 (1890); In re Sawyer, 124 U.S. 200, 221–22 (1888); Ex parte Ayers, 123 U.S. 443, 485 (1887); Ex parte Rowland, 104 U.S. 604, 612–13 (1881). Two subsequent cases arguably weakened this rule, though neither purported to overrule these precedents. United States v. United Mine Workers of Am., 330 U.S. 258, 289–95 (1947); United States v. USCA Case #25-5124 Document #2129262 Filed: 08/08/2025 Page 36 of 110 Shipp, 203 U.S. 563, 573–75 (1906). Accordingly, as late as 1991, several circuits still recognized the traditional rule. See, e.g., In re Novak, 932 F.2d 1397, 1401 (11th Cir. 1991); In re Establishment Inspection of Hern Iron Works, Inc., 881 F.2d 722, 726–27 (9th Cir. 1989). In rejecting this view, the district court rested primarily on Willy v. Coastal Corporation, 503 U.S. 131 (1992), which held that courts may impose Rule 11 sanctions even in cases where they lack subject-matter jurisdiction. See id. at 137–39; Mem. Op. at 19–20. But in Willy, the Supreme Court reasoned that sanctions are collateral to the merits, so judges may require "those practicing before the courts to conduct themselves in compliance with the applicable procedural rules" while a case remains pending. 503 U.S. at 139. This rationale has no obvious application to injunctions restricting the primary conduct of parties outside of court, as opposed to the secondary conduct of parties in litigation. Indeed, the matter at issue in Willy—a monetary sanction of counsel's "careless pleading," id. at 133—is leagues apart from an injunction restricting the Executive Branch from carrying out a significant, cross-border, national-security operation.
As I read Katsas, the matter would end here, and Judge Boasberg can do no more with this case. That was my take back in April.
But based on my quick read, I'm not sure that Judge Rao agrees with that position. She finds that Judge Boasberg erred by using the threat of criminal contempt to obtain compliance with the initial TRO. The so-called "purge" option was an impermissible blending of civil and criminal contempt.
The purpose and effect of this preliminary order is to compel the government to exercise its foreign affairs powers to assert custody of the removed gang members. Id. at *20. The district court acknowledged that it can no longer coerce this action through civil contempt because its order was vacated by the Supreme Court. See id. at *8 (invoking the collateral-bar rule, which is available only in criminal contempt). Lacking the power to coerce the government, the district court nonetheless sought to achieve the same result with the threat of criminal contempt. Dangling this sword of Damocles to compel the Executive to exercise its foreign affairs powers exceeds the court's authority and is an abuse of discretion.
But Judge Rao did not rule out criminal contempt, in the abstract. Rao wrote:
Punishment through criminal contempt might still be available in these circumstances, but the district court cannot use the threat of such punishment as a backdoor to obtain compliance with a vacated and therefore unenforceable TRO.
A lot hangs on the word "might" (emphasis in the original).
Judge Pillard, in dissent, read Rao's opinion as saying the proceedings can continue. She wrote:
If we accept that the district court has jurisdiction to consider criminal contempt as a standalone matter, which Judge Rao does not appear to question, the inclusion of a "purge" option that defendants are entirely free to pretermit makes the order, if anything, less onerous.
If I'm reading the opinions correctly, Judge Boasberg on remand would have jurisdiction to proceed with some form of criminal contempt, minus the "purge" option that Judge Rao objected to.
Finally, Judge Katsas raised the Donziger problem.
Then the district court "will" appoint a private attorney to prosecute the Executive Branch, Mem. Op. at 44, which presents its own difficulties. The Supreme Court has held that courts "possess inherent authority to initiate contempt proceedings for disobedience to their orders, authority which necessarily encompasses the ability to appoint a private attorney to prosecute the contempt." Young v. United States ex rel. Vuitton et Fils S.A., 481 U.S. 787, 793 (1987). But that holding is hard to reconcile with that Court's more recent insistence that "[t]he Executive Branch—not the Judiciary—makes arrests and prosecutes offenses on behalf of the United States." United States v. Texas, 599 U.S. 670, 678–79 (2023); see also Donziger v. United States, 143 S. Ct. 868, 868–70 (2023) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari). In any event, Young itself acknowledged that the prosecutor must be "disinterested," and decisions regarding the prosecution must therefore be "all made outside the supervision of the court." 481 U.S. at 807. But then who would supervise such a prosecutor? If nobody did, the prosecutor would be an unconstitutionally appointed principal officer. See United States v. Arthrex, Inc., 594 U.S. 1, 18–19 (2021); United States v. Donziger, 38 F.4th 290, 296 (2d Cir. 2022). And if court-appointed prosecutors must be subject to supervision by the Attorney General, as the Second Circuit held in Donziger, see 38 F.4th at 299–300, then the private-prosecutor route will be as futile as it is provocative. Finally, the district court
Allowing Judge Boasberg to appoint a special counsel that is not supervised by anyone, and could not be removed, would be like a chimera between Alexia Morrison, Jack Smith, and Chief Judge Kimberly Moore--an unchecked prosecutor with absolute power, accountable to no one, assigned to take down a coordinate branch of government. What can go wrong?
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I think both schools of thought can be blended: 1) you cannot be in contempt of an order that the court ultimately had no authority to enter, but 2) you can be held in contempt for violating the procedural or conduct related rules of the court during the proceedings that predated the finding that the court had no jurisdiction.
That makes sense, but Boasberg is only interested in case (1).
I am going to disagree. I can see why you might want that to ensure judicial proceeding go smoothly (no one can claim the court has no jurisdiction and hope for the best - sovereign citizens) but *free people* should not be subject to the whims *and errors* (inadvertant or not) of the state.
Boasberg should have gotten all his ducks in a row rather than just assume that, *of course*, he has the authority to hear the case (granted the defense should have raised this from the get go to) - he owes the American people that much.
I disagree with the premise. One shouldn't be able to engage in self-help because one disagrees with the court's order. That way lies chaos.
Cannot imagine why anybody might think Boasberg would hold a grudge if he tried this again.
The idea that courts can order you to do things the court has no authority to order - and if you don't comply the court can't then lock you up . . .
It's kinda insane that there was ever a question.
I get that Boasberg may have made a 'good faith' error and/or that criminal contempt was kept on the table while the courts sorted out whether or not the underlying order was legal - but now that it's not how can there be any disagreement?
Totally agree. If an order is found invalid, there can be no case for contempt, criminal or civil.
I was thinking the same as Judge Rao in how Boasberg was abusing criminal contempt to try to backdoor civil contempt. I got flashbacks to Brian Steele's standing up to Judge Glanville.
I know the analogy is much less than perfect, but violating a court order that the court was without jurisdiction to issue seems a little like violating an unconstitutional law that Congress passed and the president signed. Should that person be punished anyway, in order to affirm and validate the power of Congress to pass laws? Should you go free for not conforming your conduct to an unconstitutional law, but go to jail for failing to conform to a court order that the court had no power to issue? Looks like judicial hubris to me.
I think the idea is that there is some process to determine whether a particular law is unconstitutional and during that process the court rules have to be respected.
If there is a law of questionable constitutionality and I am arrested for it, I can't throw a punch at the officer, escape from jail, turn the court proceedings into a farce and mockery by interrupting and then once it is decided the law is unconstitutional all of that goes away. The courts at least have limited jurisdiction to determine whether they have jurisdiction and that process has to be respected.
Now, I agree that what Boasberg did here was wholly improper. The analogy would be that after I did all of those bad things in challenging the ultimately unconstitutional law, the judge allowed me to purge myself of contempt by complying with the unconstitutional law. That is just a backdoor way of enforcing what cannot be enforced.
> If there is a law of questionable constitutionality and I am arrested for it, I can't throw a punch at the officer, escape from jail, turn the court proceedings into a farce and mockery by interrupting and then once it is decided the law is unconstitutional all of that goes away.
I think very much you can! If the law is unconstitutional they you have the *duty* to ignore it and fight against it.
Can you kill the officer?
What difference, at this point, does it make?
The federal judiciary has lost all respect first because of the politically motivated overreach of district judges and second because the supreme court has failed to clearly refute those actions and failed to impose sanctions on those judges.
If congress doesn't pass a law defining the limits of the district and appellate courts, the republic is done.
Some might say that the executive branch isn't exactly brimming with loads of genuine respect either. And nearly every action the executive branch has taken is politically motivated. But it's probably not overreach, because scotus has (more or less) said that executive overreach is impossible.
Traditionally it’s the team on defense that tries to tackle the running back. If the officials start tackling we raise an eyebrow.
The President and his team are players, just like the various loathsome creatures inhabiting Congress. They’re supposed to be politically motivated. Sure they’re all constrained by the law, just as football players are constrained by the rules.
But the officials are not players. And the polite fiction at least is that the judges are not players either, just honest umps.
It’s reasonable to object to politically motivated judges just as it is unreasonable to object to politically motivated Presidents. The latter are doing their assigned jobs, the former are abusing their powers to usurp the political branches.
SCOTUS has not said that executive branch overreach is impossible. It has said that district court overreach is possible, with respect to jurisdiction, standing, and irreparable harm.
It's only viewed as overreach for those who oppose these things on the policy grounds. Many of these things are not constitutional questions (deliberately setting the birthright citizenship EO aside), but statutory delegations by Congress. Which is why I'm in favor of Congress repealing much of this authority. I can't help the people who only want such authority used when their guy is in charge. I realize it's a shock to some, after many years of it not happening, for an administration actually enforcing immigration law. That some apparently includes some federal judges, who are reluctant to acknowledge that the INA strips district courts of jurisdiction on much of immigration law--though not AEA habeas review obviously, as SCOTUS did just articulate.
Maybe someday soon SCOTUS will say some of these things are an overreach. If/when these cases get to it on the merits. That day is not today.
President Trumps keeps on WINNING!
Huh, this is weird--Blackman quoting Judge Rao's opinion:
"The purpose and effect of this preliminary order is to compel the government to exercise its foreign affairs powers to assert custody of the removed gang members. The district court acknowledged that it can no longer coerce this action through civil contempt because its order was vacated by the Supreme Court."
It's weird because I was continually corrected by some in the comments on prior blog entries that this district court order was still entirely in force, that the Supreme Court had not actually vacated it, merely amended it. That any such separation of powers foundation for doing so was just my imagination, and the compulsion to comply remained. SCOTUS had just "tweaked" the language, that's all.
And I'll continue to correct you, because you weirdly think all lawsuits are actually the case. The Boasberg case, which we're discussing now, is not the Abrego Garcia case, which you're talking about.
Blackman right again and the hater wrong again. LOVE IT.