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Religious Hiring Beyond the Ministerial Exception
An important church–state question likely headed to the Supreme Court.
When can a religious group, like a church or school, lawfully fire an employee for violating its religious teachings? Under a constitutional rule called the "ministerial exception," religious groups have broad leeway to hire and fire "ministers"—broadly defined to include employees who perform important religious functions. But what about any employee like a secretary or janitor, who may not perform important religious functions? What legal protections do religious groups have when they hire and fire non-ministers?
This is the question presented in a spate of new cases now hitting appellate courts nationwide and likely, eventually, landing in the Supreme Court. It is also the question addressed in my forthcoming article in the Notre Dame Law Review, Religious Hiring Beyond the Ministerial Exception.
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of six potential legal protections for the religious hiring of non-ministers. Three are statutory: (1) Title VII's religious exemption, (2) Title VII's bona fide occupational qualification exemption; and (3) the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Three are constitutional: (4) the church autonomy doctrine, (5) the freedom of expressive association, and (6) the Free Exercise Clause. For each protection, the article examines the key caselaw, breaks down the arguments for and against applying the protection, and identifies key pressure points and unanswered questions. The result is, I hope, a much-needed roadmap of an important issue of pressing interest to scholars, jurists, and practitioners alike.
Thanks to Eugene for inviting me to guest-blog about this issue. This first post will define the problem I'm addressing and explain why it has become such a pressing issue in federal court. Future posts will unpack the potential legal solutions and explain what courts are getting right and what they're getting wrong.
The ministerial exception
To understand religious hiring for non-ministers, it's important first to understand the key legal doctrine governing the hiring of ministers: the ministerial exception.
The ministerial exception is a First Amendment doctrine that protects religious groups from government interference in the selection of their "ministers"—broadly defined as employees who perform "vital religious duties." In Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru, for example, a Catholic school dismissed a sixth-grade teacher for poor performance, and the teacher sued, alleging the real reason for her dismissal was age discrimination. The Supreme Court held that her lawsuit was barred by the ministerial exception, because she performed the "vital religious duties" of teaching religion classes, praying with students, and guiding their growth in the Catholic faith.
When the ministerial exception applies, it acts as an affirmative defense that bars any claim challenging a religious organization's selection, supervision, or control of its ministers. This includes claims of employment discrimination based on race, sex, national origin, age, or disability. It also includes tort or contract claims that challenge ministerial selection or control. But it applies only to ministers—employees who carry out important religious duties.
What about non-ministers?
But what about employees, like many secretaries or janitors, who don't perform important religious duties? What protections do religious groups have for choosing those employees?
Few cases have addressed this question. That's because, in most non-minister cases, there is no significant conflict between employment laws and religious practices. In most cases, non-ministers are let go for non-religious reasons—such as poor performance, personality fit, or budgetary needs. Such cases can be handled like any other employment dispute without entangling courts in religious matters.
A few cases have involved non-ministers let go for religious reasons—such as engaging in sexual conduct outside marriage or getting divorced and remarried contrary to church teaching. In those cases, the question becomes whether the religious reason is the real reason for the employment action or is instead a pretext for illegal discrimination (like age or sex discrimination). Some courts have allowed these pretext claims to go forward and treated them like any other employment dispute; others have held that these pretext claims impermissibly entangle courts in religious questions. But such cases have not been common.
Bostock changes the calculus
The Supreme Court's 2020 decision in Bostock v. Clayton County, however, has changed the calculus. Bostock held that the federal ban on employment discrimination based on "sex" also prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation or transgender status. This creates a direct conflict between federal law and the religious hiring practices of thousands of religious organizations—many of which ask all their employees, including non-ministers, to abide by their traditional beliefs about sex and marriage.
For example, suppose a Catholic school dismisses a secretary because she entered a same-sex marriage in violation of Catholic teaching. Before Bostock, the secretary had no federal claim for employment discrimination. After Bostock, she does.
Note, too, how her new claim differs from a pretext case. In a pretext case, the secretary says, "You fired me because of my age (or other protected characteristic)," and the school denies it, saying, "No, we didn't. We fired you because you violated church teaching." The dispute is over the real reason for the firing.
In a Bostock case, by contrast, the secretary says, "You fired me because I entered a same-sex marriage," and the school says, "Yes, we did, because that violates church teaching." There is no dispute over the reason for the firing. The dispute is over whether the school can legally act on its religious beliefs.
This significantly raises the stakes of the church–state conflict. In a pretext case, the government effectively tells a religious group, "You're free to act on your religious beliefs if that is the real motivation for your action." In a Bostock case, the government tells a religious group, "We don't care if you're truly acting on your religious beliefs; acting on those beliefs is discriminatory and illegal."
Thus, absent a viable religious-freedom defense, Bostock makes it illegal for religious groups to make employment decisions based on certain core beliefs about sexuality and marriage. This, in turn, undermines the ability to form religious communities based on those shared religious beliefs. And this poses a serious challenge to religious freedom.
"Future cases"
Bostock itself acknowledged concerns that its holding "may require some employers to violate their religious convictions." But the Court said the relevant "doctrines protecting religious liberty" would have to be addressed in "future cases."
Those future cases have now arrived. In the last five years, there have been at least eighteen reported cases involving religious groups asking employees to adhere to their beliefs on sexual orientation or gender identity. At least thirteen of those cases have now hit appellate courts or will soon.
These include, for example, a high school that dismissed a substitute drama teacher who entered a same-sex marriage; a university that dismissed an IT apprentice who had a gender transition; a high school that dismissed a librarian who had a gender transition; and a homeless shelter that asks all its employees, from computer technicians to janitors, to agree with its religious views on marriage.
Lower courts have already resolved those cases inconsistently. (In fact, the four examples just listed were resolved in four different ways!) A circuit split seems inevitable.
Can religious groups require non-ministers to adhere to their beliefs about sexuality and marriage? Or will federal employment laws require religious groups to hire employees who reject their core beliefs?
My next few posts will preview the key statutory and constitutional defenses at issue in such cases—and likely to garner the Supreme Court's attention soon. Stay tuned.
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"in most non-minister cases, there is no significant conflict between employment laws and religious practices."
When the Mormon temple opened in Belmont, Massachusetts I read that non-Mormons were forbidden to enter parts of the structure after it was consecrated. This policy included building inspectors. Presumably it also includes janitors. I didn't want a job as a temple janitor and I didn't try to find out what the law had to say.
When the ministerial exception applies, it acts as an affirmative defense that bars any claim challenging a religious organization's selection, supervision, or control of its ministers. This includes claims of employment discrimination based on race, sex, national origin, age, or disability. It also includes tort or contract claims that challenge ministerial selection or control.
I do not see the justification for making the exemption as broad as that. Is it really a violation of free exercise to permit a church to violate an employment contract, or refuse to hire blacks in any position that involves religious duties?
I think the selection of a head pastor, for example, is so integral to the church that if we have a backwoods congregation, or really any congregation that prefers the head pastor to be of a certain race, then I believe that a church should have the autonomy to make that selection.
This isn't like my post below where we are talking about janitors. This is the man who will lead the flock. And note how I say man. Would your view require those denominations who forbid it to consider women for the role of head pastors?
"Backwoods" is your first thought? The wokies are the biggest bigots these days.
Not so fast, Stupid Government Tricks. Overt racial bigotry is less socially acceptable than it once was, but sundown towns are still a thing.
https://www.blackenterprise.com/interactive-map-details-sundown-towns-in-america/
https://justice.tougaloo.edu/map/
It may be a violation of free exercise, yes, but that framing begs the question. The point of the ministerial exception is that a church doesn't need to justify to secular authorities why it chose to employ/not employ a religious leader. The inquiry doesn't get that far. It doesn't matter why.
I cannot see why a religious group would have an interest in violating these general laws as it pertains to non-ministerial employees than that exceeding any other employer.
I mean if a church wants to demand "decency" or whatever descriptive term is used so as to make sure that their janitors don't fornicate or engage in same sex marriages, why wouldn't a religious restaurant owner or home repair store owner have the same freedom? Or both not have that freedom?
Perhaps recognize freedom of association, and don't micromanage every possible social slight. It would reduce the need for lawyerly quibbling over who is so vital that they are allowed to discriminate. That loss of importance and arena for employment is perhaps the biggest reason for all this quibbling.
Can religious groups require non-ministers to adhere to their beliefs about sexuality and marriage? Or will federal employment laws require religious groups to hire employees who reject their core beliefs?
I would agree that churches and similar organizations that have explicit purposes to adhere to and propagate their religious beliefs should have much greater latitude when it comes to whether ordinary employees must also share or at least abide by the organization's religious teaching. That said, even aside from the question of pretextual religious claims to disguise discriminatory actions, I have multiple concerns:
1) What happens when the religious teachings would seem to demand those other kinds of discrimination that are widely accepted as an unacceptable basis for employment decisions, specifically: sex, race, or age? It is the cause du jour to consider LGBTQ+ rights in these cases, but the same reasoning would apply to any type of discrimination. Can a religious group that believes that people need to retire and stop working at age 55 be able to enforce that on non-ministerial employees? Or that believes that people of certain races should only have menial jobs and not higher-paying professional ones? Or that believes that women should not work full time if they are married?
2) What kinds of organizations are going to be considered "religious" enough to fall into these protections? Will only non-profits be considered? Will non-profits that have religious beliefs as their motivation to perform certain services fall into this protected category even if the service they provide is available to the general public without regards to their religious beliefs? What if the service in question is also performed by many secular organizations and organizations with different religious beliefs, meaning that people are often motivated to provide that service for reasons besides religious ones?
All people are entitled to the equal protection of the law. That is just as much a part of our Constitution as freedom of religion. Labor laws are quite obviously "protection' for workers. Allowing some employers to be exempt from labor laws means that some people are not equally protected by the law. It has been the goal of religious conservatives to move the legal balance between religious freedom and equal protection more and more toward religion for more than 50 years. I believe that this moving the balance in the wrong direction.
That's not how equal protection works. "People who work for churches" is not a suspect classification. After all, Title VII only applies to employers who employ 15+ people; that doesn't deny equal protection because people who work for smaller employers aren't protected.
Fine. I can clarify that I am talking about employers that are covered by the law and for people that are members of groups that are suspect classifications within the law's scope - like age, sex, and race (national origin and religion are also suspect classes, aren't they? I didn't mention them in my OP like I did the other three, though.). I didn't think that was unclear in what I wrote, but it is now, right?
It's clear. But the main post is questioning which employers are, or should be, covered by the law.
Personally, I don't want courts (or legislatures, or governors, or bureaucrats) deciding things like "wiping down the communion chalices and cleaning the altar cloth are sensitive, but wiping down the altar railing and cleaning the side curtains are not". Nor should they be hearing testimony from competing religious authorities on the subject. If it looks and acts primarily like a place of worship, IMO whoever runs it ought to be strictly entitled to decide who gets to be there, and presence or absence of a paycheck is irrelevant.
If the church decides to buy the electric company along with its monopoly on the power lines, then I'd certainly agree the law can step in and say they can't discriminate.
The gray area would be something like a medical clinic.
The gray area would be something like a medical clinic.
Well, this is the thing. To me, a medical clinic is not a religious organization.* Science-based medicine is completely secular and not tied to any religious belief. That some religious groups or organizations have historically been motivated to perform these functions doesn't change the secular nature of the practice of medicine itself, or lack of religious doctrine needed to run any medical facility. A Catholic hospital is no different in my mind than Catholic restaurant or a Catholic automobile factory, as far as laws regarding a place of employment would be concerned. If anything, hospitals are even more open to the public than ordinary businesses, given the medical ethics and laws that require them to treat patients without any prejudice. There isn't a "no shirt, no shoes, no service" kind of policy that any hospital could have. Their emergency departments can't even refuse "customers" that can't pay.
*Unless, of course, it is a "clinic" that doesn't purport to use science-based medicine and only performs religious rites that are supposed to heal the "faithful." Trying to use the law to shut down "faith healers" and other scam artists that use the guise of religion to bilk desperate believers out of their life saving would be a separate freedom of religion question from this one.
Yes. I decline to let a healthcare provider make decisions affecting my or my family's health, based not on objective, factual healthcare practices or a patient's/doctor's judgement and agreement on the most medically appropriate treatment, but on the religious tenets of that provider's parent organization.
For medical decisions related to family planning, reproductive health, post-sexual assault care, and end-of-life care (including a patient's carefully considered DNR order), Catholic health-care facilities follow the...
""Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Health Care Services""
...published by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, that prohibit treatment it deems “immoral.” See:
https://www.usccb.org/about/doctrine/ethical-and-religious-directives/upload/ethical-religious-directives-catholic-health-service-sixth-edition-2016-06.pdf
(Not sure this is current but it's the one I had saved, and quick search doesn't show a seventh or later edition)
If you agree with and abide by the Catholic Church's religious beliefs, Catholic healthcare may be fine. I don't, so will continue with doctors who are not prohibited from consistently practicing evidence-based medical care, no matter if the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops deems it immoral.
Currently under Title VII, a church can fire a janitor for being Jewish. But, no one has challenged that application of Title VII as violating equal protection.
If Title VII did not exist at all, there is clearly no state actor, and the janitor would have no EP case. Does the fact that Title VII prohibit janitors from being fired for being Jewish, but provides an exemption for churches, suffice to establish a state actor? At first blush, it seems weird that it would when absent any prohibition there is no state actor.
Corp. of Presiding Bishop v. Amos might have some relevance here.
About the only relevance I can see is if the statute is interpreted to require an exemption for firing someone being gay or in a same-sex marriage, Amos would preclude an argument that the exemption violated the Establishment Clause.
I don't see Amos having any relevance to whether the statute ought to be interpreted that way, or if it isn't whether either the Free Exercise Clause or RFRA requires the exemption.
You said this:
Currently under Title VII, a church can fire a janitor for being Jewish. But, no one has challenged that application of Title VII as violating equal protection.
The case involves someone fired for not meeting certain religious requirements:
Appellee Mayson, who had been employed at a nonprofit facility, open to the public, that was run by religious entities associated with The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Church), was discharged because he failed to qualify for a certificate that he was a member of the Church and eligible to attend its temples.
It involves interpreting Title VII:
He, with other individuals purporting to represent a class, brought an action in Federal District Court, alleging religious discrimination in violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The opinion in part rejects an equal protection claim: "no merit to the contention that § 702 offends equal protection principles."
So, and there might be more but that seems enough, I thought the case was of some relevance.
I missed the EP part of Amos (I thought it was decided only on the Establishment Clause). So yes, it is relevant to the EP issue raised by Jason even though the EP analysis was cursory.
The respondent argued employees of religious employers get less protection than employees of secular employers. Above I said it seemed weird there was a state actor for a law that gave an exemption when there is no state actor absent the law. But, respondent's framing of the issue makes sense in establishing a state actor.
I would think under the respondents framing, as David Nieporent commented above, being an employee of a religious employee isn't a suspect classification. But, the Court did not say so. Instead, it seemed to define the classification as favoring religious employers over secular employers (and then concluding if there is no Establishment Clause violation, there is no EP violation). To me, that framing of the the classification only makes sense if a secular employer sued after being sanctioned for firing a Jewish janitor. In this case, it was a fired employee of a church that sued, so the Court's framing seems off.
As I said, the EP analysis is far too cursory, although thanks for pointing out it has some relevance.
"It has been the goal of religious conservatives to move the legal balance between religious freedom and equal protection more and more toward religion for more than 50 years. I believe that this moving the balance in the wrong direction."
It seems to me the entire history since the founding has been moving the balance away from religious freedom and towards equal protection. Not so long ago, no one would have even questioned a church's hiring and firing practices, especially as it was applied to as example LGBTQ...
FWIW I am not a religious person, let alone a religious conservative. And I have no real opinion on where the balance should be. But that above claim seems...ahistorical...
I don't think you're quite right about that. Any trend away from religious freedom has looked to me more like a trend away from allowing the people in the majority religious group (Protestant Christianity almost everywhere in the U.S.) from imposing their religious beliefs on others. Really, I see the cases in the mid-1900s expanding the Establishment Clause as also expanding religious freedom. It is just that one person's freedom of religion requires that others not have the ability to impose different religious beliefs on them. (Or any religious beliefs, in the case of non-believers.) For people that were used to being dominant in religious matters, and that were used to being able to use their majority status to get privileges and power from government, I'm sure that looked like having religious freedom taken away.
And that is where the rise of the Moral Majority comes in. It wasn't a response to Roe, as they tell it in their own myth-making. It was a response to losing the ability to discriminate, even in private, without consequence.
Sure, the Civil Rights Movement overturned Jim Crow and started to make the Equal Protection Clause mean what it says for the first time since it was ratified, and there has been clear effort to expand it since then. And, that has butted against the religious freedoms of some people. But it was only in the sense that people were losing the ability to use their religion as a fig leaf for discrimination. For the last 50 years, the religious right has been trying to undo as much of that as they can.
Right. The impetus for the radicalization of the religious right was not abortion rights; it was removal of the tax exempt status of Bob Jones University and "segregation academies" which served primary and secondary students.
The founder of the so-called "Moral Majority" was the old time segregationist Jerry Falwell. One of my favorite bumper stickers from the 1980 read "The Moral Majority is neither."
What's so special about church teachings about sex? As opposed to teachings about anything else? Can a Christian organization fire a Jewish secretary because he or she refuses to worship Jesus Christ as God? If not, why should dissent from teachings about sex not be permitted when far more fundamental and important dissent is?
Title VII explicitly exempts religious organizations from liability for firing any employee on the basis of religion (my emphasis):
Before 1972, this exemption was limited to "religious activities" rather than "activities." Thus, Congress wanted religious organizations to have the freedom to fire any employee (including the janitor) of other religions.
But, there is no exemption for firing people for any other reason including being gay or trans, or engaging in conduct the organization does not approve of. We shall see how Goodrich argues the statute ought to be interpreted to permit those exemptions.
I agree with you, but I don't think that solves the issue since many of these cases are or can be brought under state anti discrimination laws, so Title VII doesn't mean much.
Is your implied assumption correct, that a Christian organization couldn't fire someone for not worshipping Jesus?
And while we're at, do you think that should be legal?
IANAL but I hadn't heard that there was something special about sex as opposed to other teachings.
Well, that's the question. As the post points out, these cases are arising in the context of people not conforming to church teachings about sex. As far as I know, no one is claiming a Christian organization's right to fire Jewish janitors and secretaries. It just seems to me that there is no difference. If someone says you can fire both Jews and persons in same-sex marriages, I can understand it. Not necessarily agree with it, but understand it. I'm sure there are people who believe it but are unwilling to be so up front about it. So is there a difference that makes sense?
I'm willing to say it: an actual place of worship, at least, should be able to fire someone for not conforming the religion, regardless of whether it's failure to believe in the right set of divine beings, failure to conform to teachings on sex, or even having some small philosophical disagreement about the finer details of transubstantiation.
I suspect the reason the second comes up more often is that screening for the right divine beings comes up at the time of hiring, and/or because the employee simply keeps their mouth shut. OTOH the sexual "transgressions" might start or get discovered after the hiring.
It's not that there something "so special." It's that sexual issues are controversial at this time.
The ministerial exception should (it's clearly not) be applied as strictly as possible. Religious organizations that use this as a tool to avoid contractual obligations should be prohibited. It simply creates a situation that encourages the organization to say, "AHA, you, janitor are a 'minister' and we don't have to honor your contract because of ....religious reasons." We know corporations have religious rights already, see Hobby Lobby. Basically, religions want a carve out that says laws just don't apply to them. This SCOTUS is well on its way to providing that result.
Well, honoring contracts is great. But (1) a lot of these disputes arise at the point when a contract is being started or renewed, and (2) sometimes the religious belief requirement is actually in the contract, and it's the employee trying to get out of that clause while keeping all the rest of it.
Anyway, is your objection really about contractual obligations?Suppose someone signs a contract that they'll abide by a religious restriction for the period of their employment, then they change their mind and still want the pay but without the restriction. Who is "carving out", the employer or the employee?
"Basically, religions want a carve out that says laws just don't apply to them. This SCOTUS is well on its way to providing that result."
I wonder how long it will be before SCOTUS will reconsider the doctrinal underpinnings of Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145 (1878).
Justice Douglas noted in his separate opinion Wisconsin v. Yoder:
The Court rightly rejects the notion that actions, even though religiously grounded, are always outside the protection of the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. In so ruling, the Court departs from the teaching of Reynolds v. United States, 98 U. S. 145, 98 U. S. 164, where it was said, concerning the reach of the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment,
"Congress was deprived of all legislative power over mere opinion, but was left free to reach actions which were in violation of social duties or subversive of good order."
And, "even promises that in time Reynolds will be overruled."
Reynolds was based on two things. There was a wider belief/action principle. And then there was a narrower principle that the government could prohibit polygamy because of a compelling state interest.
Before Oregon v. Smith, the first principle was narrowed, though the Supreme Court itself generally avoided striking down generally applicable laws on free exercise grounds.
Now, Alito et. al. want to overrule Smith & RFRA (state and federal) promote the same ends.
It is not that hard, especially given some of the applications of RFRA, to on principle protect polygamy on free exercise grounds. I don't think the Supreme Court will, just as I don't think it will protect abortion rights on free exercise grounds.
But it is not for reasons of consistency, particularly.
I'm not arguing that polygamy should be protected, at least regarding state authorization. Private ceremonies in which "sister wives" are "married" in religious ceremonies are trickier.
But, the given religious arguments for vaccine exemptions and so on, on principle, I think people can reasonably make religious arguments to protect polygamy. That very well might suggest the problems with the arguments overall.
It seems to me this post drags in Bostock unneccessarily. What about evangelical organizations that believe married women should be submissive, and preferably stay-at-home wives? Can they fire women who refuse to practice those beliefs?
I don't think it's true that the secretary lacked a cause of action under Title VII before Bostock. Bostock wasn't revolutionary, it just applied existing law in a straightforward textual way. (And as to trans employees, it notably only addressed dress codes, not any of the other issues that a trans employee might raise). But I agree that the secretary does have a claim now, and that does raise this question. I'm not sure why we would want the secretary to lose though. Why should an organization paying an employee to perform ordinary secular labor be able to discriminate if it happens to be religious?
Bostock did not rule on dress codes:
I honestly think the bigger issue is the court holding that property and more importantly association rights don't cover employment contracts. I get why they have this inclination as it would make most anti discrimination laws in employment unconstitutional, but I do think places that are truly public accomodations (like hotels and restaurants) the prohibition would survive strict scrutiny. If it doesn't impact the teaching of religion, then I don't think religious freedom is a good fit. It is being used because this more general argument is unavailable. But I do think Employment Division v Smith is correct and religious freedom doesn't get a constitutional exemption from general rules.
It may be unsavory but I do think that there is probably a general right to discriminate through both rights to association and property. In fact we still do allow that discrimination in most instances, just not the few select ones that have been more prevelant. But it isn't clear why prevelance of discrimination makes that discrimination worse than those not covered. But allowing for these broad anti discrimination rules it necessarilly will get to religious institutions and that creates the issue this post identifies.
As for the statutory arguments, my inclination is they won't solve much as plaintiffs would just bring the claims under state law anti discrimination laws instead, if the federal ones are barred
The Supreme Court's 2020 decision in Bostock v. Clayton County, however, has changed the calculus.
This caught my attention. How?
Bostock held that the federal ban on employment discrimination based on "sex" also prohibits discrimination based on sexual orientation or transgender status.
I never took calculus, but how does this change the issue at hand?
This creates a direct conflict between federal law and the religious hiring practices of thousands of religious organizations, many of which ask all their employees, including non-ministers, to abide by their traditional beliefs about sex and marriage.
Okay. The same applied before Bostock in areas outside of sexual orientation and transgender status. "Traditional beliefs about sex and marriage" do not just apply to LGBTQ issues.
The "calculus" seems to mean there would be more battles than before, but the basic principles are the same.
Also, there were existing state laws that protected sexual orientation and trans people. The overall clash should still have occurred in some fashion.
For example, suppose a Catholic school dismisses a secretary because she entered a same-sex marriage in violation of Catholic teaching. Before Bostock, the secretary had no federal claim for employment discrimination. After Bostock, she does.
Okay. She would have had various state claims. I'm not sure ultimately what different "calculus" is involved here in a big picture sort of way.