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Mark Graber on the History and Original Meaning of the Militia Act of 1903
Graber shows that the act used by Trump to federalize the California National Guard does not allow the president to take this step in response to low-level violence and disorder.

In June, Donald Trump federalized 4000 California National Guard troops and deployed them to Los Angeles, ostensibly for the purpose of combating protests, unrest, and illegality in response to ICE deportation operations. The federal law Trump invoked - the Militia Act of 1903 - can only be used in the event of 1) "invasion" or danger of invasion by a foreign power 2) rebellion, or 3) a situation where the president is "unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States." A district court rightly invalidated Trump's actions on the grounds that none of these three conditions actually existed in LA. But the US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit overruled on the ground that Trump's assessment of the facts on the third issue deserves a high degree of judicial deference (though they did reject the administration's argument that such actions are left to completely unreviewable executive discretion). I criticized the Ninth Circuit ruling here.
In a just-published article, Prof. Mark Graber (Univ. of Maryland), a leading expert on post-Civil War era constitutional issues, has a valuable discussion of the history and original meaning of the Militia At of 1903. He shows that the Ninth Circuit got it wrong. Litigation over these issues continues (the district court and Ninth Circuit rulings only addressed a preliminary injunction). Moreover, the case could sent an important precedent for future executive efforts to use the military for domestic law enforcement - a very dangerous form of emergency power.
Here is Graber's summary of his conclusions:
Americans from the ratification of the Constitution to the passage of the Militia Act of 1903 recognized that Congress could empower the President to federalize state militia only under the wartime or wartime analogue conditions under which Congress could empower the President to impose martial law. These conditions were limited to a foreign invasion, a domestic rebellion, or some other violent uprising that caused judicial proceedings in part of the United States to be suspended. The state militia federalized by the Militia Act were expected to confront troops or the equivalent, not criminals or scattered violent protestors. Interpreting the Militia Act of 1903 or any other federal measure, to give near absolute discretionary power to the president to determine when vast wartime powers may be exercised, [The Supreme Court's ruling in] Ex parte Milligan noted, would subvert the strict limitations of in the militia acts and threaten constitutional democracy in the United States by enabled the president and subordinates to "substitute military force for and to the exclusion of the laws," and govern as they "think right and properly, without fixed and certain rules."
The article isn't long. Anyone interested in this important issue should read the whole thing!
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When federal agents are driven away from performing their duties by violence, prong (3) is obviously satisfied, although prong (2) might be a stretch, since such localized action against the feds is probably too minor to constitute a rebellion.
You law professors are really bad your jobs.
Even without a statute, it is surely lawful for the feds to defend their agents from rioters.
This post is another lame attempt at boosting one's preferred outcomes as legal reasoning because Trump is doing it. Although there's also a toxic stew of doctrinaire libertarianism priors mingled. Not unlike Baude's insistence that the originalist understanding of section 3 of the 14th amendment without question obviously and incontrovertibly disqualified Donald Trump from the presidency or appearing on any ballot.
Periodic disclaimer I've never voted for Trump and think him unfit to be president. Unlike some people, I don't let my contempt for him bleed over into objective questions like these. I wish Trump could have been disqualified, would have solved some problems while absolutely creating others.
OK, so if a mob descends on your home, setting it on fire and pelting you with rocks when you flee, will it still be "low level violence"?
Would you call the police?
Inquiring minds want to know.
And when the police are explicitly told to stand down, who you going to call them?
Come on. History and tradition, including limiting federal power, is a one-way ratchet. Everyone knows that.
The word "unable" is doing a lot of work in prong 3.
Does it mean that the feds are completely neutered as to their function or if a single person can get away with a minor federal crime the word gives them the power?
Graber was also quite outspoken about how the "original meaning" of Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment disqualified Trump from office, an argument that failed to win over a single Supreme Court Justice.
By his reasoning, it was also illegal for President Eisenhower to use the National Guard to integrate Central High in Little Rock, for President Johnson to use the National Guard to protect the Selma marchers, or for President Bush to use the Guard to put down the Rodney King riots in Los Angeles, to name only three occasions.
If anything, Trump has an even stronger justification than those occasions, because this case involves direct attacks on federal agents and facilities.
Sigh. That argument was refuted when we had this discussion a month ago. Eisenhower invoked an entirely different statute with different predicates.
Sorry, I don't recall that discussion. So, this discussion is not really about grand principles about presidential power and federalism, but just about making sure he cites the proper subsection of the proper statute? Thank you for that valuable insight. (I won't bother to ask if you read the linked article, as you never seem to do so.)
Well, if that is the case.
I did argue that Trump's lawsuit against CBS would fail if a court reached the merits- but only because the alleged acts did not violate the cited legal provision.
What CBS did went beyond the bounds of the First Amendment.
It did not. Even if MAGA's description of events were accurate. You think the government can criminalize a news outlet reporting too favorably on a candidate?
And also, Trump lacked any standing.
I think CBS gets into trouble when it claims it is an unbiased source of journalism and then goes on to do a false portrayal of Harris to the detriment of Trump.
If CBS came out and said that we are whores to the Democratic party and spinning our reporting to help them, then they would have full 1A protection. But you cannot deliberately mislead.
This discussion involves a narrower discussion about whether the statute that Trump was relying on actually gave him the authority to do what he did. And also a grand principle about whether when a statute puts conditions on the use of some authority, the president makes up some facts to claim that the conditions are met, that courts must defer to his fabrications.
When did Graber claim that Trump was disqualified?
[moved]
I don't claim any legal knowledge, but a Google search on JFK's Executive Order that called out the Mississippi National Guard to enforce the admission of James Meredith to U Miss referred to Chapter 15 of Title 10, particularly sections 332, 333 and 334. The wording of Section 332:
§332. Use of militia and armed forces to enforce Federal authority
Whenever the President considers that unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages, or rebellion against the authority of the United States, make it impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States in any State by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, he may call into Federal service such of the militia of any State, and use such of the armed forces, as he considers necessary to enforce those laws or to suppress the rebellion.
This section was also used by Eisenhower and several more times by JFK in other situations.
That wording is general enough to cover the situation in LA, where rioters were preventing the enforcement of immigration laws.
Ilya misrepresents riots and insurrection to suit his purposes. Shame on him.
I think CBS gets into trouble when it claims it is an unbiased source of journalism and then goes on to do a false portrayal of Harris to the detriment of Trump.
If CBS came out and said that we are whores to the Democratic party and spinning our reporting to help them, then they would have full 1A protection. But you cannot deliberately mislead.