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Magistrate Judge Recommends Not Dismissing Prosecution of Wisconsin Judge Hannah Dugan for Allegedly Interfering with Immigration Arrest
From yesterday's report and recommendation by Magistrate Judge Nancy Joseph (E.D. Wisc.) in U.S. v. Dugan:
The indictment charges as follows:
[Count One:] On or about April 18, 2025, Dugan knowingly concealed E.F.R., a person for whose arrest a warrant and process had been issued under the provisions of the law of the United States, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of E.F.R., after notice and knowledge of the fact that a warrant and process had been issued for the apprehension of E.F.R., in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1071[.]
[Count Two:] On or about April 18, 2025, Dugan did corruptly endeavor to influence, obstruct, and impede the due and proper administration of the law under which a pending proceeding was being had before a department and agency of the United States, namely the administrative arrest of E.F.R. for purposes of removal proceedings conducted by the United States Department of Homeland Security, by committing affirmative acts to assist E.F.R. to evade arrest, including:
- confronting members of a United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Task Force and falsely telling them they needed a judicial warrant to effectuate the arrest of E.F.R.;
- upon learning that they had an administrative warrant for E.F.R.'s arrest, directing all identified members of the ICE Task Force to leave the location of the planned arrest (a public hallway outside of Courtroom 615 of the Milwaukee County Courthouse) and go to the Chief Judge's office;
- addressing E.F.R.'s Milwaukee County Circuit Court criminal case off the record while ICE Task Force members were in the Chief Judge's office;
- directing E.F.R. and his counsel to exit Courtroom 615 through a non-public jury door; and
- advising E.F.R.'s counsel that E.F.R. could appear by "Zoom" for his next court date
[i]n violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1505….
Dugan sought to dismiss the indictment, on the grounds that her actions were protected by judicial immunity; the Magistrate Judge went through a long analysis of the precedents on judicial immunity (dating back to 1607), and summarized it thus:
In the civil context, it is well-established and undisputed that judges have absolute immunity from civil lawsuits for monetary damages when engaging in judicial acts. While it is not always crystal clear what constitutes a "judicial act," the Supreme Court counsels courts to consider whether the act is a function normally performed by a judge and whether the parties dealt with the judge in his judicial capacity. The Court has stated there is an intelligible distinction between judicial acts and the administrative, legislative, or executive functions that judges may on occasion be assigned by law to perform. The Court has articulated that judicial immunity is not overcome by allegations of bad faith or malice.
In the criminal context, review of the case law supports the following. First, judges are not immune from criminal prosecution for acts wholly outside their official roles as judges. Dugan cites several examples that fit into this category, such as a state court judge who was convicted of murdering his wife as they watched television at home and a state court judge who was convicted of sexual battery of a female lawyer in his chambers.
Second, judges are not immune from prosecution for the criminal deprivation of constitutional rights under 18 U.S.C. § 242.
And third, judges are not shielded by judicial immunity from criminal prosecution for acts, though related to official duties, are in violation of criminal law. See, e.g., Claiborne, 727 F.2d 842; Wallace v. Powell, 2009 WL 4051974….
Dugan tries to distinguish her case by arguing that the charged acts are "devoid of the self-enrichment or self-gratification that marks earlier cases in which judges were convicted for using judicial status as leverage or opportunity for a bribe, kickback, or favor, or to commit another crime." Again, the distinction that takes these official duty cases out of the shield of immunity is not self-enrichment or the motive of the judge. It is whether the criminal law has been violated. In other words, a judge's actions, even when done in her official capacity, does not bar criminal prosecution if the actions were done in violation of the criminal law.
Furthermore, consider the only case with similar allegations to this case. In United States v. Joseph, a judge on the Massachusetts District Court, Judge Shelley Richmond Joseph, was, similar to Dugan here, federally charged with obstruction of justice and obstruction of a federal proceeding in violation of §§ 1512 and 1505. In that case, an ICE officer working for the Department of Homeland Security arrived at the courthouse to take into custody an individual who had been arrested days earlier who was allegedly the subject of an immigration detainer and warrant based on a final order of removal. The DHS intended to detain the individual and effect his removal from the United States in the event he was released from state custody. Joseph allegedly facilitated this individual's departure from the courthouse using the rear sally port door of the lockup on the courthouse's lower level, rather than through the main door leading from the courtroom to the lobby where the ICE officer was waiting….
I agree that determining whether a warrant establishes probable cause; directing people outside her courtroom to talk with the Chief Judge about a planned arrest; addressing a case off the record; telling people in her courtroom what door to use to re-enter the public hallway; and allowing a party to appear by Zoom are all part of a judge's job. I also agree … that the appellate courts are the proper forum to address disagreements with a trial judge's opinions, errors, or mistakes. However, I do not agree that the case law supports that these judicial acts bar prosecution where the indictment alleges that the acts were done "corruptly" or to facilitate violation of the criminal law.
At bottom, the indictment does not charge Dugan for "opining on the fly," managing her courtroom, or allowing someone to appear by Zoom for future hearings. There are no, and there cannot be, federal statutes criminalizing such conduct. Rather, the indictment charges Dugan with violating federal criminal laws by (1) "knowingly conceal[ing] E.F.R., a person for whose arrest a warrant and process had been issued under the provisions of the law of the United States, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of E.F.R., after notice and knowledge of the fact that a warrant and process had been issued for the apprehension of E.F.R., in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 107" and by (2) "corruptly endeavor[ing] to influence, obstruct, and impede the due and proper administration of the law under which a pending proceeding was being had before a department and agency of the United States, namely the administrative arrest of E.F.R. for purposes of removal proceedings conducted by the United States Department of Homeland Security, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1505."
This conclusion does not leave judges acting in their official capacities or judicial independence at the mercy of prosecutors. As the Ninth Circuit stated in Claiborne, judges enjoy the "same protections as ordinary citizens from vindictive prosecution." A prosecutor seeking to charge a judge of a criminal offense, if proceeding by criminal complaint as was the case here, must satisfy the reviewing judge that there is probable cause a federal crime has been committed. Additionally, the prosecutor must then present his case to a grand jury as required by the Fifth Amendment. And ultimately, the prosecutor must prove each of the elements of the charged offense beyond a reasonable doubt to a unanimous jury of twelve citizens….
The Magistrate Judge also recommended rejecting Dugan's constitutional arguments, which were largely based on the Tenth Amendment. And she concluded that the factual questions related to whether Dugan was guilty had to be resolved at trial, rather than on a motion to dismiss.
Read the whole opinion for much more, including the Magistrate Judge's explanation of why the U.S. v. Trump presidential immunity decision doesn't apply to judicial immunity claims.
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Does the penultimate paragraph belong outside the block quote?
Yes, fixed, thanks!
Judges have to follow the law like everyone else. Who knew?
Well, maybe. Just this one judge, this one time.
There were 132+ former judges and prosecutors who wrote a letter arguing the judge was immune.
They probably took their letter they wrote that said President Trump wasn't immune and replaced "Trump" with "Dugan" and "not immune" with "immune".
And that is what concerns me. This is as blatant a violation of the law as possible that does not involve impropriety, bribery, or striking someone with a stick.
I can even accept arguments that it wasn't a violation, though I cannot possibly see them as convincing.
But to argue that a judge is immune in this situation? For taking actions reminiscent of a spy thriller movie?
Ah, yes. Trump is immune from criminal law because he's your cult leader. No one else though. Wait till the next Democratic president is elected. Ben of Houston will be demanding criminal prosecutions left and right no doubt.
“For taking actions reminiscent of a spy thriller movie?”
What kind of boring-ass movies are you watching?
Except it's not "everyone else." It's everyone else except presidents (acting anywhere near their job duties), legislators (especially when defamatory), and police (unless another police with the same name did the same thing in the same circumstances and a judge wrote about it and published it in the PBA newsletter within the past year).
Huh? Legislators have immunity limited to speech and debate, and cops qualified immunity, like judicial immunity, only applies to civil cases.
The link is to a brief by the prosecutor in the case, not to a judicial opinion.
That's not true. Note the very first sentence:
"From yesterday's report and recommendation by Magistrate Judge Nancy Joseph (E.D. Wisc.)"
Same thing happened to me. Last link is to the prosecutor's response. First link is to the Magistrate Judge's R&R.
I see, thanks -- corrected the last link.
I read through the R&R.
Overall, seems like a good analysis. Again, this is at the MtD stage. The immunity issue (re: criminal acts) is not well-established in case law. And you can't just point to the travesty that is the Trump case and say "Me too."
The Tenth Amendment claim is more interesting, and as the R&R notes is the subject of factual dispute. The footnote correctly points out that the other similar action settled with a dismissal and an agreement to self-report to the state bar rather than try it. It's the new version of "You can beat the charge, but you can't beat the ride."
On the policy merits, I think that this is grave prosecutorial overreach, but that's a dime a dozen with the DOJ right now. They can't give straight and consistent answers in any hearings, so why should they bother with doing anything correctly?
Oh well, it's not like damaging our institutions is a bug- it's the point.
It's natural for people to want institutions damaged when they see those institutions selectively being wielded as weapons against themselves.
Or, and maybe try this on...
If you consistently believe that "the other" is doing something bad ... then you get to the position when you can start to justify your own side doing that bad thing because, heck, "the other" did it. Or might have done it. Or might do it.
Never bothering to actually remind yourself that the thing ... that thing is actually bad.
In other words, if you hate your neighbor Bob, and you think he's a child molester, it doesn't mean you should be molesting kids just because, hey, Bob does it. Feel me?
If that's a little too intellectual for you, how about this. Let's assume you're right and that someone else ("the other" or "the baddies") actually did weaponize the DOJ. I might disagree, but whatever. Let's assume you are 100% correct.
What should a person do?
A. Engage in systemic reform to protect all people and make sure that the DOJ is never capable of being weaponized again.
B. Screw it! WOOT! Let's get rid of all the structures and procedures and weaponize the heck out of it, use it for all its worth, and assume that "the other" will either never gain power again or won't avail themselves of this much more unchecked power.
You don't have to bother answering, by the way. It doesn't matter. Those that get it have already gotten it. Those that don't, won't.
She made the mistake of being a true believer, in the patter fed by the power mongers, who want to shift demographics. The Republicans, of course, don't want this, thanks to Trump, over the efforts of southern border state governors who have no choice but to deal with it and make inroads. Many are my exortations for the Rs to get back to that, but it is set back a generation now.
On or about April 18, 2025, Dugan did corruptly endeavor to influence, obstruct, and impede the due and proper administration
There's that word, "corruptly", again. If you ask the common yokel, it means someone on the take. Power mongers use that in a legal definition that bears little resemblance to that, for the rhetorical purpose of its bad guy cachet.
She probably felt she was being noble.
Always a good time to remember how Stump v Sparkman is an underrated contender for one of the absolute worst SCOTUS decisions ever. Many have had worse effects and been poorly reasoned for morally reprehensible ends. But the self-serving nature of the opinion puts it in its own category of terribleness. Judges say judges are immune for things that judges say judges do and judges sign papers. That’s the basics of the case. And Stewart and Powell’s dissent just destroyed that majority opinion. As an added bonus, one can easily imagine it going the other way because this was early Stevens.
Stewart was upset enough to dissent from the bench:
https://www.oyez.org/cases/1977/76-1750
Another kick to not guilty's nuts by a court.
Of course not as much as courts have been kicking you in the nuts - as proved by your numerous whinings that you post.
When have I quoted [at length!] vaguely applicable cases and confidentially but wrongly predicted the result?
However, SCOTUS is doing pretty well kicking you.
"ABC News@ABC
49m
BREAKING: The Supreme Court is allowing President Trump to move forward with an executive order mandating a restructure of federal agencies and mass layoffs of federal workers."
The "analysis" of US v. Trump is paltry and wanting. The only reasons given is that the President shouldn't be "forced to constantly assess whether their decision-making while in office might one day prompt criminal inquiries by state or federal prosecutors." That "reasoning" could literally be applied to anyone, including judges. Seem more like an admission US. v. Trump was wrongly decided.
Right; that statement struck me as insane when it was issued and no less insane now. Presidents should be forced to constantly assess whether their decision-making while in office might one day prompt criminal inquiries by state or federal prosecutors. Everyone should in fact constantly assess whether he or she is breaking the law.
Nancy also make short-shrift of the federalism arguments. All she has to say is that the supremacy clause can get around the non-commandeering principle - something SCOTUS rejected. The federal government has no supremacy clause power to commander state sovereignty.
Although I don't find all of Dugan's arguments persuasive, I find Joseph's arguments completely lacking in a care to detail and logical rigor one should expect from a judge. It's like she didn't ever read the relevant underlying case law.
Don't worry, it'll be overruled once the president is no longer Trump. These justices have Trump's cock so far up their faces it's bruising their cognitive neurons.
"Seem more like an admission US. v. Trump was wrongly decided."
So what? You think a magistrate can overrule SCOTUS?
No, I think a dutiful obedience to US. v. Trump would mean Judge Dugan does indeed have immunity. Instead the magistrate handwaves away the inconsistency .
"handwaving".. noting that a state court judge isn't the president.
Count 2 needed to survive dismissal because "corruptly" means something and the prosecution can attempt to prove it.
But the MJ's reasoning does not persuade me because it proves too much. The MJ says that even if a judge is acting in good faith (i.e. not corruptly) AND making official judicial decisions as required to do by state law, she can still be prosecuted for "violating federal criminal laws" on a "knowingly" standard. That would include aiding and abetting theories as well as conspiracy theories. So, for example, if a judge reasonably believes a defendant will not show up for an ICE hearing if released on bail--even without a pending immigration hold--and the judge releases that person otherwise in accordance with law, this MJ ruling says the judge can be prosecuted on an aiding and abetting theory because the judge reasonably believed the defendant would not later appear in violation of law and took an action that aided him or her in not appearing.
It's even stickier if we start talking about misprison of felony. Then the judge would only need to know that the defendant is illegally present in the country and release that defendant from custody (even if required by state law because judicial decision-making isn't immune). ICE/DOJ interprets "let go without arrest" as "concealing" so all state court judges are theoretically in harm's way with no meaningful way to shield themselves from prosecution.
Leaving the ICE scenario, what about judges who determine not to extend domestic violence restraining orders and then the defendant harms a domestic partner? All judges know that's a risk. This MJ thinks state/federal prosecutors should have the ability to put judges on trial each time it happens in order to test whether the judge had a bad mens rea. Who cares whether the judge will win in the end -- the unfettered ability to prosecute is the goal.
I have a limited view of the span of immunity and think 10A claims regularly are exaggerated. So, I am not overall upset at this preliminary statement. Loki's comments seem right at first blush.
I have some sympathy for the judge's actions, but as I am generally opposed to immunities and specifically see her actions as outside genuine judicial functions, no argument here.
Unfortunately that's not the analysis the judge did. According to the judge, these actions were judicial functions, but nonetheless can be prosecuted. That's pretty scary for !bob's reasons.
...I read the R&R fully, and I didn't see any overstatement in the opinion. It seemed careful and well reasoned. After all, absolute immunity from criminal acts is... not much of a thing (well, except for you know what).
The magistrate judge laid out the history and controlling cases, and basically said, "Yeah, there is no absolute immunity from criminal prosecution. There is also recent persuasive precedent, in a very factually similar case, that there isn't. There is no authority to allow me to say there is. If an appellate court finds that there is, cool. I can't."
That's what we want from judges. Following the law. Just because others cheer on lawless results doesn't mean I have to. I disagree with the prosecution, but I don't want the law bent backwards to get a result I agree with when the law is against it. That would make be Josh Blackman, and those are fighting words.
"I disagree with the prosecution"
Why? Nobody is above the law, right?
Um... seriously? Did you think about this before typing?
You're going 56mph in a 55mph zone. If a police officer chooses not to pull you over, is it because no one is above the law? Or is it because of some other reason?
If a prosecutor declines to prosecute a case of an underage female minor taking a selfie of herself and sending it to her boyfriend as possession and distribution of child pornography, is that because no one is above the law? Or is it because of some other reason?
I could keep going on. But I won't. If you look at the facts, and even before getting into the thorny issues that it raises as a matter of law ... if you think it is a wise use of prosecutorial power to go after state court judges, acting as judges, with cases before them ... then we will differ strongly.
This nothing more than trying to create a climate of fear and punishing your enemies- not about justice or upholding the rule of law. Protip- as a general rule, siccing the powers of the state on judges, WHEN THERE ARE OTHER REMEDIES AVAIALABLE IF YOU BELIEVE IT WAS MISCONDUCT, is not the rule of law. It is a hallmark of authoritarianism.
Which is why we have a dearth of authority regarding this fact pattern.
The existence of other remedies does nothing to preclude criminal prosecution. Ethical claims against her, for instance, should proceed in parallel, not in the alternative.
What do you think of !bob's examples where a run-of-the-mill judicial decision (granting bail, for example) could be fairly construed as knowingly aiding-and-abetting or conspiracy?
I read it fully and don't find it well reasoned at all. At one point she claims that one of the cases about state sovereignty/anti-commandeering was really about the second amendment. Um, what? I have absolutely no idea what case she could possibly be referring to. Maybe she used AI to write it.
She claims anti-commandeering doesn't prevent prosecuting state employees for violating federal law. Again, what? That's exactly what anti-commandeering doctrine does. It shields state employees from prosecution for violating federal laws that require them to carry out federal functions, like what happened with Dugan.
At one point, she claims that one of the cases about state sovereignty/anti-commandeering was really about the Second Amendment
I must have missed that, though Thomas said Printz v. U.S. was a 2A case.
She claims anti-commandeering doesn't prevent prosecuting state employees for violating federal law. Again, what? That's exactly what anti-commandeering doctrine does. It shields state employees from prosecution for violating federal laws that require them to carry out federal functions, like what happened with Dugan.
The anti-commandeering doctrine prevents the federal government from commandeering state officials in various respects.
It "doesn't prevent prosecuting state employees for violating federal law" in every respect. If that is all that is said, it is not wrong. Printz also acknowledges that state judges have more of an obligation to carry out federal functions.
("the Constitution was originally understood to permit imposition of an obligation on state judges to enforce federal prescriptions, insofar as those prescriptions related to matters appropriate for the judicial power.")
Also, the magistrate argues there is a factual dispute regarding what the state judge did, including whether she merely did something pursuant to her job as protected by the 10A.
Judge Dugan might have a factual defense to Count 2. Although she may well have acted “knowingly” as required for Count 1, it is more questionable whether she acted “corruptly” within the meaning of 15 USC 1505(b), “acting with an improper purpose, personally or by influencing another, including making a false or misleading statement or withholding, concealing, or destroying a document or orher information.”
It would seem that “corruptly” would require more than simply an intent to do the act itself.
>c. addressing E.F.R.'s Milwaukee County Circuit Court criminal case off the record while ICE Task Force members were in the Chief Judge's office;
How often are cases addressed by a court, off the record, in this manner?
I hope she gets the chair.
You hope she’s subject to an illegal and unavailable sentence for violating the law?
A nice comfy one.
Federal courthouse trial table chairs are probably nicer than state court ones.