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SCOTUS Bends The Law In Yet Another Obamacare Case
Kennedy v. Braidwood Management, Inc. follows in the ignoble tradition of NFIB, King, and California.
For more than a decade, it seems that different rules apply to Obamacare cases. In NFIB v. Sebelius (2012), a penalty was rewritten into a tax, and a mandatory Medicaid expansion was rewritten into a voluntary program. In King v. Burwell (2014), "established by the State" was rewritten as "established by the federal government." In California v. Texas (2021), the Court found that the plaintiffs waived a standing argument that was clearly invoked. And so on. When health care is at issue, all the usual rules go out the window.
The latest ACA case continues the trend. Kennedy v. Braidwood Management, Inc. is an Appointments Clause case. Yet, the Court resolves this dispute based on a theory not developed below. Justice Thomas's dissent explains what happened:
This case concerns the U. S. Preventive Services Task Force, a body that issues legally binding recommendations regarding preventive healthcare treatments. At the beginning of this suit, a subordinate official within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) had for years appointed the Task Force's members. Everyone now agrees that this practice was unlawful. Everyone further agrees that no one statute provides for a department head to appoint the Task Force's members. But, rather than accept that the default mode of appointment applies, the Government invented a new theory on appeal, arguing that the combination of two ambiguously worded statutes enacted decades apart establishes that the Secretary of HHS can appoint the Task Force's members. The Court today rushes to embrace this theory. I cannot. To begin with, I would not rule on the Government's new theory before any lower court has done so.
Thomas writes that two questions are presented, but the Fifth Circuit only considered the latter question:
I would remand for the Fifth Circuit to consider the important threshold question that it skipped: whether the Secretary has the statutory power to appoint the Task Force. The Secretary may appoint the Task Force's members only if (1) Congress has vested in the Secretary the power to appoint them, and (2) the members are inferior officers under the Appointments Clause. The answer to the first question significantly affects the analysis of the second question. But, no court has passed on the first question, and this Court has had only a limited opportunity to consider it.
And the novel theory the Court relied on was based on the Reorganization Plan of 1966 (not a statute). This Plan could not vest the Executive with new powers that did not exist in 1966. Yet, that is exactly what the government argued here.
Thomas explains:
Here, the purpose of a "reorganization" plan is to "give a definite and orderly structure to" a department's existingfunctions, not to create new functions that a departmentcannot otherwise lawfully perform. Oxford English Dictionary 923–924 (2d ed. 1989) (defining "organize"). A plan may not, "under the guise of consolidating and rearranging, . . . creat[e] authority in the Executive Branch which had not existed before." Dept. of Justice, Office of Legal Counsel,Memorandum of William H. Rehnquist, Assistant Atty.Gen. (Sept. 11, 1969), in Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1969 (ICC): Hearing before the Subcommittee on Executive Reorganization of the Senate Committee on Government Operations, 91st Cong., 1st Sess., 29 (1969) (Rehnquist Memorandum). Yet, that is precisely what the Government'sreading accomplishes, since, without the ReorganizationPlan, the Executive has no power to appoint the Task Force outside the gauntlet of Senate confirmation.
Seth Barrett Tillman and I wrote about the Rehnquist opinion here.
Justice Thomas also gets a good dig in about how Justice Kavanaugh focus on executive branch practice:
The intervening passage of the ACA also makes the majority's appeals to "consistent Executive Branch practice" fall flat. Ante, at 31 (citing Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, 603 U. S. 369, 394 (2024)).The Government concedes that its practice from 2010 until its appeal inthis suit was for the AHRQ Director to appoint Task Force members invalidly, based on the mistaken view that the members were not officers. See Brief for Federal Defendants in Braidwood Mgmt., Inc., No. 23– 10326 (CA5), ECF Doc. 159, pp. 31, n. 2, 41. The practice thus sheds no light on whether the Director's convening power constitutes an express vesting of appointment authority that overcomes the constitutional default. And, surely this Court did not overrule Chevron U. S. A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U. S. 837 (1984), only to defer to concededly unlawful executive action.
There is a big problem with Justice Kavanaugh's fixation on tradition. At bottom, it is a deference doctrine, where unlawful conduct can become lawful if it continues.
In the normal course, the Supreme Court would have remanded the case to the lower court. But it seemed pretty clear that the Supreme Court did not want to give the Fifth Circuit another crack at this case, so the majority went ahead and decided this novel issue from scratch.
Here is your regular reminder that President Trump could have, but didn't, elevate his Fifth Circuit appointees to the Supreme Court.
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The Affordable Care Act formulated it as a tax penalty.
The first case did incorrectly rule as to congressional power over interstate commerce, the reach of the Necessary and Proper Clause, and the Medicaid provision. Ginsburg was correct there.
I was around some when ACA was debated here and it resulted in a lot of dubious parsing by the usual suspects. One thing I flagged at the time was that Republican filibustering blocked the ability of Democrats to fully clean up some aspects of the text.
(A general problem in sausage making is that various things result in some imperfect results. We see this in the Constitution itself.)
One person told me that Republicans had the raw power to do that, so tough luck. Yeah. Still, it was in my mind a bad way to legislate, and I still think it is a bad way to legislate. One contributor called out Democrats for messy legislating without blaming Republicans for making things worse. I did and still found that bad pool.
A supermajority passed the PPACA. A few Republicans should have allowed clean-up of some textual issues in the bill akin to a final edit of a term paper. If the Democrats tried to do any notable substantive changes, Republicans could stop them.
Nonetheless, to quote a reference used elsewhere, this still doesn't mean the "card says Moops" was a necessary SCOTUS analysis.
Not sorry Mr. Lawyer Man; nobody gives a damn about the courts anymore.
It has never been more clear that a hall of justice is vastly different than a court of law.
Alternate title: Supreme Court continues to follow its recent precedents (with which Blackman continues to disagree, but his disagreement is of no great significance).
You mean appoint the Fifth Circuit folks that "skipped" an important issue? Good call.
Osama-Care, 1: Pay out the ass for Shitty Insurance, 2: If you can't afford the Shitty Insurance, go on Medicaid, which is even Shittier, but at least its free,
and THAT's Barry Hussein's "Signature Achievement"??
OK, beats "Fast & Furious" and his re-invasion of Off-Gone-E-Ston, which to his credit, Prostatic Joe (redacted) up even worse.
Frank
I agree with the criticism of Kavanaugh's theory.
So the idea is that if this generation sees a clear problem with what the executive is doing, if it finds that the problem is embedded in the system and has been going on for 40 to 50 years then that cuts somehow AGAINST their argument.
It seems as if this generation is punished because their grandfathers' generation did not have the foresight to challenge a policy enacted in a different era, with a different jurisprudence, pre-Loper Bright, pre-major questions doctrine, and pre-partial revitalization of the non-delegation doctrine.
It is sort of like if I have been robbing banks for 20 years you can't make me stop now since you didn't stop me 20 years ago.
Doesn't each generation have its own opportunity to see a wrong and litigate it? Or does the failure of the fathers vest on the sons (and daughters)?
speaking of out of control judges, indira talwani the filthy curry eater appointed by barack onigger just held that trump wouldn't enforce the medicaid planned parenthood provisions of the big beautiful bill, and she ruled so based purely on planned parenthood's motion and with no response by the u.s.
these subhuman savages are out of control
If only there was a party that controlled both houses of Congress and the White House, and was therefore in a position to solve this awful problem of people having health insurance!
Apparently that could still be blocked as unconstitutional now, if a judge so decides. Since a Massachusetts district court just issued a TRO against the defunding of Planned Parenthood in the just signed reconciliation BBB law.
Even if Congress and the White House were to do something, a federal judge might still decide they can't. Because something something something bill of attainder punishment.
If only that party had the needed 60 votes in the Senate it could do many things.
Listing NFIB v Sebelius, King v Burwell, and then California v Texas has the same structure as “Murder, arson, and jaywalking”
So now disagreeing with a Suoreme Court decision means the Supreme Court committed crimes?
If the rest of the SC. and the 5th Circuit, are of one mind, and Thomas is in dissent, you can be reasonably confident that Thomas is wrong and Josh will agree with him.
"ReorganizationPlan,"
"existingfunctions"
I've been seeing examples of this for the last week. At first I thought it was poor copyreading before posting, but now I'm starting to wonder - is it AI? We're told that 'everyone' is using AI now, so I assume that contributors to Volokh are as well. In spite of the fact that they've been featuring AI F-ups in court submissions for a year now.