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"What Skrmetti Should Have Said"
"Yet, Dobbs did not repudiate the basis of Roe and Casey, the notion that legislatures are not empowered to enact laws based on public notions of morality. And Skrmetti refused to acknowledge that foundational basis of our republic."
Civitas Outlook has published my new essay, titled What Skrmetti Should Have Said. It begins:
I often ask students two questions inspired by Justice Antonin Scalia: identify a decision where you disagree with the outcome, but agree with the reasoning, and identify a decision where you agree with the outcome, but disagree with the reasoning. These questions serve as a gut-check to ensure that their reasoning does not simply follow their policy preferences. Students generally answer the first question with ease. Justice Scalia, for example, often cited his vote to protect a protester's First Amendment right to burn an American flag. But students have a much tougher time with the second question. Usually, if they agree with the bottom line of an opinion, they find a way to accept the reasoning, even if not perfectly.
For me, United States v. Skrmetti falls into the second category. The Court, by a 6-3 vote, held that Tennessee can ban doctors from "transitioning" minors to the opposite sex. This holding would have seemed so obvious only a generation ago. Yet, in a short span, elite opinion shifted such that lower court judges and members of the Supreme Court came to believe this law was clearly unconstitutional. The majority opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, as well as concurrences by Justices Clarence Thomas, Amy Coney Barrett, and Samuel Alito, got the bottom line correct. But upon reflection, I have doubts they had the best legal argument. Justice Sonia Sotomayor's dissent proved more persuasive than I expected–not a sentence I write very often. In short, Tennessee denied certain medical treatment to minors in large part based on their biological sex, and under longstanding precedent, sex-based classifications are reviewed more stringently.
That doesn't mean the Tennessee law was unconstitutional. Indeed, I think the state has such a strong interest in protecting children — especially from harm by their parents and doctors — that the law would still pass constitutional muster. But the majority opinion, and to a lesser extent the concurrences, engaged in hyper-technical readings of the statute that distracted from the real legal issues. To hear Chief Justice Roberts tell it, Tennessee simply issued a mundane regulation about which medical treatments are available for minors. But this approach ignored the real reason why Tennessee and so many other states have enacted such laws: the legislatures morally disapprove of transgenderism for minors, and sought to prevent children from medically transitioning to another sex. Full stop.
Here, I think, is the key paragraph:
Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022) rightly overruled Roe and Casey. This decision returned the question of abortion to the elected branches. Yet, Dobbs did not repudiate the basis of Roe and Casey, the notion that legislatures are not empowered to enact laws based on public notions of morality. And Skrmetti refused to acknowledge that foundational basis of our republic. Indeed, Justice Barrett paid homage to Justice Kennedy. She wrote, "an individual law 'inexplicable by anything but animus' is unconstitutional." This was the essence of the line of cases stretching from Romer to Obergefell. It is dispiriting that a former Scalia clerk has abandoned her old boss's mantle and taken up with his jurisprudential nemesis. And I cannot fathom why Justice Thomas signed onto Barrett's concurrence. (There is still time for him to change his vote before the opinion is officially reported.) The right answer, as Thomas and Scalia argued for decades, is that unless the Constitution expressly protects a constitutional right or class, a law motivated by moral disapproval is valid.
I hope this essay will stimulate discussion about how the Court--an even apparently Justice Thomas--has lost its way since Justice Scalia's passing.
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"Yet, Dobbs did not repudiate the basis of Roe and Casey, the notion that legislatures are not empowered to enact laws based on public notions of morality. "
Roe and Casey said no such thing. In fact Bowers was in between them.
Roe said that the states had a very strong interest in preserving fetal life yet that interest could not overcome a woman's privacy interests in bearing a child (at least prior to the first two trimesters).
Even taking Lawrence, which overruled Bowers, it said that an interest in morality could not overcome an adult's substantive due process liberty interest in having non-commercial consensual adult sex inside his own home.
Nowhere do these decisions say that a law cannot be based upon morality. Would have to nix drug and prostitution laws, animal cruelty, adult incest and a whole host of other laws if we had an on-point decision about no morals laws. Blackman is off base here.
Right. It didn't say that law cannot be based upon morality because it didn't need to. The people (like me) who are libertarian nominally legal pro-choice but were always against the constitutional (non) reasoning of Roe, happy to see it overturned, had the simple answer that abortion was not a federal question and was therefore an issue for states to decide.
Perhaps Blackman's argument here is a first step towards having the unborn recognized as persons under the US Constitution. At any rate, this is the kind of dicta advocacy that used to get disparaged conservatives. I guess like much of this stuff, it's okay when it advances your causes--true for all sides.
“libertarian nominally legal pro-choice”
How does that work?
It's kind of the old original understand of Roe, if you exclude the companion Doe case which essentially guaranteed abortion on demand by a woman threatening to kill herself if she couldn't have an abortion.
States should only regulate abortion at the point of viability, which should be decided by the political branches of government. That's a philosophical, not legal distinction for me. I've always thought the efforts by churches, for example, was misdirected: they should be making the case why abortion is bad, not trying to enact a legal regime to forbid it. Win hearts and minds.
I realize this satisfies almost no one. I'm only explaining why I think Roe was a constitutional abomination of judicial usurping, not because of what it made legal but how it did it.
“a woman threatening to kill herself if she couldn't have an abortion.”
What should be done with such women?
"if you exclude the companion Doe case which essentially guaranteed abortion on demand by a woman threatening to kill herself if she couldn't have an abortion."
More like, abortion on demand by making a doctor's pretextual determination that one was "medically necessary" unreviewable. (Unlike basically any other determination of medical necessity in existence...) Sure, that not getting one was a mental health risk did become the default diagnosis, but the decision wasn't specific to that excuse.
You've been told repeatedly that this is wrong.
I've always thought the efforts by churches, for example, was misdirected: they should be making the case why abortion is bad, not trying to enact a legal regime to forbid it. Win hearts and minds.
I agree that there is little point in making laws that the great majority of the population reject. Laws need to be practical. On the other hand the Overton Window is shiftable by a change in the law. Most people will usually go along with the law, most of the time. So if the voters are 90-10 on an issue, changing the law to the 10 position is liable to be impractical and may even stiffen opposition. But if the voters are 50-50, changing the law to your 50 may pull some of the other side over your way.
States should only regulate abortion at the point of viability
Which is a hostage to technology. Already IVF embryos are "viable" in the sense that they can live and thrive without their mother. Absence of viability begins in such cases only with implantation and lasts until say 22-24 weeks. In 2025. What the situation will be in 2075, who knows ?
I agree that the claim that no law may be based on morality is false. The practical problem, though, is whose morality? There are people who think homosexuality is immoral and there are those who think prejudice against homosexuality is immoral; which of their competing visions of morality controls?
And you can't just say leave it up to the legislature; the whole point of the Bill of Rights is that there's an outer limit on how miserable the majority can make the lives of people they dislike.
Yes, the legislature, as the elected representative of the people. And the whole point of a Bill of Rights is to place specific abuses outside the discretion of that legislature.
The only Bill of Rights limit on how miserable the majority can make the lives of people they dislike is the 8th amendment prohibition on excessive fines and cruel and unusual punishments.
There is, of course, the 9th amendment, but that just establishes a rule that a right not being mentioned in the Bill of Rights isn't proof it doesn't exist. You'd still need to advance evidence it was actually widely regarded as a right... If the judiciary hadn't decided to declare it void for vagueness, essentially. (Like their own 'substantive due process' is any better.)
There’s no legal battle, but a prudential soft discouragement of morality legislation isn’t off the table for a pluralistic society such as our own.
No, the 8th Amendment is not the only Bill of Rights limitation on how miserable the majority may make people it doesn't like. For starters, the First Amendment precludes persecution of religious minorities.
And your post is an example of just how bankrupt originalism really is. Historically, many people over the years have suffered severely because the majority didn't like them. That you think there's no impediment to that continuing, just with different victimized groups as the prevailing winds change, speaks volumes about just how vile your world view is.
We the People. Our morality. There are some limits to that---we cannot infringe on fundamental rights no matter if we do have the votes in the legislature.
The Court determined that homosexual sodomy is a fundamental right such that no matter the moral view against it, it cannot be banned (at least in the home).
Animal cruelty laws are perfect examples of morals laws. I harm no person by being cruel to animals yet the government prohibits it for no other reason than morality.
Actually, the government prohibits animal cruelty only very selectively and because puppies and kittens have better lobbyists. The law allows me to drop a live lobster into a pot of boiling water. It allows me to step on cockroaches, or set out poison for them that will cause them severe pain. It allows me to use painful poisons on rats and mice. During hunting season it allows me to shoot a deer with a bow and arrow, which is not likely to be a painless death. It allows me to lure fish into being painfully hooked so they can then suffocate to death. Really, just about the only animals I'm not allowed to be cruel to are pets which, as I pointed out, apparently just have better lobbyists. And if you've ever visited a slaughter house, you know that sheep, cows and pigs are treated pretty terribly too. So the morality of animal cruelty laws apparently only goes so far.
But let's step back for a minute and look at the broader picture. I think we are entitled to ask the question of what kind of a society will the orginalism you propose lead to. Humans have this nasty habit of dividing ourselves up into groups so that we can treat one another badly, be it by race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, or something else. There really isn't that much in the Constitution (at least as originalists interpret it) that prevents any group with a majority from doing nasty things to other groups they don't like, and historically they have. In spades.
Is that the society you want to live in, in which the fact that it's not you at the receiving end of legal mistreatment remains true only so long as you stay in the good graces of 51% of your neighbors? We've got lots and lots of precedent for that. And it's not the society I want to live in. We can do better than that. We really can.
If you aren't into gay sex, that's all the reason you need not to do it. But how is it any skin off your nose if your neighbors have different tastes?
Several things to unpack. First, your description of animal cruelty laws are only partially right. Even livestock kept for slaughter have to be treated humanely as defined by relevant state animal husbandry laws. And while dogs and cats definitely have the most protections, nobody is allowed to needlessly torture any animal. In any event, your outline proves my point: There is not a whole lot of logic in animal cruelty laws and they apply only to the extent where it offends our moral sensibilities. They are morals laws.
As far as hatred among groups, nobody is talking about open warfare. Everyone has the right to be secure in their homes and property. The homosexual sodomy question is simply about whether people have the right to engage in certain sexual acts. As far as I am concerned, I agree with you: they aren't harming me so I would not vote for such a law.
But to hold, as Lawrence did, that there is some kind of positive right to engage in homosexual sodomy is not consistent with our notions of morality in society. You should be able to outlaw that if you want because sodomy is not a right deeply ingrained in the history and traditions of this country. A state doesn't HAVE to ban sodomy, but our history shows that it clearly can.
Telling someone that they cannot do what they want is not open warfare between groups. Every law tells someone that they cannot do something they want. Lawrence's error was holding that sodomy has some special protection that puts it beyond the bounds of lawmaking. I just can't agree that our society has done that.
Open warfare, you say? The Georgia statute that the Supreme Court upheld in Bowers v Hardwick provided for 20 years incarceration for consensual gay sex. I would consider being locked up for 20 years to be open warfare. And even though that rarely happened (though it did happen occasionally; a great uncle of mine did 5 years for consensual gay sex in the 1950s), the fact that it gave gay people the legal status of criminals meant that they suffered wholesale employment and other economic discrimination, would not get a fair shot in the courts, and were otherwise subjected to a whole host of discriminatory treatment. They suffered routine police harassment with no recourse. And while that may not be a shooting war in which people die, I would certainly have felt that war was being waged against me if that stuff had happened to me.
And I really don't see it as having the right to engage in sodomy. Rather, I see it as what gives society the right to criminalize it. If you're suggesting that morality is whatever gets 51% of the popular vote, then we just disagree.
And it goes back to the question I posed earlier, which is the only part of my comment you seem not to have unpacked. Are you sure you want to live in a society in which the onlything that keeps that sort of thing from happening to you is the good will of 51% of your neighbors? Because majority opinion can turn, sometimes very quickly, as evidenced from how quickly we went from being anti-gay to anti-anti-gay in terms of ostracization and social pressure. Maybe you've never had to worry about having a life that a majority of your neighbors disapproves. Maybe you never will,. But that's a pretty thin reed to hang by.
One more word in that sentence than needed to be.
I don't agree with Josh. In this case the issue was the severity, For instance a law that says you cant dress your kid as the opposite gender. I don't think most states would waste time passing such a law.
States as a general matter don't allow what is essentially experimental medicine on especially children.
You don't think if parents were sending a 13 year old boy to school in a dress every day, getting his ass kicked by bullies, that the state wouldn't be empowered to step in? What if it was against the boy's wishes?
You are making a different point than I was, Josh is arguing the law is about Transgener and my point is the law is about experimental treatment.
In your case it would depend if they are a suspect class or not, because Kids get bullied for a lot of reason. It would be like saying for argument sake, its just hypo, people don't freak out. you made a law that said you couldn't wear x, because X makes people think you are Black, and all the white kids beat you up. That fails because being black is a suspect class.
so I think the dress hypothetical law is materially different from the law in Skrmetti.
“States as a general matter don't allow what is essentially experimental medicine on especially children.”
Is that true? I’ve known some kids who participated in clinical trials.
"transitioning" minors to the opposite sex.
If there is an 'opposite' sex, then there can be only two.
I suspect if the court ruled the earth is not flat, Sotomayor would write a dissent.
Does Sotomayer object to the idea that there are two categories of biological sex or does she think that persons presenting as another are protected?
Yep you caught Blackman being sloppy about sex vs, gender.
"The right answer, as Thomas and Scalia argued for decades, is that unless the Constitution expressly protects a constitutional right or class, a law motivated by moral disapproval is valid."
The alleged right answer clashes with text, history, precedent, and so forth. The 14A doesn't "expressly" protect race.
It just speaks of equal protection. Thus, moral disapproval of interracial marriage is invalid under this rule, how?
I put aside the Ninth Amendment. What does the 14A "expressly" protect? How about free speech? Free speech is protected now via the Due Process Clause ("liberty"). Scalia argued using the Privileges or Immunities Clause was silly. Thomas disagreed.
Either way, not "expressly" protected. So, e.g., if selling violent video games to children is immoral, I presume, constitutional?
Well, yes, the First Amendment protects it. But only against congressional limitation. Procedural due process also covers various things not "expressly" covered in so many words. A general principle (due process) is interpreted to cover specific things.
Same thing here. Sotomayor's dissent is what the opinion should have said with the section Kagan didn't join left out, perhaps.
It is true that the majority opinion is problematic.
https://verdict.justia.com/2025/06/23/the-roberts-court-puts-a-velvet-glove-on-the-iron-fist-of-anti-trans-backlash
The article is just a bit biased. From Sotomayor:
“Male (but not female) adolescents can receive medicines that help them look like boys, and female (but not male) adolescents can receive medicines that help them look like girls.”
But that is how it should be. If I am a male and don't look like a male, that is a legitimate health condition that should be treated. If I am a male and don't look like a female that is the normal state of nature that needs no treatment.
Sotomayor might as well complain that my doctor is discriminating against me because of sex because he will not prescribe birth control to me. It's really a silly argument. Bostock on steroids.
I continue to think Atlanta Motel was entirely correct that the Civil Rights laws as applied to non-State actors are, in their entirety, simply ordinary morals laws no different from laws against lotteries, prostitution, and other examples of morals laws that the Atlanta Motel court gave.
If government cannot enforce morals laws, then the Civil Rights Laws must, in their entirety, be struck down as unconstitutional. They are based on nothing but public notions of morality. They are no different from any other morals laws.
What judges cannot do is strike down only morals laws they disagree with while upholding and even creating by fiat morals laws they agree with. The constitution does not specially empower judges to enforce THEIR notions of morality on everybody else while disabling everyone else from doing so. Rather, the constitution makes legislatures, not courts, the organ of government solely empowered to decide these matters. While judges can in many instances create common law involving moral concepts, even there their decisions are subject to override by legislation.
I think all laws have some strains of morality in them but that doesn't make them morals law. A law against murder certainly comes from ancient moral beliefs but I don't think the other benefits of such a law outweigh simply calling it a morals law.
I think the civil rights laws were much the same. Sure there is a moral component but their is the economic interest in not having a secondary class of citizen.
The motel's argument was that the CRA could not be justified under the commerce clause power because the commerce itself, the exchanging of money for a room key occurred all in one state. The interstate travel had ended.
Professor, how can you not understand the first rule of law - ALL laws are based on moral preferences. ALL of them. The question is how the people place these preferences into law (itself a moral preference) and what rights are placed above the ability of a majority to implement or change.
Bonus question, name any law that is not morally based.
"20% of the revenues of the state income tax are to be distributed equally between :
(a) The Governor
(b) the State Senate and
(c) the State House
The State Senate and the State House may each determine the split between the members of each chamber."
The basis for this law is not "moral" - the basis is "interest." The piggies want to feed at the trough.
This is a somewhat stark example, but there are lots of laws that are based on "interest" - sure, a "moral" rationale might be trotted out as cover, but nobody actually believes it.
Plenty of business regulations are simply carefully crafted "barriers to entry" to protect existing businesses from competition, purchased from politicians for cash. Nothing moral going on there.
But the morality of taxation itself is legislated here, as is the morality of the choices made about how to first tax (by force) and then allocate resources. Also, there is the morality of the ability to regulate business (trade, really) at all. What right do the people, through a Legislature have to interfere in choices to engage or not engage in trade? The only reason people do not "believe" the moral basis of all law is that they have been gaslighted about it for centuries.
Finally, the entire concept of "interests" is a moral judgment. Communism denies the validity of an individual even having an interest apart from the Party and the State.
Let us say that I am stronger than you and that I covet your wallet. So I just take it off you. Is that taking based on "moral" considerations ? No, it's based on my wish to possess your wallet and its contents. My interests. Certainly, we can debate whether it is or is not "moral" for me to swipe your property but that's a different question from whether my taking it is motivated by moral considerations.
If I arrange for politicians to take your property and give it to me, by passing a law to that effect, the conclusion is the same.
Whether a law is morally justified, by reference to whatever your morals may be, and what any particular law is motivated by, are different questions. Some laws are certainly motivated by the morals of the lawmakers, or at least by the morals of the voters mediated by the political interests of the politicians. But some laws are just motivated by the interests of the politicians, or the majority of voters, or the voters who contribute most to the politicians.
Lobbyists lobby. Sometimes for their paymasters' moral positions. But much more often, for their paymasters' interests.
The conclusion you reach, which that theft is morally wrong, is a quintessential moral judgment. Also that the weak should be protected from the strong, or that might does not make right. As is the claim that government theft is morally justified but private theft is not. As I said, EVERYTHING is a moral judgment. Which is why moral relativism and deconstruction is fatal to civilisation. Civilisation is nothing more than widely accepted moral judgments which are obeyed voluntarily. And Western civilisation is certainly under attack, by those who reject it. I happen to morally believe that it is worth defending.
But can't you say it is about having a peaceful society? If the other poster steals my wallet, he has to sleep sometime so I will go and violently take it back, maybe taking a few things of his in the process. But I have to sleep so then he comes back the next night, etc. ad nauseum.
Aside from the moral aspect, we want to have a society where people have a right in their property and a sense of peace that they can keep it.
The conclusion you reach, which that theft is morally wrong, is a quintessential moral judgment.
But I didn't reach that conclusion. I am being deliberately agnostic on the question of whether taking your property is "moral."
I'm pointing out that a law that permits Peter's property to be taken for Paul's benefit may be based on moral considerations ("we must help poor Paul") or it may be based on considerations of interests ("Paul makes contributions to my campaign.") Laws are not necessarily based on moral considerations - they are often based on considerations of interests.
I suspect you are confusing morals with value, as in value judgements. To the extent that a law is passed that deliberately benefits me and deliberately damages you, whoever is passing it is valuing my interests more highly than yours. But that doesn't necessarily mean that the legislator is making a moral judgement that my interests ought to outweigh yours. It may simply be that I make political contributions and you don't.
identify [A] a decision where you disagree with the outcome, but agree with the reasoning, and identify [B] a decision where you agree with the outcome, but disagree with the reasoning.
I'm struggling with this conceptually.
[A} doesn't make any sense to me. If I agree with the reasoning, how can I disagree with the outcome ? I may "disapprove" of the outcome, but that's not the same as disagreeing with it.
So I'm forced to assume that Scalia means "disapprove" when he says "disagree."
But when we get to [B], "disagree" clearly seems to mean "disagree" not "disapprove." You don't adopt a value based opinion as to the reasoning, you judge whether it's correct as a matter of fact and logic. Approval or disapproval has nothing to do with it. So a case of [B] might be where you think the court arrived at the right answer but using faulty reasoning - eg if a court decides that Trump can't do this or that because the Constitution forbids it, whereas in reality the Constitution does not forbid it, but instead Section 1234 of the US code forbids it.
Anyway it seems to me that the first leg [A] of Scalia's test is asking a different sort of question from the second leg [B].
I think he means policy outcome (one might agree Heller was correctly reasoned but lament the policies then required).
Yes, I think that's more "dislike the outcome", than disagree with it. Though I suppose you could have a case where valid reasoning was applied to mistaken factual predicates.
I tried to use AI to find where Scalia had said something like this, but got pointed right back to this post as a source! So I guess Google's AI assistant is no longer limited to dated training materials.
So, "dislike" the outcome but find the reasoning valid, or "like" the outcome but find the reasoning invalid. I could see both.
Most rulings upholding parts of the Constitution I don't like would fall into the first category; I don't like the fact that the federal government is so unlimited in its taxation power, but, 16th amendment, it is.
As i agree with Thomas about incorporation, decisions incorporating the Bill of Rights against the states are in the latter category: Of course the Bill of Rights should be incorporated, but 'substantive' due process is still an oxymoron.
"the legislatures morally disapprove of transgenderism for minors, and sought to prevent children from medically transitioning to another sex."
This is what the 14A was meant to protect: lawmakers writing discriminatory and oppressive laws to satisfy their own version of morality.
No, shit head, the 14th was meant to protect against State Legislatures treating blacks worse than whites.
You are invited to try to find ANYONE during the ratification debates making your claim. You won't because your claim requires an extreme form of self inflicted stupidity that simply wasn't common 150 year ago
“14th was meant to protect against State Legislatures treating blacks worse than whites.”
So affirmative action is ok?
No, shithead, because they chose to implement that goal by saying you can't treat them worse, OR BETTER
Which you'd know if you knew how to read
Listen you need to decide between shit head or shithead when you gratuitously insult someone.
Spelling was not exact in 1868. He is being originalist.
LOL! So true...
Listen to you not having anything worthwhile to say
Which is your regular course, or course
OK, entirely unrelated to any position GJ takes, he now joins the grey box squad. Life's too short to spend any of it viewing such a waste of pixels. Mute User.
Are you an original intent guy or not?
Original understanding
i don't care about politicians intent, i care about the words used, and how they were understood by the voters who had the chance to punish them if they didn't like that understanding.
Right. No one at the time (which should inform the original public meaning) thought that the 14A equal protection clause gave women the right to vote. Especially since right after it, Congress passed and the states ratified the 15th which attempted to guarantee the just freed blacks the right to vote. It took an additional half century to pass the 19th. So much liquidation!
It is embarrassing for originalists to have a race-conscious view of the EP clause when Section 2 of that Amendment specifically allowed states to deny blacks the vote--only with a penalty of diminution of representation. It seems to suggest that EP wasn't thought of nearly as expansive as it is today.
Why would that be embarrassing for originalists ? As opposed to embarrassing for the folk who originally adopted the amendment.
Because if you listen to Scalia and Bork they argue that Brown and Loving were correctly decided and were opposed to affirmative action, all because those laws were "race based."
Telling someone that he cannot vote because of his race is "race based" and thought by the drafters not to run afoul of the equal protection concept they stated in the previous section.
The debates clearly show that the drafters did not think that they required desegregated schools or the elimination of miscegenation laws. If you read the reports, it was the Democrats who OPPOSED the 14A who made the charge that it would require those things. The supporters of the 14A said over and over again that was just a scare tactic that OF COURSE it did not mean such things.
The original public understanding makes you think that something is not right with the originalist view--the Scalia and Bork view-- of that clause or the entire amendment. But of course no modern theory can survive by saying Brown was wrong, so they had to cheat.
Bork's argument was that "first you go with the actual words, then you go with the original understanding of them".
So Plessey v Fergusen was correct for its time, because "separate but equal" was allowed.
But by the time of Brown, there was a solid court record that "separate" was inherently "unequal". Since the words of the 14th enshrined "equal", and did NOT enshrine "separate", therefore the Court in Brown correctly nuked "Separate but equal".
But the WAY they did it was total bullshit, talking about how kids played with dolls, rather than about the court cases that established the relevant factual record.
I've yet to run against a good counter-argument to Bork's position
Wow, more stupidity from the Left
Section 2 didn't "allow" racial discrimination in voting, it simply acknowledged that Democrats are evil scum, and therefore they might do it anyway.
What you babbled is like saying States "allow" murder, since they set up punishments to inflict on people when they do it.
The idea that the Republican Congress and State Legislators was going to give ultimate power over deciding what qualifies as "allowed morality" to the SCOTUS that gave them Dred Scott has got to be one of the stupidest things I've ever read.
But I'm sure you'll be able to exceed that, Molly, I have faith in you
MollyGodiva,
Why does the 14th Amendment permit the Civil Rights Laws? Woman A asks a man for a date, the man says “sorry, I prefer to sleep with men.” The woman freaks out and claims the man has harmed her.
Woman B asks a man for a job. The man says “sorry, I prefer to work with men.” The woman freaks out and says the man has harmed her.
I think that legislatures are perfectly free to agree with the freak-out and put the imprimatur of the law on it in one case and disagree with it and put the impramatur of the law on opposing the freak-out in the other. They are free to label the man a “pervert,” “sexist,” whatever label they want. They are free to label the woman a “busybody,” “homophobe,” whatevdr label they want.
They are free to look to history for justification in both cases. In classical Athens, women were relegated to raising children and being pleasure objects; sex for compansionship was strictly between men. In 19th Century America, women were relegated to the household and menial jobs; work for personal fulfillment and compansionahip was strictly for men.
But I don’t see how the 14th Amendment itself makes any distinction between the two cases. In both cases, the objects of the freak-outs ought to be perfectly free to argue to legislatures that they have been completely misunderstood and this whole freak-out thing is so unnecessary. And the folks freaking ought to be perfectly free to argue to legislatures that the people making them freak out are scum and there really ought to be a law against what they do.
How are courts to decide? It seems to me that the way they have gone about things is nothing more or less than this. If a majority of the Justices themselves personally get freaked out by something, then they get the power to proclaim that the constitution itself gets freaked out by what these people do and it is the constitutionally mandated duty of government to eradicate it. Any hint of mercy is constitutionally highly suspect. But if a majority of the Justices don’t get freaked out it, then they get the power to proclaim that the constitution itself makes getting freaked out evil animus, and it is the mandated duty of government to keep the freaked-out people from harming the folks they get freaked out about.
Nothing in the 14th Amendment confers anything remotely like this power. The Justices have no business constitutionalizing their own personal preferences, claiming their personal perceptions are the way things really are. Their personal moral sense is any better than anyone else’s. And it is absolutely NOT the role of the Equal Protection Clause to help the Justices help their friends and stiff it to their enemies.
The Equal Protection Clause means what it says. In the two example cases, the constitution treats, i.e. protects, Woman A and Woman B equally. Nothing more, nothing less.
In short, Tennessee denied certain medical treatment to minors in large part based on their biological sex
No, it doesn't. Your statement comes from a place of complete ignorance about the drugs involved.
1: Puberty blockers: the ONLY kids who legitimately get prescribed those are kids suffering from pre-mature puberty, like having it start at age 8. No sex based difference
2: No one is prescribing testosterone to boys because they don't "feel like men", which would be the case if the ban on giving it to girls who claim to be "trans boys" were the case.
Fix your ignorance
"the legislatures morally disapprove of transgenderism for minors, and sought to prevent children from medically transitioning to another sex."
There is no such thing as transitioning to another sex. Sex is immutable. And as to the moral part - of course a moral concern is legitimate. Laws regulating sex between adults and children are based on morality, as are many many others. Like performing medical experiments without informed consent. Someone ate a bad banana before writing this one.
Certainly laws regulating sex with minors have a moral component, their legal basis is simply that minors cannot consent to many adult things. Whether you want to categorize that as morality depends on how many angels are on the head of this pin in front of me.
That consent is required for the sex to be "legal" is a position from morality.
Any law that touches issues of "fairness" or "right and wrong" is a law about morality, and about imposing a moral code on everyone.
The psychotics pushing the trans ideology are constantly arguing about "rights" and "fairness", which is to say they are pushing their deranged moral code on the rest of us.
The idea that we can't return the favor and push our non-deranged moral code on them is just more derangement from the Left
I'm with Blackstone: Common law traces its origin from two sources, the Bible and the natural law.
You are a male or a female and the altering of that is abominable. It wrecks your personality a la Dylan Mulvaney and it ruins your sense of reality as in
https://cdn.openart.ai/stable_diffusion/8b59db52cd2fe2f72adb1737fe8b2b7be46efe81_2000x2000.webp
I have NEVER met a normal trans or seen one or heard of one
"I have NEVER met a normal trans or seen one or heard of one"
Blaire White?
If you think all transwomen look like the person in the link or Rachel Levine, you need to get out more.
https://people.com/style/kim-petras-sports-illustrated-swimsuit-cover-2023/
Likewise Blackstone isn't the authority for America's understanding of the common law. He was an English Tory who was on Great Britain's side in its conflict with America.
Rather, you'd have to go to James Wilson or St. George Tucker who revised the CL for America.
https://abortionworker.com/ <==== after 17 years at PP this woman found what horrors were going on and she helps others escape the killing floors of PP
I am not a fan of Justice Scalia and I don't know whether Clarence Thomas copied him in his famous dissents but Scalia is undeniably right and Sotomayor wrong
“Dare to think this: It is entirely possible for a law to be really, really stupid and yet be constitutional. It is not up to the Court to run the country by holding as unconstitutional not only those things the Constitution pronounces to be unconstitutional, but those things it thinks ought to be unconstitutional.”
Sotomayor and Jackson and Kagan never ever see this. NEVER