The Volokh Conspiracy
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Grading The Controversial Florida Seminar Paper
Earlier today I wrote about the New York Times expose concerning the grading of a student seminar paper at the University of Florida. I've now had a chance to read the paper.
First, from a technical perspective, the paper is very well done. The writing is easy to understand. The footnotes are expertly bluebooked. The sentences are bit too long for my taste, but many law professors like long sentences with many clauses. I don't have the rubric, but I would imagine the student would receive full credit, or near-full-credit for these technical elements.
Second, the author also presents a fairly detailed analysis of modern originalist scholarship. He accurately describes the views of McGinnis and Rappaport, Randy Barnett, and Adrien Vermeule. The author brings in discussion of the Federalist Papers, records from the Constitutional Convention, and early congressional debates over slavery. Again, I don't have the rubric, but I would imagine the student would receive full credit, or near-full-credit for the literature/background information section.
Third, I'll turn to the substance. The basic argument is that under what the author describes as National Constitutionalism, the Constitution should be understood to protect the sovereignty of "the People." And, following Verdugo-Urquidez and Heller, "the People" are Americans, and not aliens. But the author doesn't stop there. Citing records from the early republic, he concludes that the founding generation sought to discourage immigration from non-White countries. He quotes Professors Gabriel Chin and Paul Finkelman who wrote, "whether or not they supported slavery, a majority of [the Founders] unambiguously conceived of the United States as a White country." (I'm not sure anyone would disagree with this point.)
This analysis leads the author to three conclusions. First, the author would read Article IV, Section 4 to permit the states to play a role to prevent the "invasion" of migrants. (This section more-or-less tracks Judge Ho's concurrence, and arguments advanced by the Trump DOJ.) Second, the author would allow the courts to strictly scrutinize immigration policies that would "dissolve the people and elect another." Third, the author would subject discrimination against aliens to mere rational basis review. He would also overrule Plyler v. Doe and Wong Kim Ark. The author recognizes that his positions are in tension with the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. But he cites the longstanding debates about whether these amendments were properly ratified, and whether they are substantive unconstitutional. If these amendments were not ratified, then we are left with the Constitution without the Reconstruction Amendments.
Here is my assessment. The article is laid out backwards. At the very end, the author contends that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments may have never been properly ratified. And his conception of National Constitutionalism is premised on those two amendments never changing the constitutional order. Or alternatively, he contends that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment should have no bearing on how immigration policy is understood. But if these points are wrong, then many of his points would not follow.
Were I to have advised the student on the paper, I would have had him reverse the entire theme. At the outset, the author would have the reader assume--at least for purposes of a thought experiment--that the Reconstruction Amendments were never ratified. Then, the reader would imagine that Congress adopted twentieth-century style open immigration laws. Would those laws violate the original Constitution? If the federal government failed to stop the flow of migrants, would the states then have the power under Article IV to repel the invasion? Could courts declare those laws as unconstitutional?
The author does repeatedly refer to a preference for White people, and blocking non-White immigrants. At least in this paper, the Author frames this preference in terms of how the Framers would have understood immigration--I think he accurately describes that history. Now, with the benefit of hindsight, we know that the author was in fact also articulating his own policy preferences. But based on the paper, the author was presenting this thesis as a matter of scholarship.
Where does this leave us? Is this the best student note I've ever read? No. Was it executed well from a technical perspective? Yes. Was it thoroughly researched? Yes. Did it present a coherent thesis based on history? Yes. Was it well organized? Not really. The article under-developed the core obstacle--the ratification of the Reconstruction Amendments--and doesn't explain how the Supreme Court would overrule certain landmark precedents. But these sorts of shortcomings are typical of law student papers. What would I give the paper, having never met the student or heard his presentation? Probably a B+ or maybe an A- if I was feeling generous. Then again, I didn't read any of the other papers in the class, so it is tough to compare. And remember, under the syllabus, the final paper is worth only 65% of the final score, so we do not know what other elements the student contributed. A final grade of A or A+ is well within the bounds of reasonable grading.
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There is no controversy.
Only the NYT thinks there is, and they think this country was founded in 1619.
“There is no controversy”
I don’t think you get to decide that.
Dark skinned people are risking their lives to reach a white country. They are running away from their shithole countries. In the past 700 years, there has yet to be a jurisdiction that has been well governed by a dark skinned person. That includes jurisdictions that are very rich, like San Fran, and NYC. These are now unlivable shitholes too. Yes, your apartment cost $20 million. Downstairs, at 2 AM, there is the endless noise stress of back up beeping of noisy diesel trucks, angry horn blowing, 3 guys screaming at their demons. You will get continually accosted and harassed with no recourse. Any self help will get the victim arrested by the lawyer.
Ethnic groups have strengths and weaknesses. It is not easy to tease out cultural tradition from genetics. I would like to hear an exception to the above rule. If you find a few exceptions, they will prove the rule by their rarity. There are no exceptions. White basketball teams do better to import superior ethnic players. So should these governments subcontract to people who govern effectively.
I have lived in NYC for more than a decade, and I have never been accosted or harassed. Nor is there noise at 2 am, and I live on the ground floor next to the entry, a 30 second walk from Broadway. And my apartment is worth maybe $350K.
IANAL, but Blackman’s summary and analysis make it sound like a perfect “originalist” paper. The author makes a clear case that his preferred outcome is supported by the Constitution. If he is allowed cherry pick history, and if he’s allowed to assume away the portions of the Constitution, in this case the 13th and 14th Amendments, that clearly contradict him.
And that’s the crux of this, isn’t it. That conservatives find the 13th and 14 inconvenient.
But Josh is right. The NYT should not single out a law student, no matter how much he has since proven himself to be an asshole consistent with his paper. Their ire should be directed against the “originalist” project.
The argument, the FFs were opposed to non-white immigration therefore the Constitution should be interpreted accordingly, fails on the evident ground that the FFs chose not to enshrine that opposition in the Constitution itself. You can argue originalism concerning intent in the definitions of, say, "arms" or "cruel and unusual", but to argue originalism of intent in the absence of any text supporting intent is another matter entirely.
For example, if after reading random comments by some FFs to the effect that they thought that religion obviously meant Christianity as the natural religion of the new country, and you thence argue that the reference to freedom of religion in 1A was intended exclusively to apply to freedom of Christian worship, you're faced with the problem that the best way to find out what all the FFs meant, not just those moved to comment, or whose writings have survived, is to read the damn Constitution itself, and if you're being honest, conclude that had they intended to mean "Christianity", they had the words to say so - and did not.
It's like arguing that the snake in the Garden of Eden was Satan because that must be what was meant, yet the text explicitly rules out the snake being anything other than a snake - had the writer meant Satan, he could assuredly have said so.
The argument, the FFs were opposed to non-white immigration therefore the Constitution should be interpreted accordingly, fails on the evident ground that the FFs chose not to enshrine that opposition in the Constitution itself.
Originalism requires a strong imagination.
Living constitutionalism is nothing but a strong imagination.
SRG2 is correct: Regardless of what the founding fathers might have thought on this topic, (And they were hardly all on the same page!) they didn't write those opinions into the Constitution.
Muslims were scarcely a consideration at the time, the Islamic population of the new country was negligible, as was immigration by Muslims. And Satanists? Not even negligible, if anybody was stupid enough to be a Satanist, they'd have been very quiet about it.
My guess is that they did not say Christian because they intended to include Deists and Unitarians, and maybe Jews. But they did not intend to include Moslems and Satanists.
And have you anything to support your guess?
Get real -- West Virginia is unconstitutional.
The Virginia legislature never approved it.
Sure they did. The reformed government of Virginia met in Wheeling. Had a piece of birthday cake on Friday so that makes it official.
No, I like the Reconstruction amendments. (I do like the 14th better as written, than as re-written by the Court, though.) That simply doesn't lead me to ignore that procedurally, their origination and ratification was a constitutional dumpster fire.
But as they are good amendments, and have been around for a long while, that's not a hill I'd chose to die on. If I were to advocate anything, it would be to have the Southern states re-ratify them, this time not at the point of a literal gun.
Is Josh Blackman doing performance art?
It is, of course, "Adrian". And Adrian Vermeule is known not for being an originalist, but a "common-good constitutionalist".
The same concurrence that utterly disagreed with a previous opinion by Ho.
I would! It actually took a while for the categories of white and non-white to stabilize, and for immigration policy to actually be a thing at all.
I have to laugh. The whole thing strikes me as a waste of time and brain power.
Did the founders think of the country as whites only? Of course not -- there were free blacks living in the colonies and states and country.
Did the founders think about other "white" people, such as Arabs / Persians / Muslims, eastern Europeans? Spanish descent in South America? I do not know. There was that fake Polish Baron who trained soldiers in the war. I don't know his history; was he really Polish? What did "Polish" even mean back then, considering how the country has been pushed around ever since?
Then there's Asians -- Japanese, Koreans, Chinese, Vietnamese, and other east Asians. Indians, Pakistanis, Afghanis, and other south / central Asians. Would they have been considered fair game to now allow immigration?
Unless a bunch of them wrote explicitly about all those people, I don't think there is an answer. To say the founders thought of the country as white (ignoring the free blacks!) doesn't answer the question as to whether that was just who had settled the colonies or whether that was how it should always be. The question cannot be answered.
And then to ignore the 14th Amendment, after all those Chinese had been in the country for a decade or more, and pretend 90-year old happenstance overrode a clear Constitution Amendment? The guy is off his rocker.
Pulaski was born in Warsaw, so I'll credit him with being Polish.
How I know of him: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pulaski_Skyway
Thanks, I guess I should have phrased it better. I meant that it didn't seem to matter to George Washington and the other founders.
FWIW-some researchers think Pulaski may have been a woman.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-47842307.amp
Interesting read, but I saw this: "the skeleton's DNA was "identical" to that of Pulaski's descendant" and just laughed. There's no way that's an accurate description of the analysis.
I mean, lots of people would disagree with this point. Beyond that, though, this is pretty much the foundational rubric for Critical Race Theory, and it's funny to hear it suddenly embraced in defense of a white supremacist's school paper.
this is pretty much the foundational rubric for Critical Race Theory,
Ah, but there is bad CRT, promoted by "those people" and good CRT, promoted by "decent law-abiding white folk just like..."
It’s also CT. CRT focuses more on the 14A and subsequent legal options to improve things.
The founder of CRT left CT because it was too negative.
https://dissenting-opinions.simplecast.com/episodes/critical-race-theory-is-a-verb
The notion that the Fourteenth Amendment was not properly ratified is a hoary trope common to segregationists. It gained traction in the 1950s and 1960s in the wake of desegregation decisions by federal courts.
Horrible people may be making the argument, but...
Counting both states that ratified but later rejected, *and* states that rejected but later ratified, as having ratified, seems dubious to me. Denying states representation in Congress and subjecting them to martial law unless/until those states voted for the amendment goes beyond dubious and into clearly unconstitutionally coercive.
Since they imposed this condition on 10 states out of 37 which existed at the time, and given that 3/4 of states are needed to pass an amendment, and given that support at the time was not unanimous even in the other states, it's extremely likely the amendment would not have passed at that time if that condition had not been imposed.
And that's setting aside the question of whether Congress even had a quorum at the time they originated it.
Quorum requires half. Even if you assume the open southern seats count, Congress had quorum.
They had a quorum in the Senate if everybody showed up. Practice up to the Civil war had been that a quorum was calculated as half plus one of the total number of authorized seats, so that Congress couldn't reduce the number required to do business simply by refusing to seat somebody.
The Senate frequently shut down for lack of a quorum early in the Civil war, because sometimes members were absent for one reason or another.
So they decided that the Southern states' seats didn't count for purposes of determining a quorum. But not until 1964, when the Civil war was almost over anyway.
"Unconstitutionally coercive conditions" aren't just a free-floating concept. The coercive conditions have to effectively violate some clause of the constitution. For example, coercing people to participate in religious practices violates the Establishment Clause. Coercing states to implement Medicaid is unconstitutional due to the anti-commandeering doctrine of the Tenth Amendment.
What clause of the Constitution addresses coercion in the context of readmitting states after a civil war? Practically all the states after the initial 13 were coerced in one way or another in order to become states in the first place.
Constitutionally, the North's argument, and basis for waging war, was that the Southern states could not legally secede. They having thus not seceded, there was no need for them to be "readmitted", they were part of the US the whole time, and simply being denied representation.
So you have to ask, not what the Constitutional basis was for their not being coerced during the readmission process, but instead, what was the Constitutional basis for not allowing them representation in Congress?
You want the constitutional basis for not coercing them? Anti-commandeering. Or the republican form of government clause; Is it a republican form of government if you have somebody else's soldiers on your legislative floor directing how you must vote?
"Practically all the states after the initial 13 were coerced in one way or another in order to become states in the first place."
You qualified that too much: Rhode ("Rogue") Island was coerced into ratifying the Constitution by threat of a naval blockade by the other states. So not even all of the original 13 states joined voluntarily.
I don't think they ever tried to say that these were not punitive war measures. I mean they just fought a grizzly war to bring the southern states back into the country. They aren't going to give them a free vote to undo what they lost on the battlefield.
History and tradition say it's legit.
Did Josh lose a bet? Who asked for this?
My hunch: Leonard Leo told him to defend a judge backed by Fed Soc. I mean, that Blackman knows this student considers himself a Nazi and still would grade the paper an A? Blackman long ago sold out his moral compass for some Marriott points.
To be totally clear to anyone reading -- the parent comment is not hyperbolically referring to a guy with conservative opinions as a Nazi, the student in question is an avowed Nazi who thinks Hitler was great and who would absolutely personally put Josh in a gas chamber if he had the capacity to do so. Really bizarre to spend any time making sure no one was being mean to his shitty term paper.
“Is this the student note I've ever read?”
Blurb for the book version.
Genuine LOL at that one.
I'd like to say OK, we've read his paper, we've heard him out, it's fairly well-disguised White Nationalism, it's racism and bigotry in academic drag. I do respect the academic quality of his paper, no matter how shaky I find some of his premises and how deplorable I find his conclusions. I've never written anything that good, even in my prime. Maybe he'll have a few with his friends and focus on graduating. We all are (or should be) focused on much bigger problems such as Israel/Gaza/Iran.
Of course this author probably won't settle back into his pre-Paper life, at least not right away. Like Kyle Rittenhouse he'll be courted, feted, and put on display by all the usual Right Wing suspects. He'll be showered with gifts, and asked his opinion about things he knows nothing about yet. He will have possible book deals and clerkships dangled in front of him. Hard to resist conservative bling like that.
Overall, however, I have to give him high marks for clarity and honesty (assuming he did write the paper himself) because he leaves us in no doubt about his motives and objectives. MAGA will pick him up (like a utility infielder) to show much it loves the Constitution and how sad it is that we'll have to destroy it in order to save it.
Wait, really? "What if some of the amendments had never happened" is a B+ / A- premise for a paper, especially when the hypothetical result is a racist utopia?
Wow Josh, what grade would you give a paper positing a constitution without the First Amendment resulting in a country where Jews were second-class citizens? Well I guess that's basically Israel, just for a different religion, so probably an A for that too.
And Blackman wonders why he doesn’t have a professor post at a name-brand law school.
I don't know that the 14th amendment is really all that damaging to his thesis, (At least in regards to immigration.) even if you ignore the procedural irregularities, and assume it was legitimately ratified. Most 14th amendment rights are, textually, protected by the P&I clause, which limits its reach to citizens. And equal protection of the law was not written to be 'substantive', it simply prohibited denying people the literal protection of the law: If it was illegal to murder a white man, it had to be illegal to murder a black man!
So, the position that the 14th amendment has no bearing on immigration policy is actually pretty solid from an originalist perspective. And the notion that the 15th amendment has any bearing on immigration at all seems kind of weird, since it only speaks to the voting rights of citizens.
Where he starts to lose it is the notion that the federal government is somehow constitutionally obligated to racially discriminate in immigration, just because some of the founders would have preferred that. Their only preferences that have legal status are the ones that made it into law, and I don't see anywhere this one did.
BrettLaw. Amazing how your historical assertions are such that your originalist arguments always aligns with your priors, eh?
You know, the thing you accuse all non originalists of doing.
I mean, for me anyway the historical record clearly shows eg. state governments are allowed to do things I wish they wouldn’t be allowed to do. Originalism leads to plenty of outcomes I personally dislike. Textualism especially so.
The object of lawyering though is to make a case for your views (or more accurately your clients) so that’s not always expressed.
What’s your alternative? Just to openly do that, embed your policy preferences in the constitution? Originalism is from what I’ve seen the only framework that bothers to provide any rigor to this, even if it does go off the rails at times
It more or less has to go off the rails, as applied, because rigorous originalism would pretty much automatically find that the vast expansion of the federal government's power during the New Deal and afterwards was unconstitutional. (Because they were!) And so nobody who is suspected of being a rigorous originalist has a snowball's chance in hell of being confirmed to the judiciary.
Not originalism, BrettLaw.
You don’t like the new deal and so hey your non scholarship has done some originalish vibes that agreed with your priors.
There’s plenty of legit originalist scholarship out there; I’ve pointed it out to you. You reject it as cowardly surrender.
There's plenty of legit originalist scholarship out there, and until they started surrendering to entrenched precedent, liquidation wasn't a thing in originalism. It came to be a thing to justify not actually following originalism in cases where they lacked the resolve to follow it.
Nah I just think there are other doctrines of interpretation that do the same outcomes you may not like thing.
Breyer wrote a book about his purposivism.
Will Baude does originalism but not his personal Constitutional vibes, but on a combo of scholarship and precedent.
There’s also intent, and current public meaning, and common law constitutional interpretation.
I don’t have a particular preferred method, I like it when cases go through a lot of them.
I don’t like it when originalists claim only their way is legitimate.
Especially when they are as outcome oriented as anyone and us originalism more as a brand and rationale than an actual guide.
I've been persuaded that just outright judicial minimalism might be a valid form of interpretation. Unless its the 1st amendment, where you can argue for maximalism, just let the legislature figure it out. And even in a criminal justice context we should follow the 4th amendment but the supreme court shouldn't be deciding rules about how to comply with it. if its Let the legislature figure it out. We are a democracy after all.
You run into issues with say, separation of powers or federal vs state, and I don't agree with the judicial philosophy underpinning it (or frankly its policy outcomes!) but its relatively coherent, right?
"Breyer wrote a book about his purposivism."
Perhaps, and I think purposivism can be made rigorous, but in practice Breyer just seemed to just do what he wanted. I don't think good purposivism supports Obergefell. And you can't on one hand argue for pragmatism, and then on the other demand strict adherance to precedent, those are contradictions.
I like Will Baude's work.
But all argument proceeds from first principles and that you did not address at all. That student is not much different from Prof Kurt Lash and you wouldn't give him that grade.
I agree with the student
You agree with the student? That the federal government is obligated to discriminate against “non-white” people? Why, just cause?
So, I once wrote an essay pretending to be an advisor to the apartheid government advising the government on how to fool the US government into not sanctioning us too hard. Granted the professor encouraged us to write in similar veins (someone else pretended to be Pol Pot). Had a lot of fun writing it, got an A in the class and on the essay, etc … obviously I don’t believe that. But it was a very useful exercise (wanted to better understand the perspective of non western people who hold bad ideologies)
And I think I’m against making student essays national news stories. All we’ve got here is “random student wrote apparently A worthy essay” and “random student is a white supremecist” neither of which are newsworthy.
And professors should not punish students for differing views, or expressing those views in an essay, even if they are abhorrent. I believe that strongly, that’s the whole point of free academic inquiry,
That’s different from, obviously, the legal argument isn’t very good (that the founders wanted to discriminate against non white people, even if they did, they didn’t mention it in the constitution.) It tries to embed an (abhorrent) ideology in the legal argument … who says non white people are a “separate” people and not Americans? That I’m the son of Indian immigrants makes me not American? That’s just assumed to be a factual basis to make a legal argument?
And so on. Haven’t read many student papers but from what I have seen … generally it’s pretty terrible (friend who was TAing at Harvard Law once read me a bunch) so maybe he should’ve gotten an A.
I aced philosophy and ethics back in college by spending the semester defending ethical egoism with everything I had. I'm not an ethical egoist, but it was an interesting intellectual exercise, and the prof really appreciated my making sure that there were actually some serious arguments going on in class.
This guy wasn't doing it as an intellectual exercise, but he probably did make some students actually have to think about why they believed what they did, which is always precious.
Yes, organizationally, the paper is a mess. If your entire claim is based on the premise that the 14th and 15th Amendments are substantively unconstitutional, you need to lead with that, rather than devoting four sentences at the end (one of which is, "if, as Albert argues ..." If? You have to argue there that Albert is correct). The organization is particularly problematic for an aspiring lawyer; judges are busy, and if there is an obvious objection to your premise, they are going to want to read about that first.
I think this is an example of a grader showing how utterly "fair" he can be while grading a pretty outlandish thesis. Judges are especially known for this. Some of my hardest cases should have been easy wins but because the opponent argued something so far out in left field the judge felt compelled to study it from all sides.
Fundamentally it’s at least very plausibly correct on the history. Dred Scott v. Sanford held that black people are not part of the people. That holding was never challenged. Instead, the 14th Amendment made them citizens. It’s very reasonable to argue that doing so created an implication that before the 14th Amendment they weren’t. If they were, why would the Citizenship Clause have been necessary?
"It’s very reasonable to argue that doing so created an implication that before the 14th Amendment they weren’t."
Or it would be, if not for the fact that they had been treated as citizens, even in the South, when they were not slaves. Something Taney pretended wasn't real.
The citizenship clause was in the 14th amendment to undo Dred Scott, which didn't require the authors to think Dred Scott was good law.