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Texas S. Ct. Interprets Texas Constitution's Religious Services Clause (enacted in 2021)
The Clause provides:
This state or a political subdivision of this state may not enact, adopt, or issue a statute, order, proclamation, decision, or rule that prohibits or limits religious services, including religious services conducted in churches, congregations, and places of worship, in this state by a religious organization established to support and serve the propagation of a sincerely held religious belief.
In Friday's Perez v. City of San Antonio, the Texas Supreme Court concluded that this provision, when it applies, "is absolute and categorical, meaning it forbids governmental prohibitions and limitations on religious services regardless of the government's interest in that limitation or how tailored the limitation is to that interest." It also concluded that it's a substantive protection, not just an antidiscrimination rule that bars "orders that treated religious services less favorably than secular activities." And it concluded that "the Clause protects not only the right to gather for religious services but also worship practices that are part of religious services."
But the court also concluded that the provision is limited in scope, in relevant part reasoning:
[T]he Clause protects only "religious services"; it does not, for example, purport to protect the broader concept of the "free exercise of religion." … [I]t [also] protects only religious services "conducted … in this state by a religious organization established to support and serve the propagation of a sincerely held religious belief." And … it forbids only government actions that "prohibit[] or limit[]" such services….
Because the Clause supplements and does not supplant the protections already provided by the Free Exercise Clause, the Freedom of Worship Clause, and the Texas RFRA, the linguistic context suggests that the Religious Services Clause does not attempt to independently and comprehensively address all governmental limitations on religious freedoms. And the historical context also confirms that those who drafted and proposed the amendment did not intend that its scope be unlimited.
The House sponsor, for example, stated during the floor debates that "existing local laws and ordinances and rules dealing with the fire code, with health and safety hazards, with zoning restrictions, those with criminal justice and public safety laws, those would still be able to be enforced and this constitutional amendment does nothing to affect those." He went on to say he did not intend the amendment to address "every single instance where a fire code may be violated or where a police officer may need to enter a church to do his or her job." As another House member told the committee, "I don't think there's anybody, any court, anywhere that would read this to say that if there's a true health and safety issue, that you cannot enforce that health and safety issue."
Although we need not address here whether the Clause reaches fire codes, police activity, or "true health and safety issue[s]," we can conclude with assurance, based on the Clause's text and historical context, that it generally forbids governmental enactments that prohibit people from gathering for a religious service (like the COVID lock-down orders), restrict the number or relationships of people who can gather for a religious service (like the COVID orders imposing capacity caps), or regulate the activities in which people may engage when they gather (like the COVID orders prohibiting singing, chanting, or communion).
Beyond that, to provide a helpful answer to this certified question, we need only consider and address the facts as the Fifth Circuit presents them to us. {[Native American] Church members believe that at certain times throughout the year they must participate in certain religious services in the "Sacred Area" [in a local park]—a twenty-by-thirty-foot space among cypress trees on the south shore of the river bend—facing north so they can observe the trees and the cormorants nesting and flying within the "spiritual ecology."} The City's decision to remove and replace trees and deter migratory birds in a popular City park does not purport to prohibit the Church from gathering or regulate what the Church may do when it gathers. Instead, at most, it eliminates or reduces natural elements of the City's real property that the Church believes are necessary components of its religious services. This type of governmental conduct is indisputably different in character from the type of governmental conduct the people sought to proscribe by adopting the new Religious Services Clause.
Unlike the COVID orders that gave rise to the adoption of the Religious Services Clause, the governmental decisions at issue here involve the preservation and maintenance of public property that is owned and managed by the government, not by the Church or its members. Perez agrees that the Clause does not require the City to provide the Church with components that are necessary for its religious services or to prevent limitations on those components caused by other sources. And Perez concedes the Clause does not prevent the City from selling this very property to a private developer or from taking actions that are necessary to ensure that all members of the public can access and enjoy the Lambert Beach area equally with the Church. But in Perez's view, for as long as the City owns the property, the Clause at least forbids the City from taking any action that would deprive the Church of trees and birds that are necessary components of the Church's religious services….
[A]lthough the Religious Services Clause forbids the government from prohibiting or limiting religious services, nothing in its text purports to address governmental preservation and management of public lands or the tensions between such activities and religious liberties. To whatever extent we could construe the text broadly to encompass Perez's claims, the Clause's linguistic and historical context establishes that it does not encompass "limitations" on religious services that result from the government's preservation and maintenance of the natural features of public lands….
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"It also protects only religious services conducted … in this state by a religious organization established to support and serve the propagation of a sincerely held religious belief." (internal quotes omitted)
So......who decides what a 'sincerely held religious belief' is?
If a Texan thinks all (name your least favorite group) are sinners and should be liquidated, are we good with that?
The standard has long been used in First Amendment Religion Clause cases. There’s no problem with it on that front. A constitutional amendment can never be struck down as unconstitutionally vague. Courts simply have to give it the best interpretation they can. Perhaps there might be a better definition of “exercise of religion” out there. But what the federal courts came up with is a perfectly legitimate and entirely reasonable effort at interpretation.
as with most constitutional law talk nowadays, there is no understanding that the Founders had those limitiations in order to EXPAND the reach of religion
So Jefferson was lying in his response to the Danbury Baptists.
"If a Texan thinks all (name your least favorite group) are sinners and should be liquidated, are we good with that?"
They can believe it, they just can't do it.
If a Texan thinks all (name your least favorite group) are sinners and should be liquidated, are we good with that?
What does "good with that" mean? This particular constitutional provision means that if said hypothetical Texan creates an organization that provides religious services to propagate that belief, the state cannot impose particular limits on those services. The federal First Amendment already prohibits singling out that kind of belief in almost all cases; this restricts Texas from a slightly different set of cases where the state might otherwise have a compelling interest in imposing the most narrowly tailored restrictions on those services.
So if the roof is about to fall down, the state can't condemn the building?
And no eminent domain powers vis-a-vis churches either?
Sooooo...you didn't read the post or opinion, then?
"The House sponsor, for example, stated during the floor debates that 'existing local laws and ordinances and rules dealing with the fire code, with health and safety hazards, with zoning restrictions, those with criminal justice and public safety laws, those would still be able to be enforced and this constitutional amendment does nothing to affect those.' He went on to say he did not intend the amendment to address 'every single instance where a fire code may be violated or where a police officer may need to enter a church to do his or her job.' As another House member told the committee, 'I don't think there's anybody, any court, anywhere that would read this to say that if there's a true health and safety issue, that you cannot enforce that health and safety issue.'"
'I don't think there's anybody, any court, anywhere that would read this to say that if there's a true health and safety issue, that you cannot enforce that health and safety issue.'
Unless, of course, Trump offends a district court judge by remaining alive - - - - - -
Um, the entire motivating factor for the provision was a tantrum about the enforcement of rules relating to health and safety issues.
That was the whole debate, wasn't it? Some states had no problem shutting down all religious services while allowing liquor stores and casinos to remain open. Some parishioners weren't allowed to congregate for services while staying in their own vehicles. And, of course, because Covid was very socially conscious, it spread during outdoor church services, but not outdoor BLM protests.
All those circumstances aren't comparable to a roof caving in and a church unwilling to fix it. This state-constitutional provision was designed to deal with the extreme measures taken against religion during Covid, not clearly dangerous buildings that place people at immediate risk.
Why would an official person be needed. Whoever knew that the roof is about to fall down will have seen the roof and told the owners. No, you don't need the calvary to deal with a roof
Owners often can’t afford to fix things. What then?
"No, you don't need the calvary to deal with a roof"
That's a good one. Did you learn that from the funders?
So a state can ban concerts or theatrical performances or other large, close, confined secular gatherings to arrest the spread of contagion, but can't ban large, close, confined religious gatherings?
It’s not that the people of Texas can’t ban religious gatherings. It’s that they’ve chosen not to. That’s what being a sovereign state means. People get to decide for themselves how they want to do things. If that’s the way Texans want to live their lives, they can. It may or may not be a good idea. But it’s up to them to decide for themselves. It’s a free country.
This was very well said; encapsulates the finding, nicely.
Good to know that human sacrifice is still ok if conducted as part of a ceremony. Thugees will be disappointed, as they traditionally practice their rites with only one other person present.
Yet another person who didn't read the post. Sad.
On the contrary, it is apparent that I had, else I would not have specified the solitary nature of the practice.
Note the precise words: "is absolute and categorical, meaning it forbids governmental prohibitions and limitations on religious services regardless of the government's interest in that limitation or how tailored the limitation is to that interest." Human sacrifice in the context of a religious service is clearly covered.
Now obviously this is an oversight but those words are the words, and rather than merely saying, "tain't so", why don't you provide a logical rebuttal? If you can, of course.
“I don't think there's anybody, any court, anywhere that would read this to say that if there's a true health and safety issue, that you cannot enforce that health and safety issue."
But there *are* courts (including the one which issued this opinion; see the paragraph following the quoted text) which do not consider COVID to have been such an issue. Which raises the question: How legal and communicable would a pandemic have to be in order for assembly restrictions to be considered legitimate health measures (put differently, at what point, if any, would the Court stop privileging human irrationality over human lives)?
I think the issue is straightforward. The Amendment was triggered by, and represents a response to, government efforts to close religious gatherings during COVID. So it’s pretty clear that whatever else the Amendment may cover, it at least covers bans on religious gatherings during COVID-level pandemics.
You have to give a law a fair reading that’s independent of what you personally think good policy. And I think any fair reading, from the point of view of text, legislative history, or both, would say that that’s what the people of Texas intended go do.
I understand you’d personally prefer it if they had done otherwise. But it’s a free country and Texas is a sovereign state. And that means these decisions are their call, not yours or mine, to make.
(Oops, legal->lethal in my earlier text).
Yes, i reluctantly get that, but that’s not quite the question I was asking. So I’ll ask you: Does the ability for Texas’s majority to privilege irrationality (if you prefer, religious worship) over human lives by prohibiting assembly restrictions apply regardless how lethal and communicable the pandemic in question may be?
If yes, this condones state-level suicide-by-majority (actually an understatement as such a pandemic would not respect borders).
If no, there is some principle limiting the degree of religiosity-linked mayhem that a state’s majority may inflict on its residents, and that principle deserves elucidation, or at least acknowledgment.
Notably, the rule only applies to efforts to prohibit or limit religious services. It says nothing about state and local governments being prohibited from requiring that generally applicable health-and-safety measures be taken during those services. So I don't see why masking couldn't be required if need be or spacing regulations (e.g., a 6-foot rule). Those types of rules would only be prohibited or limited if they interfered with engaging in the religious service--e.g., one can take of his mask to receive communion.
The Court would beg to differ. For example, in para. 4 of the opinion excerpt, they “conclude with assurance” that the subject Clause prohibits the imposition of capacity limits (which, for a given venue, of course implies spacing limits), at least for a COVID-level outbreak.
And since pandemics know no boundaries, absent some upfront clarity on how crazy things can get before human lives trump human mysticism, we *all* become hostage to those whose worship rituals are pandemic-friendliest.
Coincidentally listening to a NPR report on the Colorado Psychedelic Church. At the moment, they're talking about DMT use in the church.
Will Texas now become a haven for religious groups whose adherents handle deadly snakes and drink strychnine during worship? Compare, State ex rel. Swann v. Pack, 527 S.W.2d 99 (Tenn. 1975); Harden et al. v. State, 188 Tenn. 17, 216 S.W.2d 708 (1948).
At least the only people affected by that would be the zealots themselves plus whatever unfortunates they can similarly brainwash before checking out. But where the adverse affects are literally contagious & deadly, or can otherwise greatly impact the general populace, such active deference to mysticism should be considered a bridge too far in any remotely rational polity.