The Volokh Conspiracy
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Court Rejects Challenge to Trump's Executive Orders on Anti-Semitism
One of the Orders calls on federal agencies to use the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition, which would label certain criticisms of Israel as anti-Semitic.
From Monday's decision by Judge Douglas Harpool (W.D. Mo.) in McClanahan v. Trump, which I think reaches the correct result:
On December 11, 2019, President Donald Trump issued Executive Order 13899, directing federal agencies to use the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance ("IHRA") definition of antisemitism in enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. On January 29, 2025, President Trump issued Executive Order 14188 titled Additional Measures to Combat Anti-Semitism. It states that it shall be the policy of the United States to combat anti-Semitism vigorously, using all available and appropriate legal tools, to prosecute, remove, or otherwise hold to account the perpetrators of unlawful anti-Sematic harassment and violence.
Plaintiff alleges Executive Order 14188 orders the Department of Education and Department of Justice to investigate individuals and institutions critical of Israel and to withhold federal funding from universities that allow such criticisms. Plaintiff alleges that Executive Order 13899 and its expanded enforcement constitute a direct violation of his civil[] rights….
Plaintiff expresses concern that the executive order he challenges calls for the Government to retaliate against those who hold beliefs or express opinions critical of the State of Israel or the Jewish community or religion. If that is how the Government interprets the measure or enforces the measure as so applied is certainly problematic under the First Amendment of our Constitution. [For more on how certain ways of enforcing the IHRA definition can violate the First Amendment, see here and here. -EV]
However, the Court interprets the measure as prioritizing efforts to curtail acts of violence, harassment or discrimination directed toward the Jewish faith and those supportive of the Jewish state rather than to punish those who merely hold opinions critical of these groups. The First Amendment does not protect acts of violence, harassment, or discrimination. In fact, laws long ago enacted prevent acts of violence, harassment and discrimination based on religious beliefs or political opinion. To that extent the Court views the executive orders as a statement of priority or emphasis rather than a change in substantive law.
{Executive Order 13899 states "It shall be the policy of the executive branch to enforce Title VI against prohibited forms of discrimination rooted in anti-Semitism as vigorously as against all other forms of discrimination prohibited by Title VI." Executive Order 14188 states "It shall be the policy of the United States to combat anti-Semitism vigorously, using all available and appropriate legal tools, to prosecute, remove, or otherwise hold to account the perpetrators of unlawful anti-Semitic harassment and violence." Both Executive Order 13899 and 14188 provide a directive to the executive agencies to combat anti-Semitism utilizing the various procedures that have been outlined by law. These executive orders do not "create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person."}
This Court need and should not decide whether a specific act of governmental retaliation against those who fail to crack down on antisemitic violence, harassment or discrimination is constitutional unless and until that specific issue is presented in a case over which this Court has jurisdiction in which the nature, source and extent of the duty and actions of the target can be specifically established.
If Plaintiff is specifically threatened with governmental action based on the executive order either based on his political or religious beliefs his First Amendment rights may well be found to be infringed. If the governmental action toward him is in response to his acts of violence, harassment or discrimination based on another's religious or political beliefs his acts are without First Amendment protection….
Plaintiff [also] argues that the vagueness and overbreadth of Executive Order 13899 creates a chilling effect on his speech by causing him to fear potential government action or reprisal and thus forces him to self-censor his political and religious views…. Here, Plaintiff has failed to show that his self-censorship was objectively reasonable. Plaintiff cites numerous examples that he argues "amplify this chilling effect." Plaintiff cites federal retaliation against universities such as Harvard University for their alleged failure to adequately address campus antisemitism. Plaintiff also cites federal monitoring of political and religious speech by Immigration and Customs Enforcement ("I.C.E.") and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services ("U.S.C.I.S.") and Missouri House Legislation Mirroring Executive Order 13899. Plaintiff further cites to Department of Education enforcement actions, advocacy for zero-tolerance policies by private groups, exclusion from the political process by the Missouri Republican Party in 2024, alleged imminent threat to his federal benefits and Executive Order 13899's language and intent.
However, Plaintiff fails to show any retaliation or harm suffered by an individual in Plaintiff's position. Plaintiff fails to show how the Missouri State Government, who is not a party to this action, has any bearing on his speech through legislation that hasn't taken effect. Likewise, Plaintiff has failed to show how actions by private parties, not members of this lawsuit, have shown any ability to enforce Executive Orders 13899 or 14188 that are not connected with the current parties to this litigation. Further, Plaintiff claims the imminent loss of federal benefits, but does not point to any other individuals who have lost federal benefits such as rural development loans and Medicaid, based on protected speech and shows no actual harm to date. In sum, Plaintiff's examples shown no credible threat of prosecution to Plaintiff if he engages in a course of conduct, he feels would be affected by Executive Orders 13899 or 14188. For the reasons stated, Plaintiff's likelihood of success based on chilled speech is low….
The court likewise rejected plaintiff's Establishment Clause claim, which is that "[b]y adopting the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which can encompass criticism of religious and political aspects of [Israel], the government effectively endorses a particular religious and ideological perspective":
The IHRA defines antisemitism as "a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred towards Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities[.]" The purpose of the Executive Order 13899 is to "combat the rise of antisemitism and antisemitic incidents in the Untied States and around the world." Executive Order 13899 outlines that "Anti-Semitic incidents have increased since 2013 and students, in particular, continue to face anti-Semitic harassment in schools and on university and college campuses."
While the executive order does seek to foster protections against a certain religion the purpose of the executive order has a secular purpose as it goes to enforcing the mandate of Title VI. Further, Plaintiff has not shown how Executive Order 13899 either advances or inhibits the practice of religion in its principal or primary effect. Lastly, Plaintiff has not shown how Executive Order 13899 has fostered an excessive government entanglement with religion in promulgating a directive combatting antisemitism. For the reasons stated, Plaintiff's likelihood of success on the merits on his establishment claim argument is low.
The court also rejected plaintiff's due process and vagueness arguments, among other (even less plausible) arguments.
Wyatt Nelson of the U.S. Attorney's Office in the Western District of Missouri represents the government.
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The groups behind the anti-ICE riots are identified. Hunt the oligarchs funding them. Seize their assets in civil forfeiture. Rioting is not immunized by the constitution.
https://libertyunlocked.com/senator-fetterman-comments-on-la/
Most of the world is antisemitic under the definition. Maybe even most of Israel.
Professor Volokh partially quotes this statement from the decision:
“Plaintiff expresses concern that the executive order he challenges calls for the Government to retaliate against those who hold beliefs or express opinions critical of the State of Israel or the Jewish community or religion. If that is how the Government interprets the measure or enforces the measure as so applied is certainly problematic under the First Amendment of our Constitution. However, the Court interprets the measure as prioritizing efforts to curtail acts of violence, harassment or discrimination directed toward the Jewish faith and those supportive of the Jewish state rather than to punish those who merely hold opinions critical of these groups.”
That’s sets up a clear distinction which can be checked against the evidence of White House actions. Does the Court interpret the measure’s intent correctly and as already seen repeatedly in its application? For the decision to be correct on its own terms, Professor Volokh must think that the case.
But how can he? We’ve seen it’s not the case. Take Rumeysa Ozturk as just one example. She was arrested and threatened with deportation for a op-ed criticizing Israeli government actions alone. (a link to her editorial is below). Perhaps Professor Volokh sees this as a singular incident, though I scarcely know how. It looks more like pattern rather than exception.
More likely, some free speech (unconnected to acts of violence, harassment or discrimination) is more permissible than other free speech. Note : I searched the VC archives on Ms Ozturk’s case, and found one post from Professor Volokh about it. But that post doesn’t seem to express any personal opinion on the subject. Perhaps if he were to supply that, it would clarify how he thinks the executive order should be applied, is being applied, and whether the court decision ignores any conflict between those two things.
https://www.tuftsdaily.com/article/2024/03/4ftk27sm6jkj
The plaintiffs challenged the proclamation on its face. So addressing the face of the proclamation was the correct judicial course.
In order to get a judge to consider how the President translates the proclamation into action, future plaintiffs will have to challenge the legality of an actual action of the President’s.
As Mahmoud Khalil has been doing, with some success to date. To the dismay of some of the Conspirators, no doubt.
You misunderstand the legal issues. If Ms Ozturk's arrest were the result of this executive order (I think it was based on a different EO but for the sake of argument, let's assume it was this one) then she would have standing to contest it. As the court said, this plaintiff's mere speculation about intent and future action is insufficient.
I agree with Eugene that this decision was correct. I'm impressed by this judge's view that the plaintiff is seeking relief for government actions that haven't happened yet (as in FDA vs. Alliance for Hypocritic (ahem) Medicine) and would probably be lawful if directed at violently anti-semitic actors and actions, not at written or spoken opinions.
The government may move against anyone who, for example, physically assaults a pro-Israel demonstrator on campus in the name of anti-colonialism, or in the name of anything else. Violence is violence. The government may not move against someone who, for example, expresses in print or on air even harsh criticism of Bibi and his government, but who does not endorse the problematic "river to the sea" concept or the global-Intifada fantasy.
I guess we'll see if the courts are asked to decide cases in which one of the parties wants to assert that any criticism of the state of Israel, or of Zionism, is anti-Semitic by definition. It's an academic argument, not a legal one--for now at least.
Wait a minute, according to the leftists on the board Trump is an anti-Semite. So why is he issuing executive orders to combat anti-Semitism?
According to Trump's supporters on the board Trump is standing up to China. So why is he refusing to enforce an anti-China TikTok law?
Answer: Trump's actions are about harming his enemies and rewarding his friends, not about ideology.
Pure deflection on your part. This article is about an executuve order issued by President Donald J. Trump to combat anti-Semitism which strikes me as odd since moat of the leftists on this board accuse, without evidence, President Donald J. Trump of being an anti-Semite. Can you stay on topic and explain why an anti-Semite would issue such an order.
I literally did that. Try reading the last sentence of a three sentence post.
Well, conceding that his enemies are anti-Semites is something, anyway.
So his friends are Semites( Jews)? Or as Brett points outdo you believe that his enemies are anti-Semites?
Neither of you are that bad at reading comprehension. Did you miss the 'not about ideology' part of DMN's comment?
Trump's claims this is about antisemitism are insincere.
And you know it is insincere how?
DMN made the argument.
But to me, it's
the administration's targets,
the disproportionate scope of the demands,
Trump's past history of Jewish stereotyping,
Project Esther
the blind eye to antisemites in the GOP,
and the alignment of supposed counter-antisemitism to Project 2025's agenda.
accuse, without evidence
“[…] Black guys counting my money. I hate it! The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys who wear yarmulkes every day. Those are the kind of people I want counting my money. Nobody else…”
So a quote Trump denies saying and which has bever been confirmed is your evidence? A quote attributed to Trump by a former employee who angrily quit when he was passed over for a promotion?
As i said the anti-Semitism accusations are without evidence.
You said “without evidence.” This is evidence. That you personally discount it is both overdetermined and rather besides the point.
Did you know Trump threatened to sue for defamation over this and then… mysteriously never did?
Hearsay is evidence, unless we disagree, then it's anecdotal.
Thanks for stopping by Vinni, but hearsay and anecdote are orthogonal concepts.
TL/DR: Wait until somebody does something, or credibly threatens to do something, that might be unconstitutional. Then sue.