The Volokh Conspiracy
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Roberts Swings To The Left In St. Isidore, To The Right In Wilcox
In the span of a single day, Chief Justice Roberts continues his attempts at moderation for the sake of moderation without any actual reasoning.
At One First Street, life comes at you fast. On May 22 at 10:00 a.m., the Court 4-4'd in St. Isidore v. Drummond, letting the Oklahoma Supreme Court's decision stand. I wrote:
Before the case was even argued, I made a crude prediction to several reporters that the Chief would take the easy-out, and just vote to 4-4 affirm. There would be no opinion, and the Court could focus on more important issues. The children of Oklahoma really didn't matter.
What was that "more important issue"? Trump v. Wilcox. After 5:00 p.m. on May 22, after the markets closed, right before a holiday weekend, the Court issued a two-page per curiam opinion in the removal power case. (I'm sure Roberts was humming the Jimmy Buffet song when planning the release time.) The Court, by an (ostensible) 6-3 vote, stayed the lower court rulings that reinstated a member of the NLRB and a member of the MSPB. The actual legal analysis can be compressed in a single sentence:
The stay reflects our judgment that the Government is likely to show that both the NLRB and MSPB exercise considerable executive power.
Nowhere does the Court mention Humphrey's Executor. It's like Voldemort! I'm not at all convinced Roberts actually overrules Humphrey's Executor when push comes to shove. But he at least signals Wilcox will lose.
Then, the Court includes a bizarre throwaway line about the Federal Reserve, which is in no way even relevant to the parties in this case.
The Federal Reserve is a uniquely structured, quasi-private entity that follows in the distinct historical tradition of the First and Second Banks of the United States.
Why is this argument even in here? Roberts is doing damage control. I agree with Justice Kagan's dissent:
Because one way of making new law on the emergency docket (the deprecation of Humphrey's) turns out to require yet another (the creation of a bespoke Federal Reserve exception). If the idea is to reassure the markets, a simpler—and more judicial—approach would have been to deny the President's application for a stay on the continued authority of Humphrey's.
John Roberts is not a judge. He is a mediator. He issues a conservative ruling against the MSPB and the NLRB (which frankly no one cares about) but issues a liberal advisory opinion in favor of the Fed (which everyone cares about).
At some point, the five conservatives should stop joining these missives. Just rule on the case as you think best, and let Roberts spin his wheels. These sorts of rulings do nothing to instill confidence in the Court as an actual legal body. No one actually believes that Roberts is behaving as a judge when he issues rulings like this. And I say this as someone who thinks Humphrey's Executor should have been overruled decades ago.
Now, the issue will linger in the D.C. courts for some time, and come to the Supreme Court in a cert petition next term.
My essay about the Chief Justice keeps writing itself.
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Crackman has started quoting Kagan, he hates Roberts so much. Even when he agrees with him, the Chief is STILL wrong! Tomorrow he could save a drowning puppy and South Texas Lawblogger of the Year would complain the dog wasn't neutered, thus Roberts is increasing the stray dog population, thus environmental terrorism, thus must be impeached.
Until you learn how to spell....PUBLIUS
Are you familiar with how a joke works?
Blackman agrees with Kagan? am I dreaming, or did someone dose me with LSD?
but yes, Roberts has a peculiarly Dr. Frankenstein-like way of reaching a compromise result by awkwardly sewing together incompatible legal arguments, inventing creative rationales when the seams look too tacky. the ACA decision in particular comes to mind. I actually agree with Josh here: this kind of opinion further tarnishes the Court's image and won't make either side happy.
Did the Chief Justice shoot Prof. Blackman's dog or something? Why the constant opprobrium? Seems like whenever there is a per curiam or unsigned opinion or order, Blackman automatically assumes it is due to the infernal machinations of the Chief Justice and not the other Justices who are assumed to be just blithely going along like little ducks behind him.
Roberts is a particularly troubling figure for people who can only think in terms of Left and Right.
He is troubling for people who can think.
The Court doesn't need to overturn Humphries Executor to give Trump a win on most or all of the removal cases. They just need to take a narrow construction of "predominantly quasi-judicial and quasi-legislative". The note that "both the NLRB and MSPB exercise considerable executive power." suggests they are likely to take that path.
Wait? I was assured Justices Thomas and Alito were paragons of judicial courage. Surely they would not sit idley by to such a miscarriage of the judical office, especially from the "so called Chief Justice" (paraphrasing from previous articles). Why did they not speak out about it? Why did they allow it to happen at all? As Josh I can only speculate, but it must be the CJ Roberts is secretly a witch that has enchanted those virtous men. I can see no other plausible rationale.
Does he weigh the same as a duck?
Professor Blackman’s logic sometimes seems like it would win him a seat at the Round Table right beside the redoubtable Sir Belvedere. At leadt people would call him Sir.
We had somewhat of an extended discussion on this exactly scene yesterday. The cultists have convinced themselves that the scene actually depicts valid due process and resulted in the correct decision. It’s hilarious.
"At some point, the five conservatives should stop joining these missives."
Almost sounds like Josh is accusing the five conservatives of behaving as badly as Roberts.
"The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."
The president "shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
Do those laws include the NLRB or MSPB?
They do actually. They were created and ars governed by laws passed by Congress.
Someone had better tell SCOTUS then!
"John 3:16!"
(Not included: every other thing in the Bible or outside of it that adds context necessary to interpret that verse right)
I am not seeing an inconsistency between St. Isidore and Wilcox that can only be explained by "moderation for the sake of moderation without any actual reasoning." As is my understanding, one vote suggests Roberts believes states *may* deny funding to religious schools without violating the free exercise clause, whereas the other vote suggests Roberts thinks that the president can fire executive branch officers at will. Both of these outcomes are consistent with federalism values such as devolution of power to state governments (St. Isidore) and a unitary executive so far as the federal government is concerned (Wilcox). Ideologically speaking, these are the outcomes one would expect from a conservative jurist. The idea that legal outcomes can be "right" or "left," and any judge who reaches some outcomes in both categories is somehow ideologically muddled is cable news commentary for idiots, not legal analysis.
As for "without any actual reasoning," St. Isidore was a 4-4 decision so no opinion was required. It would have been a waste of public resources to even write one. Wilcox does have reasoning, and I'd venture that it's more reasoning than you typically get from a non-dispositive order.
The issue was not necessarily “deny[ing] funding to religious schools. Opponents framed it as “creating State public religious schools.”
After all, municipalities create legal monopolies for many kinds of utilities - power, water, phones, capable, etc. If a municipally-created church monopoly was challenged, its supporters could equally describe monopoly status as merely a status, a benefit, similar to that afforded to many other compaanies in many other industries. They could argue that categorically denying a church any opportuniy to seek muncioally created monopoly status when other businesses have that opportunity with no problem is nothing but unfair and unconstitutional discrimination against religion.
The issue was very plain
ARGUMENT................................................................ 4
I. THE OKLAHOMA SUPREME COURT’S
MISGUIDED STATE-ACTION
ANALYSIS SWEEPS IN A LOT OF
PRIVATE CONDUCT....................................... 4
A. Private entities regularly help states
fulfill important onligations ........................ 6
B. A vast array of private conduct
receives government funding. ..................... 9
C. Labeling private conduct “public” does
not transform it into state action.............. 13
Seville should have won with fireworks
ARGUMENT................................................................ 4
I. THE OKLAHOMA SUPREME COURT’S
MISGUIDED STATE-ACTION
ANALYSIS SWEEPS IN A LOT OF
PRIVATE CONDUCT....................................... 4
A. Private entities regularly help states
fulfill important onligations ........................ 6
B. A vast array of private conduct
receives government funding. ..................... 9
C. Labeling private conduct “public” does
not transform it into state action.............. 13
You know, Blackman's puerility and incoherence are amusing, but at times they pall.
He’s beyond legal reasoning. He remembers enough jargon to still sort of sound like he’s doing it, but he doesn’t. If a judge votes his way, the judge is right and smart and courageous. If he doesn’t, he’s wrong and stupid and a coward. If he sometimes does and sometimes doesn’t, he’s a hypocrite and not only that, there are hints that he’s some sort of legal pervert.
Legal jargon and theories and cases and names still get dropped, indeed frequently. But there’s no actual legal reasoning going on any more.
Josh Blackman has transformed himself from a law professor into something else in something like the way Dilbert turned into a troll when he was sent to Accounting. You come. You breathe the air. The change is irreversible.
This!
I'm beginning to wonder if Josh may have actually made himself ridiculous enough to get that Trump judicial nomination. Maybe Ho's seat when Ho gets Thomas'? There'd be some poetic justice in the jump from Top 200 law school to Top 13 circuit court.
Isn't Five O'Clock Somewhere an Alan Jackson song, with Jimmy B?
It's hilarious to see Blackman complaining about the chief swinging back and forth, supposedly contrary to any principle,when Blackman himself is one of the one of the most inconsistent, unprincipled partisan hacks I know of. Wanting cases decided according to his policy preferences, not any consistent legal philosophy.
His continuing problem is, being without principles himself, he cannot recognize others acting according to them. He mistakes restraint to act as favoring outcomes, when those outcomes are being decided by forces beyond the chief's control.
MIght you mean "The last temptation is the greatest treason / To do the right thing for the wrong reason."
No.
Blackman expects and demands every outcome to conform to his preferences. He can't imagine anyone who has other principles because, as I said, he has none himself.
If Congress has the power to make the Fed independent, why can it not equally make the NLRB independent?
Exactly. And every other agency as well.
Because the NLRB is exercising executive power in a way that the Fed does not (as a central bank).
The Federal Reserve System is independent of government in a way the US Institute of Peace is/was not.
You just restated the question as an assertion without really answering why.
Did not Congress create the Fed by its legislative power? Why or how is carrying out and executing that legislation not executive power?
The holding in Humphries Executor says Congress can insulate the leadership of a government unit it creates from removal other than for cause if that unit's functions are "predominantly quasi-judicial and quasi-legislative". Issuing regulations or having administrative law judges who adjudicate violations, for example, would fall within that exception. The issue in the current cases is how much executive function an agency can have before it isn't "predominantly quasi-judicial and quasi-legislative."
Not every creation of Congress is a law carried out by the executive branch. Congress can charter private and quasi-private institutions. Central banking is one of them, not an executive function. It is not a government function. The US Institute of Peace was integrated into government while pretending to be independent from it. USIP got its funding from Congress. The Federal Reserve System does not.
The individual Federal Reserve Banks are private, in a manner similar to the previous Banks of the United States. I'm not saying one couldn't make an argument that a president could be able to fire the Fed Board without cause. I'm explaining why it can be rightfully distinguished from other recent cases.
Federal reserve notes are liabilities of the reserve banks, not the United States government. Federal law merely recognizes them as legal tender, like it could any other (private) banking note if Congress so chose. The original greenbacks issued during the Civil War and up through the 1930's were issued by the Treasury and were liabilities of the United States government.
The magic and confusion of fractional banking.
So is the whole solution to the Humphrey's Executor problem just a drafting guide? Make the NLRB and other agencies quasi-independent corporations with quasi-executive functions with the power to enforce law or policy?
That seems like a cheat and makes all of these cases much ado about nothing. And at least from my perspective, Humphrey's Executor should be overruled. But I cannot see any legitimate distinction to keep the Fed independent by any neutral judicial principle.
It just seems like because we really, really, really want the Fed to be independent then they can be, but nobody else. And as was said, if Congress has the power to do this, I don't see why it is a good for one ride only coupon.
Check out the language in the acts creating the cabinet departments in 1789. The Secretary of Foreign affairs and Secretary of War are to work under the direction of the president, but this language is missing in the acts creating Treasury and the AG. The difference is striking.
Today we assume someone is under the directorial control of the president unless there's a law saying that they're independent. But there's considerable evidence the opposite was the case in the early decades.
(note: removal=separate issue from direction)
Who said Congress has such power?
Congress? SCOTUS? It certainly is not explicit in the Constitution.
JB right for once. Of course, Roberts is unprincipled in the senser that he doesn't start with 'what is right and just here" Just like Kagan and Sotomayor in the case of the parents who want to exempt their young kids from gay perversion books in a certain class. THey both said in effect "of course these parents are right but where do we draw the line" what if they start pulling their kids from algebra or chemistry???? Complete disregard for the parents and kids and attention to legal bullshit
Shouldn’t the starting point for a judge be “what do the words on this page say we have to do?” and save “what is right and just?” as a last resort for very close calls? The courts exist to apply the law as it is, not decide policy questions.
He is not right. Roberts having differing principles does not mean that he has none. That would be Blackman who lacks them.
Because as I've noted repeatedly, his expectation about whether judges tailor should their legal decisions according to recent election returns varies, depending on whether he agrees with the policies being enacted.
He started calling for Roberts' resignation after the chief wrote the opinion upholding Obamacare, accusing him of caving to the will of the voters. Now he demands just that now, with immigration enforcement. The point being none of these Roberts decisions have anything to do with following the will of the voters, because they are based on other legal principles Blackman does not agree with. Because he disagrees, he calls it unprincipled. I may not always agree with Roberts, but I'm not projecting that he is deciding things according to his policy preferences, ignoring the law, like Blackman both accuses and yet demands of him.
Because if there's another thing (beyond Citizens United) that Roberts has been true to his apparent legal principles (agree or not), it has been the unitary executive. I think the related views about the separation of powers and the presidency also informed his Trump immunity decision last term. But he gets no credit for that from his critics, while heaping plenty of scorn from the libs.
But yes, we would have all been so much better off he Robert had resigned to Obama could have appointed his replacement.