The Volokh Conspiracy
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Florida Ban on "Depict[ing] or Simulat[ing] … Lewd Conduct" in Performances Where Children Are Present Struck Down
A short excerpt from the long opinion today in HM Florida-ORL, LLC v. Governor, decided by Judge Robin Rosenbaum, joined by Judge Nancy Abudu:
Justice Potter Stewart famously offered a non-definition of obscenity: "I know it when I see it." Jacobellis v. Ohio (Stewart, J., concurring). Many know Justice Stewart's quip. But it's not, in fact, the law.
The Constitution demands specificity when the state restricts speech. Requiring clarity in speech regulations shields us from the whims of government censors. And the need for clarity is especially strong when the government takes the legally potent step of labeling speech "obscene." An "I know it when I see it" test would unconstitutionally empower those who would limit speech to arbitrarily enforce the law. But the First Amendment empowers speakers instead.
Yet Florida's Senate Bill 1438 (the "Act") takes an "I know it when I see it" approach to regulating expression. The Act prohibits children's admission to "live performances" that Florida considers obscene for minors. But by providing only vague guidance as to which performances it prohibits, the Act wields a shotgun when the First Amendment allows a scalpel at most. And Florida's history of arbitrarily enforcing other, similar laws against performances that are far from obscene only deepens our concerns. We therefore hold that the Act is likely unconstitutional on its face and affirm the lower court's injunction against its enforcement….
Secretary Griffin argues that the Act dutifully observes [the] requirements [in Miller v. California (1973), the leading precedent on obscenity] so it reaches only unprotected speech. The Act, she argues, "specifically defines" the activities that constitute an adult live performance: anything "depict[ing] or simulat[ing] nudity, sexual conduct, sexual excitement, or specific sexual activities as those terms are defined in [Section] 847.001, lewd conduct, or the lewd exposure of prosthetic or imitation genitals or breasts."
She continues, asserting the Act then bars children's admittance to performances that feature such representations and meet all three prongs of the Miller test: appeal to the prurient interest, patent offensiveness, and the lack of serious value. And, Griffin says, the statute adjusts the standards for the second and third prongs of the Miller test to be "for the age of the child present." That is, prohibited performances must lack serious "value for the age of the child present" and be "patently offensive … with respect to what is suitable material or conduct for the age of the child present." …
But the court concluded that the term "lewd conduct" goes beyond the boundaries of Miller, in part because it's not well-defined:
Miller is clear that when a state seeks to punish speech as obscene, it must "specifically define[ ]" the forbidden depictions. One of the Miller Court's example definitions—"patently offensive representations or descriptions of … lewd exhibition of the genitals"—proves the point. "Lewd exhibition of the genitals" obviously belongs to the larger category of "lewd conduct." So if "lewd conduct" were sufficiently specific to meet Miller's test, the Court would have had no reason to provide a more precise description. Instead, Miller shows that states can't define obscenity by taking a broad descriptor like "lewd" and applying it to the entire universe of "conduct." Doing so would eviscerate Miller's "specific definition" requirement and amount to little more than an "I know it when I see it" test for obscenity, which Miller rejects….
[T]he Act's extensively detailed prohibitions—of nudity, sexual conduct, and so on—essentially exhaust the types of "hard core" depictions that Miller described as potentially obscene. That means the Act's bar on "depict[ions of] … lewd conduct" must mean something different than the Miller-prohibited depictions, or it would be "mere surplus-age." And so we assume it does mean something different.
But neither Miller and its progeny nor the Florida materials Griffin presents even suggest a way to interpret "lewd conduct" that is distinct from the other prohibited depictions but accords with Miller's specificity requirement….
[Neither] the Secretary [nor] the dissent … provide a single example of "lewd conduct" that might be constitutionally deemed obscene (at least for minors) but is not already covered by the Act's other terms. Even the Secretary waffles on this point, arguing only that "it is unclear whether" the Act's other terms "extend[ ] to the full reach of what is regulable as obscenity." Yet Florida's determination that performances like Jimbo's are "lewd" suggest the state views that term broadly indeed….
The court also concluded that "The Act's 'age-variable' obscenity standard is overbroad":
Dating back to Ginsberg v. New York (1968), "harmful to minors" statutes have typically defined which content is harmful with reference to minors as a whole. For example, Florida law generally defines "harmful to minors" as that which "is patently offensive … for minors" and "is without serious value … for minors."
Of course, "minors" are not an undifferentiated group. What is "harmful" for a child just learning to read may be very different than what is obscene for an adolescent on the edge of adulthood.
This poses two related challenges for "harmful to minors" statutes. The first is interpretive: when a statute regulates material that lacks serious value and is patently offensive "for minors," which minors are the reference group? The second relates to overbreadth: if the obscenity standard for minors is based on the youngest group of children or the average child across all ages, it will cover much more material, and older minors could lose access to harmless material on account of younger children's sensitivities.
This problem and related overbreadth issues led the Supreme Court in Virginia v. American Booksellers Association, Inc. (1988), to ask Virginia's high court to clarify the state's statute barring the display to juveniles of material "harmful to minors." The Virginia Supreme Court interpreted the state's statute narrowly to mitigate the overbreadth threat. Speech had "serious value" for minors, the court said, if it "has serious value for a legitimate minority of juveniles, … consist[ing] of older, normal (not deviant) adolescents." …
[This] interpretation of typical "harmful to minors" statutes protects older children's rights. But it means that younger children may encounter material suitable for kids a few years older.
Responding to this potential underinclusion, the Act takes a different (and to our knowledge, novel) approach to protecting minors from harmful material. The Act adjusts the Miller standards for what is "patently offensive" and what has "serious value" to be "for the age of the child present." On paper, the Act is the Goldilocks of speech regulation, ensuring each child can access only that speech that is "just right" for their age. Seventeen-year-olds have access to speech that would be obscene as to sixteen-year-olds but not eighteen-year-olds, sixteen-year-olds can see content that would be obscene as to fifteen-year-olds but not seventeen-year-olds, and so on.
But the Act's strategy to avoid overbreadth problems introduces other ones. The age-by-age maturity test is impossibly vague. At oral argument, we asked the Secretary's counsel how to determine what might be acceptable for a twelve-year-old but not an eight-year-old. Even when pressed, he could provide no guidance and instead simply acknowledged that there were "edge cases." Of course, most laws have edge cases, and standard "harmful to minor" statutes are no exception. But as interpreted in Webb, these have only one "edge": the line between minority and adulthood.
In contrast, the Act has, at a minimum, eighteen (and perhaps as many as 6,575). It asks speech purveyors to make judgements about what is appropriate for children year-by-year (or maybe month-by-month, week-by-week, or day-by-day—the Act is not clear). This results in all the usual harms of statutory vagueness. The Act will chill more speech relative to the typical "harmful to minors" statute that Webb contemplated: rather than risking a chill for only speech at the border of adult obscenity, the Act threatens speech that might clearly be appropriate for seventeen-year-olds (so not "harmful to minors" under a statute like the one in Webb) but questionable for children of younger ages. Worse still, the Act's vague standards create ample room for discriminatory enforcement.
Not only that, but which speech is appropriate for children of different ages under the Act is left extraordinarily vague. The Act provides no guidance. That contrasts mightily with other instances when Florida has identified content it deems appropriate for children based on their age: grade-level educational standards. Take Florida's grade-by-grade standards for K–12 education. They're extraordinarily detailed, running to 229 pages—and that's just for math class. But here, the Act does little to teach speakers, performance venues, parents, or anyone else who might "admit" a child to a performance what is acceptable for children of any given age.
Consider this example: Miami is home to an historic, thirty-five-foot-tall billboard for Coppertone sunscreen, which features the brand's historic logo—a girl, perhaps age seven, or so, with a dog pulling at her swimsuit, revealing her pale posterior and its contrast with her tanned skin. Clearly, some have objected to this cheeky logo: Coppertone once removed the "Coppertone girl" from the brand's logo, then reinstated her with partial, then full coverage of her backside. Would a depiction like the Coppertone logo be "patently offensive" for a five-year-old? An eight-year-old? How about a seventeen-year-old? We don't know, and we don't think the burden should be on speakers to find out.
We do not decide today whether minors' First Amendment rights and the speech that may be deemed obscene for them is the same at all ages. Obviously, children mature as they age (at least, their parents hope so). Many laws distinguish between children based on their age. Driving privileges or children's ability to work often phase in gradually over the course of adolescence. Some privileges, like buying alcohol, are age-restricted even among those who are at least eighteen.
But these rules provide very clear guidance as to what they permit, when. The Act doesn't, even as it regulates speech, where "standards of permissible statutory vagueness are strict." The resulting uncertainty as to what is permissible for children of different ages creates an obvious chilling effect that increases the Act's effective breadth.
True, the distinction between seventeen and eighteen—the one we enshrined in Webb—is not inherently less arbitrary or less vague than the distinction between any other two ages. But much of our law and culture are oriented around the singular age of majority. It is one thing to have a line between obscenity for adults and for minors: it's just one line, drawn in parallel to the countless social norms and legal rights that distinguish between adults and children. This rich social context gives meaning and relative clarity to the line between that which is within minors' rights to access and that which is "adults-only." …
Judge Bard Tjoflat dissented; for more details, see pp. 82-127 of this PDF.
Brice Moffatt Timmons and Craig A. Edgington (Watson Burns, PLLC), Gary Steven Israel, (Gary S. Israel, PA), and Melissa Stewart (Donati Law, PLLC) represent plaintiff.
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I have to admit, there is that one gesture "45/47" does that as the late great Bill Maher describes it
"looks like he's jerking off 2 guys at once"
Now I've never seen any one jerking off 2 guys at once (or even 1, but I have seen a Horse fuck a chick) but I imagine it would look pretty much the way "45/47" does it
Frank
We have to tolerate weirdos who do this crap. When I lived in Chicago, I used to take my kids to the "gay beach." It wasn't crowded. Was generally clean, and gay dudes tend to just be chill about a lot of things, so all good. Every once in a while, some dudes would do some "get a room" stuff in front of the kids (and obviously to get some shock value). Whatev. I wasn't happy about it, but I wouldn't want some court order saying that they couldn't do things that weren't indecent exposure. We need to have a freedom ethic in this country. And those of us on the right have to have a little patience with our leftist compadres who want to take freedom from us.
Reminds me of the time me and some of the pilots went to a Nude Beach in Italy (Lido Albarone, Dr Ed) we’d fly over it on the way back from Bosnia, looked pretty sweet from FL 180.
We missed the “Gay” prefix
Frank
Don't you carry binoculars?
"We missed the “Gay” prefix..."
Sure you did.
You do realize that this particular anti-freedom law was passed by conservatives, right?
And I don't like it one bit. But let's face, y'all are the ones into censorship.
Bullshit. You probably think I'm "censoring" you right now because I'm calling you a turdbottom as a result of your speech. You guys on the right are such snowflakes you wouldn't know real censorship if it bit you in the gulag.
It's a self reenforcing consequence of the 'birth dearth' that, as the fraction of the population actually raising children declines, social institutions become more hostile to the accommodations necessary to raise children, and the interests of children as distinct from adults.
Courts included.
I… don't even know what to do with this weirdo take. This is just a simple first amendment issue.
Just a "simple" issue. Two more Obama/Biden judges who are all in on the lefts latest sacrament. Making sure that what used to be called "adult entertainment" is available to all ages.
Read the OP.
"But by providing only vague guidance as to which performances it prohibits, the Act wields a shotgun when the First Amendment allows a scalpel at most."
When were drag shows "adult entertainment"?
Who said anything about drag shows?
"Who said anything about drag shows?"
According to the Court of Appeals opinion (pp. 4-5), that would be the governor and a state house member who sponsored the bill.
That's what the case is about.
The ban is on depicting or simulating lewd conduct. I would think lewd conduct falls under adult entertainment. I suppose you could say that it doesn't count if they're not calling themselves entertainers.
This is the money quote:
And Florida's history of arbitrarily enforcing other, similar laws against performances that are far from obscene only deepens our concerns.
Florida has a history of behaving badly in this arena by passing laws that sound 99% fine but contain some intentional loophole like "lewd" that allows prosecutors to go after protected but disfavored speech.
The initial outrage that led to this law was based on drag performances where the queens were wearing clothing and performing in a manner that wouldn't raise eyebrows were the performers female.
Brett, or maybe parents can decide what kind of entertainment they want their children exposed to. You claim to be libertarian; maybe you could occasionally take a libertarian position.
Kids growing up in Europe go to topless beaches, they see public displays of sexuality of all different kinds, they see public nudity in some places and they see television programming that would never be allowed here. What they do not have is adults getting a bad case of the vapors about it so they learn to accept that the world is made of up lots of different kinds of people, some of them strange. Maybe demystifying it isn't such a bad thing.
And by the way, I was raised by white supremacists, and there are no government restrictions on what they are allowed to teach their children. If you're worried about toxic ideologies that are bad for children, that might be a better place to start.
I think Potter Stewart had some remorse about that famous quip. In a later opinion, he tried to add some detail on what he considered obscene. He had a point the first time & it doesn't just apply to obscenity.
There are easier cases. That movie is far from obscene. Even one of the dissents focused more on alleged pandering than on the content of the film itself.
I don’t see that this is any less clear than the Miller standard itself, which basically let a jury decide where to draw the line in each jurisdiction. Moreover, as another of today’s posts indicates, the Court’s cases on school discipline for sexually oriented speech use similar language. I don’t see how “vulgar” is any less vague than “lewd.” In short, this language is no vaguer than language the Supreme Court has not only approved but has itself regularly used in these matters.
The Supreme Court, rightly or wrongly, has been particularly solicitous of protecting minors from exposure to sexual materials and has upheld standards that members of this Conspiracy may well think draconian, and not just draconian but vague.
The term “lewd” has a long history in law and basically means tending to express or excite sexual arousal. I think it’s considerably clearer what it means than the term “vulgar,” which the judge in today’s school “Let’s Go Brandon” t-shirt case had no problem with using as a legal standard.
I understand these laws are controversial. However, Supreme Court precedent not only lets states prohibit exposing sexual material to minors, it permits them to do so using traditional, Comstock-style language which some today might think archaic. I think this judge is going against Supreme Court precedent. It is up to the Supreme Court to decide whether to change its precedent or not.
What a great example of 'damning with faint praise'. Except I think that was not your intent.
'No less clear than the Miller standard' may well be true - and if so, that exemplifies why the ban had to be struck down. The Miller standard was also impossibly vague and should never have been set.
That said, the Miller standard was, as the decision points out, at least only one impossibly vague standard. This ban set "at a minimum, eighteen (and perhaps as many as 6,575)" different impossibly vague standards. Miller was wrong and should be overturned but if we can't have that, we can at least stop making the problem worse.
Miller is the law of the land. It therefore sets the standard for what constitutes vagueness in obscenity cases. So if an obscenity statute is no vaguer than Miller, a court is bound to uphold it as not vague.
You’re entitled to argue that Miller should be overruled. But you are not entitled to argue that a lower court judge has no obligation to abide by it. Miller is a general decision that applies across the board, not just to its facts. Miller says there is no problem to begin with. So unless it’s overruled, there is nothing to be made worse by applying it.
You argue that if this statute is not unconstitutionally vague, Miller must have been wrongly decided. This argument is equivalent to its contrapositive: If Miller was correctly decided, then this statute must not be unconstitutionally vague. In other words, you are fully agreeing with the logic behind my point. Since a lower court must assume Miller was correctly decided, it follows that it must find this statute to not be unconstitutionally vague.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Contraposition
I mean, no doubt its as obvious to you Miller was wrong as it is obvious to Mr. Trump that, say, Duncan v. Kahonomoku was wrong. What did Mr. Trump say? “Very unfair radical left Democrat judges.”
You are either misunderstanding or deliberately misstating what I said. Let me try again.
1. (Normative opinion) Miller was wrongly decided and should be overturned because that standard is impossibly and unworkably vague.
2. (opinion on the law) Even if Miller was correctly decided and is on the acceptable side of the line for vagueness, it has only one dimension of vagueness. This law with it's multiple dimensions of vagueness is, as the lower court in this case says clearly, is on the other side of that line.
A little strange to me that they didn't at least try to interpret "lewd conduct" in a way that avoided constitutional issues, given that such narrow definitions are available. I know judges massage/mutilate the canons of statutory interpretation, but that is a big one with a clear trigger--apply before invalidating on constitutional grounds. Caveat, I have not read the full opinion. I also wonder if they discuss severability or if the statute addressed it.
Rightly or wrongly, I get the feeling this judge would never approve any law along these lines no matter how careful the language was.
Really? I think they just need to drop the word "lewd" and the concept of a dynamic scale based on the age of whoever happens to be in the audience that day.
Of course, then it wouldn't cover drag shows, which is the whole point of the law. If what you mean by "any law along these lines" is any law restricting drag shows, you're probably right, since the state has no valid interest in restricting drag shows.