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Is and Ought in Constitutional Law
A response to Joel Alicea on whether originalism needs a moral defense.
Does originalism need a moral defense? In his newly published Vaughan Lecture, Joel Alicea argues that it does:
Justifying a constitutional methodology requires arguing that judges ought to employ that methodology, which requires making a moral argument that the methodology is better than its competitors. And we can only know the comparative moral soundness of competing methodologies by reference to some standard of moral evaluation. . . .
Thus, if originalists wanted judges to accept their view and reject competitor theories, they had to provide a moral argument based on contested moral truth claims. That does not mean that originalist judges necessarily have to make case-by-case moral judgments when adjudicating cases, but it does mean that they necessarily have to make moral judgments in choosing originalism over its competitor methodologies.
The Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy was kind enough to publish my response, entitled "Is and Ought in Constitutional Law."
Addressing as well similar arguments by Francisco Urbina and Cass Sunstein, my paper puts forward a simple proposition. If, on your theory of law, originalism correctly describes what the law is, then judges and officials ought to say so, for the same reasons we all have to tell the truth.
From the abstract:
Does originalism need a moral defense? To choose one method of interpretation over another, some argue, is an action: it affects how judges and officials will affect the real world. So interpretive choices might have to be justified the way actions are justified, namely on moral grounds.
These action-focused arguments prove too much. Just as a choice to say the Earth goes around the Sun is usually justified by whether or not it really does, a choice to say that the law provides thus-and-so is usually justified by whether it really so provides, not on the moral benefits of it so providing. Constitutional texts don't just fall in our laps like manna from heaven, to be put to whatever uses might seem best; they often emerge from a process of enactment, with their content already determined in light of an existing legal system. The moral case for originalism, such as it is, rests on its being true: originalism really is the law around here, and judges and officials should say so.
(further discussion after the jump)
The reason why arguments like Alicea's have bite is that knowing what the law is doesn't always prove we ought to follow it. Even natural lawyers, who see law and morals as interrelated, should still agree that legal requirements and moral requirements can potentially come apart. (Sometimes we really ought to jaywalk, even when jaywalking really would be against the law.) So a judge can't just rest on arguments about what the law is; the judge's choice of interpretive methodology is an action, and the judge has to justify it the same way actions are justified, namely on moral grounds.
But all these arguments about actions prove too much. Saying that the Earth goes around the Sun is an action too! But in most contexts it's justified by the fact that Earth really does go around the Sun. The specifically moral parts of this reasoning are the totally uninteresting ones, just the ordinary moral reasons to say true things rather than false ones. Once you have the facts down, the reasons become pretty trivial (or, if you want to be more precise, the reasons-to-act are downstream of the reasons-to-believe).
So too with law. The best reason to say "the law provides X" is usually that the law really so provides. So whatever your theory of what the law is, if it turns out on that theory to be originalist, you ought to represent it that way. That's as much of a moral defense as originalism needs. With a coauthor, I've suggested that American law is originalist on positive grounds, given the higher-order rules that ground our legal system, through the account of the law's structure and sources that the American legal community publicly accepts and defends. And other people have argued for originalism on natural-law grounds, as in Jeff Pojanowski and Kevin Walsh's "Enduring Originalism" and Alicea's own "The Moral Authority of Original Meaning." But whatever approach is right, whether originalism is or isn't the law, we ought to represent things accurately.
Understanding things this way undermines many claims about "interpretive choice" on moral grounds. At least for legal purposes, those choices might be a matter for legal rules, and the law might not leave the interpretive choices open. Constitutional texts don't just fall in our laps like manna from heaven, to be put to whatever use seems best; often their content is already determined by the existing legal system within which they arise. To paraphrase a famous argument from Robert Nozick:
If legal instruments "fell from heaven like manna"—simply as marks on paper, unconnected to any particular interpretive approach—then it might be plausible to choose among ways of interpreting them on ordinary normative grounds. But is this the appropriate model for deciding how legal instruments are to be read? To the extent that these instruments come into being in the context of some existing legal system—not just as arbitrary marks on paper, but as well-formed legal objects, statutes and contracts and constitutions and so on—there's no need to search for some optimal interpretive theory to apply to them. "The situation is not an appropriate one for wondering, 'After all, what is to become of these things; what are we to do with them.'" In the non-manna-from-heaven world in which legal instruments are made or produced or transformed by preexisting legal institutions, with an eye to preexisting legal rules, there's no separate process of interpretive choice for a theory of interpretive choice to be a theory of.
In sum: the moral case for originalism, such as it is, rests on its being true. If originalism really is the law around here—on whatever the right theory of law might be—judges and officials should say so.
In any case, read the whole thing! Also on SSRN.
(Make sure to read Alicea's Vaughan lecture, Conor Casey's response, and Alicea's reply. Relevant Twitter thread here; cross-posted on Divided Argument.)
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"That's as much of a moral defense as originalism needs."
Hurrah!
As I like to say, "originalism" is just language. it's the way you would normally read any old document, if you really wanted to know what it meant, rather than being absolutely determined to attribute to it a congenial meaning regardless of its actual meaning.
The argument against originalism is that the actual meaning of the law is so awful that, to hell with what it really means, you should lie about it. And if you really feel that way about the law, you should not be a judge. You should run for the legislature, to change the actual meaning of the law. Or try to foment a revolution.
But if you can't stomach originalism, and you're a judge? You're in the wrong line of work.
Originalism is the only interpretation that makes sense. What's the point of passing laws when some doofus can come along later and change the meaning? Laws are written, debated, revised, and passed by a legislature. For anyone to come along later and change its meaning defeats the purpose of having legislatures debate them.
For that matter severability is nonsense too. Imagine a store with a sign OPEN 8-5 EXCEPT HOLIDAYS and some judges says "Uh Uh, doesn't say which holidays" and throws out EXCEPT HOLIDAYS. Now the store has to be open every day of the year? No, that sign belongs to the store, and no judge should be able to revise it. Throw it out altogether or leave it alone.
Same with Congress. If they write a 2700 page law and some judges decides page 983 has something unconstitutional, throw the whole damned thing out and tell Congress to try again. And if someone says "But what about the other 2699 pages!" well try writing shorter laws, break it into pieces which can be read before passage instead of after.
Sounds like we're on the same page, except that, some laws actually have severability clauses, (Generally an admission that the legislature knew they were doing something constitutionally dubious.) and those should be respected.
No, they should not be respected. How is the public supposed to know what a law means when some court may slice and dice it years later?
Isn't the point of Rule of Law that laws be written down so people know what they mean? What's the use of that when judges can change them?
Void them. Tell the legislators to do their job better next time.
If a judge comes along years later and says that page 983 is unconstitutional, how is our ability to "know what the law means" harmed more by throwing out just page 983 than by throwing out the whole thing?
The best argument I can come up with is that serverability clauses give congress some leeway to push the envelope with clauses of questionable constitutionality. Outlawing severability clauses might make legislatures more cautious about what they propose. On the other hand, invalidating just the bad clause is a lot less scary (and politically fraught) than overturning the entire law on what might be a very tangential issue. That would create a disincentive for judges to rule that anything but the most egregious examples is unconstitutional. We'd be stuck a lot longer with the bad laws that did get passed.
On the whole, I don't see severability as black-and-white as you seem to.
Because no one knows what law was passed when judges can unilaterally change them years later. How does that clarify the so-called rule of law?
Answer: It shows the Rule of Law is a myth, a fig leaf covering up the reality of Rule of Men, and judges hate it when they are shown to care more about ritual than justice.
How would a home owner like it if the bank unilaterally changed the mortgage contract 5 or 10 years later? Same principle.
You're missing the point. Let's go with your mortgage example to try to explain why. The choice in that analogy is 'the bank unilaterally changes a term in the contract' vs 'the bank unilaterally voids the contract'. Either way, it's bad and they shouldn't do it but 'leaving the contract entirely alone' isn't on the table. If the judge left the contract (the law) entirely alone, it would persist with that unconstitutional clause and that's not allowed.
Mortgage isn't a great example, though, because 'leave it alone' should be on the table. Let's go with a construction analogy instead.
You built your own home. A while later, you invite an engineer friend to dinner. While showing off your handiwork, the engineer sees that your second-floor hot tub is dangerously overloading the supporting wall putting the house in imminent danger of collapse. Your options are get rid of the hot tub or tear the entire house down and start over. Why is 'tear the entire house down' the only allowable option in your model of judicial review?
Yes, the idea of judicial review is subject to abuse. And when abused, it can convert the rule of law to a rule of man. But I am still not seeing how the idea of severability materially increases that risk.
My personal preference would be for a single subject rule, rather than flatly ignoring non-serverability clauses. Of course, we don't want a judicial counterpart to the literally insane line item veto you see in Wisconsin. (The governor of that state literally CAN strike individual words such as "not" from statutes, to reverse the meaning of legislative enactments.) But as long as omnibus bills are going to be permitted, you probably do need to allow the legislature to authorize or prohibit severability.
Aren’t you the guy who claims to be exceptionally good at understanding your opponents’ positions and arguments?
Although I’ll admit that some commenters seem eager to prove you right.
Jesus was once criticized for healing people on the Sabbath, to which he responded that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath.
Same objection to originalism: The Constitution was made for man, and not man for the Constitution. The Constitution serves us, not the other way around.
And by the way, I do not want to hear one single word in defense of originalism from anyone who voted for Donald Trump. The wrecking ball that he is taking to constitutional governance simply disqualifies anyone who supported him from being taken seriously on the subject of originalism.
Ooooh, you do not want. That's about as useful as non-originalism.
Who was that President who said he knew his executive order was unconstitutional, his aides told him it was unconstitutional, the Supreme Court told him it was unconstitutional, yet he bragged about doing it anyway?
Not Trump. I've forgotten his name now.
Did you vote for Trump? If so, your opinion of originalism is laughably irrelevant.
Just to make it simple, I am not an originalist so if I vote for a candidate who also isn't an originalist, I'm being consistent. If, however, you are (or claim to be) an originalist, yet you voted for the candidate who is doing everything he can to undermine constitutional governance, that is not consistent. It's like claiming to support religious freedom while voting for a theocrat. Please explain how you can consistently do both.
Just to make it simple, your consistency in hating Trump doesn't somehow imbue your thoughts with logic and wisdom, any more than a government paycheck does.
And your imaginative idea of how I voted for doesn't follow logically.
You: Vote for Trump ===> originalism thoughts are irrelevant
You: Originalism thoughts are irrelevant ===> Must have voted for Trump
Sorry, unimportant chick, that does not compute. I bet Wikipedia could clarify that fallacy if you want a cheap and simple education.
I'm sure you have a point in there somewhere.
The fallacy is imputing to me claims I didn't make. Try going back to read what I wrote, honestly this time.
Is that how your mind wins arguments, by pretending counter-arguments make no sense?
Makes sense.
No, YOU make no sense. Just for starters, nothing I said indicated an assumption that you voted for Trump; I said IF you voted for Trump. And the rest of your response was no better.
Trying to change the subject again?
I notice you never answered my question about who that President was who told the Supreme Court to fuck off. Here, I'll repeat it for you:
I hope you didn't vote for him, cuz you'd never be able to live with yourself, all mute like that.
There are commenters here who, while I disagree with them, can nevertheless stick to the subject, make coherent arguments, and follow a logical train of thought. You are not one of them.
The fact that *I* may have voted for someone who is not an originalist is irrelevant because *I* am not an originalist.
If you still don't get it, I don't have any more time to explain it to you.
If you're not an originalist, then you can't complain about Trump making shit up, as he never claimed to not make shit up.
At best, you can use Trump as an example for originalists to insist on originalism.
But, that doesn't seem to be your goal.
As I pointed out to another commenter, the problem lies in supporting the candidate who has arguably done more to destroy originalism than any president in my lifetime while at the same time claiming to be an originalist. It's as if someone singing the praises of libertarianism then voted for Bernie Sanders.
So, you're saying that in an election with no originalists anyone who casts a vote is to be considered irrelevant if they support originalism?
No, that's not what I'm saying. I'm saying that in this specific election, Trump was so far off the reservation when it comes to originalism that it's difficult to take seriously an originalist who voted for him. Especially when he had primary opposition from other people who, if not pure originalists, were at least much closer to it than he is.
Surely you see the irony that for decades the right has criticized the left for not being faithful to original intent, only to then elect the president who seems poised to actually bury originalism once and for all.
FYI: I have never voted for Trump in a primary.
"Not Trump. I've forgotten his name now."
Soon, so will he.
The Constitution serves us, not the other way around.
And who decides what "serving us" means? Nine unelected lawyers?
For any question it will be a case of who decides. Who decides that interstate transmission of child porn should be a federal crime? Congress. Who decides if we should drop bombs on the Houthi rebels? The President. And who decides what the Constitution means? The Supreme Court, subject to the power of Congress and the states to then amend it if they don't like the result. "Who decides" is essentially a red herring, because whomever doesn't like a decision can simply counter with "Who died and made you God?"
This is not the same society, culture, and value system that we had in 1789. If we ever got true originalism everybody including you would find something to hate about it. So long as a given interpretation is at least semi-plausible, I don't care if it's the same interpretation the slave-owner framers came up with. They can't make stuff up out of whole cloth -- Elon Musk will never be eligible to be president since he was born in South Africa, thank God -- but using our definitions of words and our understanding of terms rather than James Madison's strikes me as fine.
So who decides? The people who have been given authority to do so, namely the courts.
Why not? Of all the limits on the judicial power, the fortuities of linguistic drift seems among the least defensible, pragmatically or philosophically.
Well, is it relevant what we would consider cruel and unusual punishment, or what the founders would consider cruel and unusual punishment? You up for public floggings, brandings, mutilations? South Carolina executed someone by burning at the stake as recently as the 1840s.
You up for an interpretation of due process that precludes states from banning child labor?
How about an interpretation of the First Amendment that forbids nothing more than prior restraint, but permits people to be punished for their speech after the fact?
I think judges are entitled to notice that our values have shifted significantly since 1789 and to interpret the Constitution accordingly. The words "cruel and unusual" have not changed, nor have the words "due process" or "freedom of speech". What has changed is how *we*, today, understand those terms.
Um, you're the one who brought up Elon Musk. Yes.
Noscitur — As a force acting against accurate interpretation of antique texts, linguistic drift is trivial. The big problems come from time-traveling joyrides by folks powering along on present-minded presumptions.
If you attribute to your insight about an 18th century text almost anything which happened later, and which thus affected your sense of context, but not the original context, your interpretation will not likely be wrong as a matter of nuance. It will more likely be wildly wrong. When that happens, not the slightest inkling will occur that anything you did is amiss. That is the giant pitfall into which originalism disappears.
For example, no matter how hard 21st century man tries to imagine a past without electricity, he will be doing it with electricity-inflected cognitive equipment. Likewise for antibiotics. Or for the notion of economics as a professional discipline. Or for industrialism. Or for a notion of a standard of equal protection of the laws, disconnected from questions of class and social status. Or for a society overwhelmingly agrarian and trivially urban.
That list can be extended for pages, with everything on it adding to the roster of topics from which modern thinkers make implicit assumptions, while unaware that they do so. And not one item on any such list would apply alike in a past that preceded the occurrences which happened to inspire the list.
Academic historians have by centuries of effort discovered methods to recognize errors of that sort, and to avoid them better than they could previously. Almost all those methods also act as impediments to reliance on originalism. And of course, would-be modern practitioners of originalism, sensing impediments, systematically avoid constraint by better methods to learn what did happen in the past.
What a mess.
The Constitution nowhere states that the judiciary has the final word on interpreting the Constitution. What it does say is that the judicial power, which includes interpreting legal sources that come before it, is granted to the judiciary.
Apart from that, the judiciary is ill equipped to make a determination of what "serves us" if "us" means the country as a whole. Judges are good at interpreting legal documents, like contracts, wills, statutes and treaties. They are ill equipped to make a general determination of what's good for society. Certainly not better than, say, a legislature, which is answerable to the voters.
In any system of government, somebody needs to have the final word as to what the law means. Baseball needs umpires, basketball needs referees, and the government needs judges.
So if judges aren't going to have the last word, what would you put in their place? Disputes will arise, and someone will have to resolve them, and whoever loses isn't going to like it. If the executive and judiciary are at loggerheads as to the meaning of a provision, how would you resolve it?
And if your answer is that the executive should just ignore the judiciary, then by what limiting principle would you say that other losing litigants can't do likewise?
My point went over your head. Judges have to interpret the Constitution, as it is a legal document, indeed the premier legal document. What they should do is interpret it like a legal document -- what were the words understood to mean when the People enacted it (or an amendment, if that's at issue.) That's what originalism is.
When courts interpret a statute, they look at the language, sometimes the legislative history, and the intent of the legislature. They don't say, "well, we think it's good for society to say it means X, even though the legislature intended it to mean Y, so we hold it means X."
For judges to engage in a "what's good for us" analysis takes them outside their expertise. What about their training as lawyers makes them expert on that subject? And more than the People's representatives? Nothing.
"The wrecking ball that he is taking to constitutional governance simply disqualifies anyone who supported him from being taken seriously on the subject of originalism."
Says a woman of no importance?
Doesn't mean it's not true. Would you care to make the argument that I'm wrong about that?
You'd have to make a falsifiable argument for anyone to try to falsify it. And since you've already said that anybody with a counter argument is irrelevant, no one can ever falsify your arguments, so you have no need to listen to them.
Makes sense.
I did not say anyone with a counterargument is irrelevant. I said anyone who voted for Trump is irrelevant. Do you not know the difference?
And then you equated the reverse. To you, there is no difference, so both disqualify all counter arguments.
Do you consider judges to be irrelevant if they voted for Trump?
I consider you incapable of following a simple argument, so I'm now going on to other things.
interesting. Moralism in judicial interpretation, ok make an argument. Try legislating with a moral purpose, let's say hypothetically on marriage, and legal intelligentsia would be apoplectic. One thing is apparent: the hubris of the legal establishment.
There is an old joke.
Some rabbis were talking about the Torah. God intervened to explain what He meant. The rabbis cried foul. You gave us the Torah and now it's our turn to interpret it. God laughed. He knew he was licked.
Anyway: "In sum: the moral case for originalism, such as it is, rests on its being true."
It's hard to tell exactly what "originalism" is but from what I can tell it isn't really "true." Overall, originalists should defend it on moral grounds, partially since the law is far from clear, and it being "good" is regularly cited as a reason for following it.
"You should also follow it because it is the law" can be a moral claim.
IMO, the justification of originalism is that it most closely reflects the social contract. The Constitution is the rules that society has agreed to live by, subject to amendment. If it was generally understood that the rules meant X, then until there is a change, they mean X.
Which reminds me of an interesting recent legal decision, which might even support this argument tangentially.
Credit card companies have terms of service, which generally include an arbitration provision. They also often say, we can amend them any time we want at our sole discretion, so long as we give you notice of the amendment if required by law. Is that binding? A recent Fourth Circuit decision held that under Maryland law, the contract was illusory, given that it can be changed at will. So no arbitration enforced. Johnson v. Continental Finance Co. LLC (4th Cir. March 11, 2025). https://www.ca4.uscourts.gov/opinions/232047.P.pdf
By analogy, a social contract that can be changed at will is no contract.
Originalism limits government power by requiring new laws to be explicitly crafted in a process.
A law that can be changed by mere reinterpretation has no such restrictions.
Originalism pretends to be "is" but is actually a good deal of "ought" (or "ought not").
And have you ever, like, looked at your hands?
I might be out of date but when I hear the term I think back to my law review days, when we first were reading through articles about Scalia's new idea. It seemed to me merely a way to brush away undesired precedent and not so coincidentally it lined up with Scalia's policy preferences. (He never said, "Distasteful as it might seem, . . .") And also if taken seriously would lead to some barbaric outcomes, perhaps acceptable in 1787 but not in 1989, which even Scalia would shrink from.
Well, Scalia did say he was a faint hearted originalist.
But, as I say below: If there was genuinely a consensus that those outcomes were unacceptable, it would be possible to amend the Constitution so that it honestly doesn't have that meaning.
The reason you have to resort to 'living constitutionalism' is that this consensus doesn't actually exist. So, essentially, you commit a kind of constitutional embezzlement in the courts, to gain through judicial 'reinterpretation' what you can't get using the formal amendment process, not because that process fails to work where there is a consensus, but because it successfully blocks changes for which there isn't a consensus.
With all due respect, you give the impression of someone who has never made even the most cursory examination of the topic you’re opining about. Scalia’s originalism was certainly constraining, a point he discussed in his opinions and outside of them. Take a look at Alito if you want to see what conservative jurisprudence looks like when its results-oriented.
Scalia may have exhibited self-constraint, and called it originalism. To actually practice originalism requires capacity to make historical survivals critique each other, with an eye to create legitimate historical inferences. Scalia never showed any sign he even knew what that means. Let alone knowledge that if he tried it, why it mostly would not work.
Claiming that we all have to tell the truth is itself a moral claim. And not only that, it’s a highly disputable one. There are many situations where ordinary people don’t tell the truth, and in some instances which many people would say one shouldn’t. Is constitutional law one of them? It’s a moral argument.
For example, in many moral systems one can and indeed should lie to save somene’s life. So why shouldn’t a judge who adheres to this system lie and say that the constitution requires saving someone’s life in a situation when a plain reading would say it doesn’t?
The moral argument involved is by no means an obvious one.
Isn't that what I said above, essentially? That the argument against originalism is that the actual meaning of the law is so awful that you ought to lie about it?
There are three problems here, as I see it, with that view:
The first problem is that there's this fundamental conflict between, on the one hand, lying about it, and on the other hand, making the case that the actual meaning is that awful; In order to do the latter, you end up admitting you're lying. Which makes the lie rather unpersuasive...
The second problem is, of course, that there's scarcely anything like a consensus that the actual, originalist, meaning of the law really IS awful. In practice you're not lying about it because everyone agrees it's awful; If that many people agreed it was awful, you'd be able to change it, and wouldn't NEED to lie!
You're lying about it because there aren't actually enough people who agree with you about how awful it is for you to successfully use the formal procedure to change the meaning. Living constitutionalism might best be seen as a form of constitutional embezzlement. Not an interpretive theory.
And the third problem is, liars lie. Finding people who will take jobs as judges and office holders, intent on lying about the meaning of our most fundamental laws, and who will none the less be honest outside that narrow context, is impossible. You hire people corrupt enough to lie about the meaning of the Constitution, they're just going to be corrupt, period. You've given up on all hope of honest governance, in favor of governance by self-serving sophists.
So, maybe, just maybe, you manage to staff the government mostly with people who are gullible, especially when they like a lie. That's still not a recipe for good government.
Be honest: Make the case for the original meaning of the Constitution being awful, and that it should be changed. Who knows, maybe on some topics you'll actually get the public to agree!