The Volokh Conspiracy
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Guest Post: Reconsidering the [Non-]Appealability of TROs
"To the contrary, an examination of the history of TROs and interlocutory appeals reveals that TROs were not appealable solely because of a now-repealed statutory requirement that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued 'upon a hearing.'"
One of the recurring issues in Trump 2.0 is the issuance of "non-appealable" TROs. Indeed, some district courts have issued "non-appealable" administrative stays. There is a host of circuit precedent holding that such temporary orders cannot be appealed; rather, the only appellate process is the extraordinary writ of mandamus. That argument may make sense when a TRO only affects two parties in routine litigation. As a general matter, it would not be a good use of judicial resources to jam the circuit courts with emergency motions to stay on a mundane case. But the concept of an unappealable order is far more problematic the context of a universal TRO against the federal government. Could it really be the case that a single district court judge can force the federal government to do, or not do something, and the appellate courts lack jurisdiction to reverse that ruling?
Tyler B. Lindley, Morgan Bronson, and Wesley White have published a new essay that looks at the issue of unappealable orders. Here is the abstract for Appealing Temporary Restraining Orders, which is. forthcoming in the Florida Law Review:
Temporary restraining orders (TROs) are a powerful injunctive tool for district courts to maintain over a case by directly controlling the parties' out-of-court conduct, especially when both the facts on the ground and the litigation are moving at breakneck speed. In response to the wave of TROs against the Trump Administration, appellate courts have struggled with the power of these orders and the longstanding rule that parties cannot appeal from TROs. But that rule is not found anywhere in the relevant statute, which authorizes interlocutory appeals from any order concerning an injunction. To the contrary, an examination of the history of TROs and interlocutory appeals reveals that TROs were not appealable solely because of a now-repealed statutory requirement that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued "upon a hearing." Even if that requirement applies today, most modern TROs (especially against government defendants) are now issued after a hearing and so should be appealable. Those appeals might quickly become moot at the TRO expires or merges into a preliminary injunction, but appellate courts should nevertheless have the option to expedite the appeal or grant emergency relief.
I asked the authors if they would be willing to submit a guest post to the Volokh Conspiracy, and they were kind enough to offer this entry:
The Trump administration has been unable to appeal several temporary restraining orders (TROs) issued against it because of the accepted rule that TROs are ordinarily not appealable. But that rule appears to run counter to the current text of the interlocutory-appeal statute. Our new essay, Appealing Temporary Restraining Orders (forthcoming in the Florida Law Review), argues that the general rule barring appeals from TROs originated when an earlier version of the statute required that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued "upon a hearing," and by design, most TROs were not.
Since January, district courts have issued numerous TROs enjoining the Trump Administration from carrying out or implementing various policies and programs. One TRO even ordered the Administration to treat former head of the Office of Special Counsel Hampton Dellinger as if he had not been fired. But the D.C. Circuit refused to allow an appeal, and the Supreme Court refused to address the issue until the TRO expired.
Why couldn't the government appeal the TRO? The relevant statute states that "the courts of appeals shall have jurisdiction of appeals from . . . [i]nterlocutory orders" concerning "injunctions." And TROs are a species of injunction just like a preliminary injunction. Nevertheless, as Steve Vladeck summarized, "[T]he consensus has long been that it would cause chaos if grants or denials of TROs were immediately appealable." However, notwithstanding that general rule, courts have allowed appeals from TROs when the TRO (or denied TRO) operates like a preliminary injunction and causes the losing party serious harm that would undermine the purpose of the interlocutory-appeal statute.
Generally, such practical concerns would be insufficient to deviate from unambiguous language. And if the statute does exclude TROs, it is unclear why there is an exception to promote the supposed purposes of the statute. We dug into the history to figure out whether this was an instance of loose statutory interpretation or whether there was a better explanation for why courts have excluded TROs from the statute.
Congress first authorized TROs in 1872. Under that statute, judges were authorized to issue TROs as soon as the motion for a preliminary injunction was filed if there was "danger of irreparable injury." The restraining order would then be served with notice of the motion and the hearing. So TROs were almost always issued ex parte and without a hearing. By contrast, preliminary injunctions required notice and an opportunity to be heard. Thus, a hearing was an important dividing line between a TRO and a preliminary injunction, (together with other distinctions including the burden for obtaining the injunction, its purpose, and its length).
In 1891, Congress bucked the common-law limitation of appeals to final judgments and authorized interlocutory appeals from "an interlocutory order or decree granting or continuing [an] injunction." (Congress later expanded the scope of the statute to include nearly all interlocutory orders concerning injunctions.) But the statute limited such orders to those issued "upon a hearing in equity." As noted above, TROs in the late 1800s were not issued "upon a hearing." So with rare exception, TROs were textually excluded from the interlocutory-appeal statute.
Early courts recognized this distinction. Although some courts concluded that all TROs were appealable, and some pointed to the practical differences in excluding TROs, the hearing requirement remained the driving divide. For example, the Fifth Circuit in Joseph Dry Goods Co. v. Hecht, 120 F. 760 (5th Cir. 1903), explained that the hearing requirement was included to "distinguish the temporary order from the injunction [ultimately] granted at the hearing after notice." Id. at 763–64. Although judicial decisions were not always clear about why appeals were or were not allowed, our research (which is, admittedly, not perfectly exhaustive due to reporting practices at the time) reveals that TROs without a hearing were not appealable and those issued after a hearing were.
Later developments obscured this distinction. Through a combination of Supreme Court procedural rules and statute, courts were required to provide notice and hold hearings before issuing TROs, unless waiting would be impractical. Eventually, in 1966, the Court promulgated a rule requiring attorneys to certify to the efforts made to notify the opposing party and explain why a TRO could not be delayed. Today, ex parte TROs are rare, especially against government defendants.
In 1948, Congress recodified the Judicial Code. In doing so, it reorganized the interlocutory-appeal statute into the version we have today. In the process, however, Congress omitted the hearing requirement altogether. So any textual basis for excluding even TROs issued without a hearing is lacking. But no one appears to have noted the change, much less noticed the potential impact it could have on the appealability of TROs. And when Congress had earlier removed the phrase "in equity" from the requirement that the order be issued "upon a hearing in equity," the Supreme Court held that no substantive change was intended. See Schoenamsgruber v. Hamburg Am. Line, 294 U.S. 454, 457 (1935). Perhaps the same rationale applied here, especially considering the context of Congress's massive reorganization and recodification of the Judicial Code. Regardless, the statute supports at most a hearing requirement, which would mean that most TROs today are appealable.
To be sure, stare decisis plays a role here. The Supreme Court and every court of appeals has held that TROs are not generally appealable. And statutory stare decisis places a heavier burden on those seeking to jettison precedent. But even if there are reasons to counsel against overruling those precedents, understanding the source, scope, and history of that general rule might lead courts to apply the current test loosely, increasing the number of TROs that are appealable.
What would appeals from TROs look like? Many would quickly become moot, as the TRO either expires or merges into a preliminary injunction. And this practical concern has led courts to generally exclude appeals from TROs while maintaining a purposivist carve-out for TROs that risk serious, perhaps irreparable, harm. But courts can use their resources to move quickly when the circumstances justify it. Courts might want to do so when there is an apparent legal error; when the balance of the equities weighs against the TRO, even if the harm to the losing party is not quite irreparable or sufficiently serious; or where the TRO takes the form of a nationwide injunction, and the appellate court wishes to pare it back. Even an appellate court's affirmance of a clearly correct TRO might save resources and signal to the parties the relative strengths of their arguments. In some ways, then our approach to appeals from TROs carries the benefits of both a formalist interpretation of the statute and a functionalist approach to when appeals from TROs should be allowed.
Moreover, posing the obstacles to appealing from TROs as a jurisdictional bar rather than a discretionary decision to expedite forecloses emergency relief. Courts of appeals should instead recognize that even if they are not able to reach a full decision on the merits of the TRO, they can still issue emergency relief staying that TRO (or issuing their own injunction should the TRO have been denied), provided that the other requirements for emergency relief have been satisfied.
The exception from immediate interlocutory appeals from TROs is now justified on practical grounds. But the reason for the bar initially flowed from the requirements of the statute, which have since been repealed. In light of the statutory authorization for immediate interlocutory appeals, appellate courts today should not reflexively refuse to hear appeals from TROs.
This argument should make its way into the litigation
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ISTM that the obvious reason TROs aren't appealable is because they expire quickly, and it would be incredibly wasteful to have routine interlocutory appeals of emergency orders that are going to be gone anyway. (In the rare case where there's actually irreparable harm stemming from the TRO itself, mandamus is still available.) But I'm sure the combined legal experience of Tyler B. Lindley, Morgan Bronson, Wesley White, and Josh Blackman, who have a combined zero years of actual legal practice, tells them otherwise.
Different when government is involved, as a wrongly issued TRO undercuts Article II.
Temporarily. A fact that would not be changed if TROs were appealable.
Just adds to the reason why they should be immediately appealable. Amy Berman Jackson violated the Constitution. (And that wasn't the first time--her order telling Roger Stone to stop criticizing her was appalling,.)
What crazy Dave fails to understand is that some of these objectionable "TROs" are not really TROs, as Alito explained in his dissent to the denial of cert. in Dep't of State v Aids Vaccine Advocacy Coalition. when they "act as a mandatory injunction requiring affirmative action” by the Government. These TROs are neither temporary, nor do they simply restrain conduct. "Does a single district-court judge who likely lacks jurisdiction have the unchecked power to compel the Government of the United States to pay out (and probably lose forever) 2 billion taxpayer dollars?" Such a question would never cross Crazy Dave's broken little mind.
Key word, of course, is "dissent."
It was a denial of cert, not an opinion on the merits. if you have anything intelligent to add, don't keep it to yourself. Not likely in your case but who knows? Stranger things have happened.
Well, to all us poor bastards in the real world, only the supreme courts are not subject to appeal.
Trump should just appeal these damn things and get it resolved by the supremes.
“get it resolved by the supremes”
You can't hurry love. No, you'll just have to wait.
But it's a game of give and take.
The process is the punishment.
Interesting post.
But I think the article suffers somewhat from the disease of federal supremacy. The argument that the non-appealability of TROs relates to the particular history of federal statutes is undermined by the fact that there were parallel developments in state law, which were not based on the same statutory language.
As an example, in Minnesota, the leading case making ex parte TROs unappealable -- while injunctions and orders dissolving TROs were appealable -- is State ex rel. Norris v. Dist. Cts. Eleventh & First Jud. Districts, 53 N.W. 1157, 1158–59 (Minn. 1893). It did not arise from the 1891 federal statute. Rather, it reasoned that:
There was no statute saying that a hearing was required. And there was no question that a TRO is a type of injunction. The Court looked to practice, rather than to formal rules. The rationale was simply that an appellate court comes in to correct an error only once the error has truly been made. No error is presumed when a TRO is serving its proper function, which is to give the trial court the space to make a rational decision on the temporary injunction.
This rationale extends to many TROs that are not ex parte. TROs are often issued on informal notice and abbreviated hearing. Their purpose is often to freeze the status quo until the court has enough time to devote to actually issuing an informed decision on the temporary injunction.
The authors of the article seem to suggest that the regime that emerges around Sampson v. Murray, 415 U.S. 61 (1974), was the result of percolation over a long time in the federal courts after the statutory changes they identify.
But, as I read them, I see its rationale reflected in much earlier state authorities.
I'm not sure I understand why state law regarding the appealability of state court issued TROs should have any relevance to the appealability of TROs issued by federal courts.
As a legalistic reason, very little.
But when multiple jurisdictions reach the same result, it might be the case that it's the only real practical way to proceed.
The appealability of federal TROs is governed by a line of federal cases. Chief among those are U.S. Supreme Court cases beginning with Sampson v. Murray, 415 U.S. 61 (1974).
The article is suggesting that those cases should be overturned because they don’t reflect equity practice. Instead, the article seems to suggest that they reflect a mistake made by the Supreme Court when it looked at old caselaw decided under a since-repealed rule governing appeals and a since-amended rule governing notice of TRO applications.
I am suggesting that state practice undermines the article’s origin story of the Sampson line of cases. The fact that other courts arrived at the same place, without having to make the mistake that the article postulates, suggests that there are more-legitimate reason underlying the precedent, and the case for it to be overturned is less compelling.
Neither Boasberg nor that idiot DC Circuit court judges are doing themselves any favors with the political battle.
First, Boasberg has abjectly refused to deal with the DOJ's position on oral orders, which is backed by hard to refute caselaw. That not just makes him look lawless--it means he is lawless. Not a good look.
Second, Boasberg and the idiot that escaped her village seem to think that the judiciary has ANYTHING to say about the Executive making a proclamation, then immediately going to enforcement. Courts speak through their written orders/judgments, and the idea that the Administration had to treat the hearing as a de facto order to stay its hand is risible. But that's exactly their position. And then the court whines about the strident filings. Yeah, you lawless criminal-coddler, get over yourself.
Third, the "turn the planes around" is just the apotheosis of judicial arrogance. I wish the Administration had the balls to just say, "Look, judge, we were entitled to treat your oral statement as a brutum fulmen, and that's what we are doing now. My client has no intention of providing ANY information whatsoever regarding the flights, and it is not going to follow any order from you to do so. My client believes that you are overstepping your authority and that the idea that you get to delve into whether my client violated your statement is lawlessness of the highest order. My client will answer your question about whether we got the planes in the air with knowledge of the impending litigation. The answer to that question is yes. My client anticipated that you would take the case instead of letting the emergency judge handle it, and the client thought that it was in the public interest to get these illegal aliens out of the country before you gum up the works. Eric Holder had no business ignoring Congress, but he did, and nothing happened. My client is going to follow the Eric Holder standard."
https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv0766-53
Here is his ruling on the TRO. The timeline of events is much clearer and corrects something in the public record. The judge said he granted the initial TRO at 9:40 a.m. as reflected in a minute order on the court's docket. The effect of which was to prevent the 5 named plaintiffs from being removed.
What time did the planes leave again? Were they not in the air during a later hearing in the afternoon??
Keep reading. It's gets worse for the govt.
Gee, on a Saturday evening, the government lawyers couldn't find out whether planes were in the air? Quelle surprise. Yes, the government got planes out of the country during the hearing. So what? This ain't cricket. See, e.g., Eric Holder.
Please read pg's 8 and 9 of the court's order posted above keeping in mind the court granted the TRO with respect to the 5named plaintiffs at 9:40 a.m. There was a second order for the 'class of people' that fell under the Proclamation that came after 6pm. During that hearing the 'planes were in the sky.' But according to the judge, the hearing began around 5pm and it was adjourned specifically so the government lawyer could find out if deportations under the proclamation were imminent. The Govt said they didn't know.
Regardless of whether that statement is true or not; as to the 5named plaintiffs and the first TRO how would planes flying or being over international waters at 6pm relate back to the TRO issued at 9:40a.m.?? When did the planes leave Texas? Were any of the named plaintiffs on those flights? Why does the government keep refusing to answer the Court's simple questions? Hmmmmmmm?
Update: DOJ invokes states secrets privilege to avoid answering Judge's questions.
https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278436/gov.uscourts.dcd.278436.56.0.pdf
Hahaahahaha these legal brainiacs posted videos online of this, cabinet level positions publicly discussed it on major news networks [Pam Bondi looking at you!], Trump 'truthed' about it more than once...and now they now invoking state's secrets to refuse to disclose information to the Court. You can't make this shit up!
Further update: I listened to the oral argument in DC Circuit. The 5named plaintiffs never got put on the plane[s] as the first TRO stopped them from being put on planes.
The govt is taking the position - after much hemmming and hawwing - that if the TRO is reversed/dissolved, that the govt under the Alien Enemies Act has no obligation to provide notice to the 'class' of people subject to it and can immediately resume removal flights to El Salvador or anywhere of the govt's choosing. But also the 'class' of people could file for habeas relief in whatever US jurisdiction they are in prior to not receiving notice and being immediately shipped to the gulag. Yes I typed that correctly. That is the govt's position. ACLU and one of the circuit justices points out how illusory the govt's position is.
And the government has to provide notice to illegals? Oh ok.
The government obeyed the TRO regarding the five guys. They just blew off the blowoffable statement about turning the planes around.
And Boasberg still hasn't addressed the authority regarding oral orders . . . .
I got an idea--any Venezuelan illegal immigrant now has constructive notice--they can turn themselves into ICE, and they can have their hearing.
1) None of the handful of cases cited is binding on him.
2. None of it applies to TROs.
Which part of that don't you understand?
Are you stupid, ignorant, willfully dishonest, or all of the above? Judges routinely issue oral orders. Those orders are binding on litigants. Indeed, sometimes the judge will announce some oral rulings and you'll say, "Your Honor, are you going to issue a written order?" and the judge will say, "No; if you're unclear, you can order the transcript."
First of all, you miss the second point entirely. The two judges are po'd that even though a precious hearing was scheduled, the government moved forward. So what? The government gets to move quickly before litigation happens.
As for written orders vs oral ones--first of all, judges who yap like that are a disgrace to the bench, and certainly the Executive Branch shouldn't be treated like that. In any event, this seems pretty binding: "Written orders are crucial because they clarify the bounds of permissible conduct. This district has long followed that principle. See Landmark Legal Found. v. EPA, 272 F. Supp. 2d 70, 80 (D.D.C. 2003) (“[A]n injunction does not become an injunction until it is reduced to writing.”).See also Garcia v. Yonkers Sch. Dist., 561 F.3d 97, 105 (2d Cir. 2009) (Miner, J., joined by Sotomayor and Katzmann, JJ.) (“Requirements for the form and content of preliminary injunctions and temporary restraining orders are properly met by a written order.”). But hey, the practices of rude judges are, you know, superior to pronouncements of the Second Circuit and the DC district court--my bad. Note: an order telling a litigant to do something is a fucking injunction, numb nuts.
And the court should make a written finding as to why he is rejecting their argument before he "gets to the bottom" of this. Like I said, I'd tell the judge that he isn't getting a damned thing.
This is the "judge" that decided that doctoring evidence in an ex parte proceeding didn't merit jail time. What a disgrace.
Hey, stupid. "2d Cir" and "DC Circuit" are different things. Try typing them slowly, and reading what you type. You can even move your lips while you read, if it'll help.
I'll repeat what i said the last four times you raised this hey-look-a-squirrel non-sequitur: what did the sentencing guidelines say? Do you even know what the sentencing guidelines are?
Yeah, dipshit, I corrected my post prior to your comment.
Regarding Clinesmith, yeah I know what the Sentencing Guildelines are and say. Do they distinguish between ex parte proceedings and regular ones? What about when a government official does it? You're a maroon.
In any event, you pretty much sink the court's credibility. Are you really arguing that the judge should just ignore the authority cited by the DOJ? Even if we accept that a prior DC district court case isn't "binding" (and that's why is said "pretty binding"), do you really think that it's appropriate for this judge to just ignore it. If the judge is going to demand that the Executive turn square corners, then the judge should do so too. He isn't, and in the political battle between the Executive and the Judiciary, that's not a good fact, so to speak.
You can fulminate all you want, but it's hard to argue that the judge acted with restraint here. He got high-handed and adversarial, and it's going to bite the Judicial Branch in the ass. And you can say that Clinesmith is a squirrel, but it shows that the judge is a fucking nut.
A lot more appropriate than it is for the administration to just ignore the judge!
Given that nobody is in jail for contempt, it's easy to argue that the judge acted with restraint here.
https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.278436/gov.uscourts.dcd.278436.56.0.pdf
The Rule to Show Cause was issued I believe Fri and now the DOJ say's they won't answer. State's Secrets Privilege invoked.
Good for the government.
Oh my bad again, you're cool with government doctoring evidence when a member of the resistance does it. Sorry, man.
The argument isn't as crazy as you think. Black letter law in Michigan is that a court speaks through its orders, not through its opinions or statements from the bench. A court can issue an order which says "for the reasons stated in open court" or something similar, but without the order saying that the opinion, or statements from the bench, aren't binding on anyone.
I'll repeat what I posted before. Congress should consider requiring three-judge panels to deal with such challenges, with appeals to SCOTUS. And some procedural tweaks to TRO and PI practice.
Yeah, but it might take some time to get the panel constituted. Then they couldn't make planes turn around.
As rloquitur's bad faith response to your comment indicates, while that might make sense for preliminary injunctions, it doesn't work for TROs. As this case illustrates (even without getting into the whole turn-the-planes-around second order and focusing only on the five original plaintiffs), emergency relief can be emergency relief. If the five named — well, initialed — plaintiffs had to wait for a "three-judge panel," they'd have been in El Salvador too.
Yes they would. Too fucking bad. Laken Riley didn't have a chance to get a TRO.
Carter Page didn't have a chance to get a TRO. But illegals from Venezuela get to have the judge order planes turned around. Yeah I get the legalities blah blah blah. That's not what this fight is about, and your precious little judge better figure that out.
Eric Holder standard, baby.
Always a reason to do away with due process. I know, it is more convenient to allow some rando jackass judge just make something happen. That should happen at no level of government. The judge is not superior to the President. This judge is not even in the same species as the President.
I believe in due process. I really do. But the courts (high and low) have abused their power. And society has accepted it. But now there is a movement that understands that the judiciary isn't fair and doesn't require political evenhandedness. And that's going to break the Judiciary if it doesn't chill the fuck out.
Ok.
And… there it is.
Once again, you fail to understand. The way things are now--due process for your side (i.e., illegal aliens) and not for mine.
This is gibberish. Everyone is entitled to due process, regardless of "side," and there's no way to know whether these people are illegal aliens without due process.
If the justice system continues to be politicized (e.g., Douglass Mackey, Kevin Clinesmith), then you will no longer have support for the statement that everyone deserves due process.
Ricky Vaughn! I must admit I never have understood the obsession of certain commentators with Mr. Mackey. Perhaps his too-close-for-comfort ties to Don Jr.? Please, I beg you, tell me he was just joking and people who were fooled are just too stupid to vote. Is that the operative whine still?
Again, as I have long said: you get the heroes you deserve.
Oh now looky here:
https://pjmedia.com/matt-margolis/2025/03/24/new-dirt-on-judge-boasberg-raises-more-questions-n4938236
Maybe this is a nothing-burger, but so what. This judge has declared war--he's gonna find out what war is. (Non-violent, of course. Violence against judges is, you know, a Schumer thing.) And the smearing of Kavanaugh means that it is all fair game.
So, as always, pretty much everything here is a lie. There's no "dirt," nothing secret, and nothing nefarious. A bunch of left and right federal and state judges went to a leadership seminar. Fully disclosed, when Joe Biden was president, and it had nothing to do with Trump.
You're right. But it doesn't matter once a political war is declared. All the stuff against Kavanaugh was BS also.
https://nypost.com/2025/03/24/us-news/obama-appointed-judge-rips-trump-administration-over-tren-de-aragua-deportations-nazis-got-better-treatment/
God, I almost feel bad for this idiot judge. Obviously, she was talking about Nazis in the US post WWII. And so she's not wrong here, but, once again, Boasberg has picked this fight, and now the Judiciary is about to be savaged. Good. I, for one, are tired of imperious, arrogant judges like Boasberg. And it's high time that they get their comeuppance.
Eric Holder standard, baby.
It is time for the executive to remind the judiciary how limited their power actually is.
As Eric Holder did to the House. What goes around, comes around.
That foes in both directions. When the Executive exceeds their authority, who is there to tell them so? That's a judicial power,
Only if you believe that the leader makes the law would you think otherwise, and that is a view more suited to dictatorships than democratic republics.
Pretty revealing comment!
Not that anyone was taking your predictions and legal analysis seriously before, but they sure shouldn't now!
Do you really think that the judge was right to ignore DOJ's brief on oral orders? Seriously?
None of this is legal analysis. This is politics. And the Judiciary is going to get creamed.
and do you really think that the mere existence of scheduled hearing requires the government to stand down so as to give the judge the chance to stop its plans?
God, I almost feel bad for this idiot rloquitur. He knows nothing about the law and is a fascist to boot. It is high time that Donald Trump be removed from office, whether on 25th amendment grounds or impeachment or act of god.
I think Act of God would fit the bill nicely, as it would also troll his Christian Nationalist supporters
So says the moron who thinks that TROs are not injunctions. Have you always been this dumb, or did you have to work at it?
Weird how Rule 65 uses two different terms.
Not the point, numb nuts. And the DC case mentions TROs anyway.
A TRO is a type of injunction,
David, I would love to hear your case for 25A or impeachment. You don't exactly have a lot of credibility on 25A, given your defenses of Pres Biden, who was cognitively deficient. By all means, make that 25A case.
Nieporent is a fan of JD.
Juvenile diabetes? Johnny Depp? Jack Daniels?
JD Vance--you obviously want him to be president.
Unserious paper and unserious comments. But it is nice of the prof to bring along his students.
Oh I don't think so. It is pretty clear that Boasberg assigning himself the case, blowing off authority (he at least should deal with it), ordering planes to turn around after hasty "temporary" class action certification etc. is a very bad look. And the Trump Administration is going to shove it up his ass.
https://redstate.com/bonchie/2025/03/24/watch-judge-says-nazis-got-better-treatment-than-deported-gang-members-tom-homan-roasts-her-n2187048
Look, I am not saying that the judge's comment is bad, when the context is taken, but your side has been doing this to conservative judges forever, so you're about to get a heaping helping of what goes around comes around. This is politics now. And Roberts is powerless.
There is a semblance of a fair point here, which is that in a modern world with connectivity, telecommunications, and electronic filing and service, there is less of a need for TROs (but not no need, as some of these cases illustrate). In particular, if the responding party has enough time to respond, then I’m not sure why a TRO would be necessary: at that point, either lift the restraint or issue an injunction, and it seems to me the problem largely gets resolved.
https://townhall.com/tipsheet/mattvespa/2025/03/25/neil-gorsuchs-former-law-clerk-cooks-judge-whos-screwing-around-with-trumps-deportation-flights-n2654405#google_vignette
Isn't the president's proclamation "notice"? Doesn't that mean that all illegals have a duty to turn themselves in or lose the right to hearing (assuming they even get one).
Here's something that DN and crew might find interesting:
https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/ma-yang-milwaukee-mother-deported-laos-trump-b2720306.html
Just more evidence that the cruelty is the point.
Or just the enforcement of the law. I don't revel in this, and I do feel a great bit of empathy for her, but I also know that we don't want alien drug dealers in the country.
Tammy Baldwin could sponsor private legislation to help her.
In Phnom Penh an expat community of deported Cambodians has grown up. Times did an article about it years ago.
David, she went to fed prison for 30 months on drug charges. What did you think was going to happen when she got out?
She is out.
https://nypost.com/2025/03/25/us-news/columbia-university-student-21-arrested-during-anti-israel-protest-faces-deportation-by-trump-admin/
Another one.