The Volokh Conspiracy
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Lawsuit Over Binghamton University's Alleged Suppression of Lecture by Economist Arthur Laffer Can Go Forward
From Judge Lawrence Kahn's opinion yesterday in Young America's Found. v. Stenger (N.D.N.Y.):
On the morning of the Laffer Event [at a lecture hall in Binghatom], the University's Senior Director of Media and Public Relations forwarded to UPD [University Police Department], [Brian Rose, University VP for Student Affairs], and other members of the University an email from the College Progressives and an online post ostensibly written on behalf of the College Progressives, PLOT [Progressive Leaders of Tomorrow], and other groups, saying that they "will be taking away … the College Republicans' space by disrupting their event." On the afternoon of the Laffer Event, UPD saw a social media post by PLOT promoting the disruption of the Laffer Event.
[UPD Chief John] Pelletier decided to personally meet Dr. Laffer at the airport when he arrived on November 18, 2019, to inform him that his lecture may be protested. In his deposition for this action, Dr. Laffer stated that Pelletier told him the University "did not want [him] to come," asked him to cancel the event, and "intimated" that he should return to his plane.
At the Laffer Event that evening, there were about nine UPD officers, including Pelletier, inside the lecture hall and fourteen officers in the surrounding hallways. YAF and the College Republicans chose for the Laffer Event to be open to the public and not ticketed because they wanted to attract as many people as possible. A large crowd entered the lecture hall. Dr. Laffer entered through a private entrance with his security team and UPD Investigator Joseph Gallagher. College Republicans president John Restuccia introduced Dr. Laffer and told the audience that if they had any disagreements, they should reserve their questions to the end of the lecture.
Seconds after Dr. Laffer began his lecture, a man in the audience stood up and started reading a speech off his phone about economics, racial oppression, President Trump, and the justice system. Someone from the audience gave the disrupter a megaphone. During the disruption, College Republicans walked in front of Dr. Laffer's podium and held up "free speech" signs.
Over a minute into the disruption, UPD officers began to slowly approach the disrupter. As they were approaching, approximately ten to fifteen audience members surrounded the disrupter, forming a human barrier to prevent the officers from reaching him. Gallagher asked Dr. Laffer how he was doing, to which Dr. Laffer replied something to the effect of, "Let's give it ten minutes."
While UPD officers were pushing toward the crowd, Pelletier walked over to Gallagher and exchanged some words. UPD officers removed one protester from the lecture hall. As the disrupter with the megaphone was being removed, Gallagher touched Dr. Laffer's back, said something to him, and then said something to Restuccia. Restuccia nodded, made a hand-waving motion, and then Dr. Laffer, Gallagher, and members of the College Republicans left the lecture hall….
Dr. Laffer left approximately two and a half minutes after the disruption began. For the next several minutes, protesters took turns standing up and reading off their phone, passing around the megaphone, while UPD officers stood at the outskirts of the room and watched. UPD officers arrested the man who originally disrupted the event and the man who handed him a megaphone, charging them with disorderly conduct….
After the Laffer Event, Pelletier had a meeting with [University President Harvey] Stenger, Rose, and other university administrators. Pelletier presented a list of the suspects that UPD was planning to arrest. At first, Rose was in favor of arresting the suspects. Then, Stenger's Chief of Staff communicated Stenger's desire to avoid further arrests. Rose initially pushed back on Stenger's view not to arrest further individuals, but eventually supported the decision. UPD did not make any further arrests….
Young America's Foundation and others sued, and the court held the case could go forward; here's a short excerpt from the long opinion (which also dealt with other controversies and other claims):
[T]he lecture hall is a limited public forum …. "A limited public forum is created only where the government 'makes its property generally available to a certain class of speakers.'" "In limited public fora, strict scrutiny is accorded only to restrictions on speech that fall[] within the designated category for which the forum has been opened." "Such restrictions must serve a compelling government interest and be narrowly tailored to achieve that interest."
"As to expressive uses not falling within the limited category for which the forum has been opened, restrictions need only be viewpoint neutral and reasonable." Here, Plaintiffs argue the "restriction" of speech was removing Dr. Laffer from the lecture hall. Since Dr. Laffer's lecture was indeed the designated category for which the forum had been opened, any restriction of the lecture is accorded strict scrutiny. As explained below, the restriction of speech did not serve a compelling government interest and thus cannot survive strict scrutiny.
There is a genuine dispute of fact as to whether this was a Government-induced "restriction"—whether Pelletier "ordered" Dr. Laffer to leave, or whether Dr. Laffer left on his own accord. Multiple witnesses, including Dr. Laffer, affirm a Government-induced restriction, and the Laffer Video does not contradict this characterization. Indeed, if a jury credits the witnesses' testimony, the Laffer Video could confirm the story that Pelletier told Gallagher to escort Dr. Laffer out, followed by Gallagher ordering Dr. Laffer and the College Republicans to leave. Construed as such, Pelletier's action effectively amounted to a cancellation of the Laffer Event. In light of this evidence, Plaintiffs have met their burden of presenting a genuine dispute of fact that Pelletier and UPD ordered Dr. Laffer to leave.
Given the restriction of speech, Defendants cannot establish that this restriction served a compelling government interest; thus, this restriction cannot survive strict scrutiny. See Bible Believers v. Wayne Cnty., Mich. (6th Cir. 2015) ("[R]emoving[] or by other means silencing a speaker due to crowd hostility will seldom, if ever, constitute the least restrictive means available to serve a legitimate government purpose."). Pelletier argues "[h]is actions and those of his officers were for the safety of everyone at the Laffer Event." But the record does not establish any imminent danger or immediate threat to public safety. The protesters, while loud and disruptive, were not approaching Dr. Laffer or the College Republicans, but instead formed a wall in front of the disrupter. Dr. Laffer remained at the podium next to his security officer away from the protesters. The protesters were physical with UPD officers, but only to the extent of protecting the disrupter with the megaphone. The fact that Dr. Laffer said, "Let's give it ten minutes" further supports the fact that there was no immediate threat to their safety. As such, it can hardly be said that there was any sort of danger or other immediate threat to public safety that could present a compelling government interest in canceling the lecture.
Since the restriction did not serve a compelling government interest, it does not survive strict scrutiny. Accordingly, there is a genuine dispute of material fact as to whether Pelletier suppressed Plaintiffs' speech.
Nevertheless, Pelletier argues that he is entitled to summary judgment because the restriction of speech was reasonable and viewpoint-neutral. As noted above, the restriction of speech falls within the designated category for which the forum has been opened, and thus strict scrutiny (and not the lower standard) applies. Nevertheless, the Court finds that even under the lower standard, Plaintiffs have presented a genuine dispute of fact that this cancellation was not "reasonable or viewpoint-neutral." Under this standard, "government officials may stop or disperse public demonstrations or protests where clear and present danger of riot, disorder, interference with traffic upon the public streets, or other immediate threat to public safety, peace, or order, appears." Yet even under this standard, this restriction would not survive.
As explained above, there was no clear and present danger of riot or an immediate threat to public safety, so the harsh action of cancelling the lecture—if credited—was far from reasonable.
Nor was this cancellation viewpoint-neutral. The protestor was allowed to disrupt the lecture for a minute before anyone attempted to intervene. Then, once Dr. Laffer and the College Republicans left the lecture hall, UPD officers abandoned all attempts to control the other disrupters. The disrupters continued to exercise their opposing viewpoint for almost eight minutes, while Pelletier and UPD officers stood on the outskirts of the room and watched. See Ctr. for Bio-Ethical Reform, Inc. v. Black (W.D.N.Y. 2017) (finding Plaintiffs stated a First Amendment claim when a university did nothing to stop a "counter-demonstrators' disruption" from burdening students' exercise of protected speech). Crediting Plaintiffs' evidence, Pelletier excluded the College Republicans' speech but allowed the College Progressives' speech to remain. As such, the restriction was not reasonable or viewpoint-neutral….
Pelletier is [also] not entitled to qualified immunity. It is clearly established that cancelling or excluding speech "will seldom, if ever, constitute the least restrictive means available to serve a legitimate government purpose." Moreover, the Second Circuit has clearly established that restrictions of speech falling within the designated category for which the limited public forum was opened is subject to strict scrutiny. There is no question that Dr. Laffer's lecture fell into the limited purpose category for which the forum was opened—it was the very reason the forum was opened. As such, it was not objectively reasonable to obstruct the very speech for which the forum was opened.
Pelletier argues that "[i]t would have been objectively reasonable for Pelletier to believe that [Dr.] Laffer could be escorted away for everyone's safety." But as explained above, there was no threat to public safety, so Pelletier's actions were not objectively reasonable.
Indeed, the jury must decide whether to credit any of Plaintiffs' evidence, but the Court finds there to be a genuine dispute of material fact as to whether Pelletier suppressed Plaintiffs' First Amendment rights by effectively cancelling the Laffer Event. Summary judgment against Pelletier in his individual capacity is denied.
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I'm not familiar with his work beyond the [in]famous Laffer curve, but at a quick glance didn't find him attached to any sort of raging controversy. Have the passionate young skulls full of mush really worked their way that far up on the Maslowian hierarchy of grievances at this point?
They are woke. He is unwoke. That's all they need to be told.
In this case that seems pretty much to be the case.
The assault on free speech should be resisted,regardless of wing of origin.
Brian, the College Republicans could have invited Camela Harris and *she* would have been protested, merely because of who invited her.
Why do you say the Laffer Curve is [in]famous? Isn't it just a model that depicts what level of taxation will maximize tax revenues? Who can be against that?
This is one in an endless stream of examples of why complaints by critics of the Trump administration, like Prof. Volokh, arouse little support. There isn't anything resembling free speech on university campuses today, so it's hard to get worked up about a little more suppression..
Of course, there's another set of comments, complimentary ones, about the Trump administration, from David Bernstein and his comrades, who say, "There's no free speech on university campuses today, so justice demands that you suppress the speech I don't like, too." Prof. Volokh doesn't engage with that argument.
More like why should those who have been censored for the past 30 years care when the same thing is now happening to the other side?
Let it happen to you for a while and maybe you will understand why we are upset -- and the only solution is to dismantle higher education.
The decision is from the Northern District of New York, not SDNY.
Whoops, fixed, thanks!
Since Dr. Laffer's lecture was indeed the designated category for which the forum had been opened, any restriction of the lecture is accorded strict scrutiny.
Does jurisprudence get any more dishonest than that? You say the guy's name, and that becomes the speech category? Not economics? Not even clown-show economics? Not partisan politics, and the influence of risible economic nonsense?
Isn't there some more intellectually honest way to rig the game so politically pre-determined speech content gets the floor, and everyone else has to shut up?
Here is my suggestion for regulation of campus speech. Pick speakers capable to command the respectful attention of the audience. Tell all would-be speakers beforehand that it is on them to do that, or cope with what happens if they can't.
That would get rid of this kind of hypocrisy. It would also deliver a notable speaker quality upgrade.
But by all means, let the hack political clubs continue to invite whomever they please. And then let everyone profit by the lesson of what happens when you do it that way.
Stephen Lathrop supports shutting down of speech. Color me surprised. [/sarc]
SL, I have to agree with BL.
As Prof. Volokh frequently shows, speech can be unpleasant, controversial - even vulgar - and it's still free speech.
I would stick with universities spelling out (and educating) their students and staff about their commitment to free speech, and any one breaking the rules (disruption), may face administrative action.
I would stick with universities spelling out (and educating) their students and staff about their commitment to free speech, and any one breaking the rules (disruption), may face administrative action.
Yet they seem to be doing a very poor job of it.
apedad and BL — Make it a point to notice, mine is the approach which opens speech to all parties. The approach you endorse is the one which privileges a particular party.
And by the way, your advocacy is to privilege the particular party you prefer by means of force.
This is silly. Their advocacy is to privilege the party who has reserved the room.
The D's reserve the room, they get to have their meeting without being disrupted by the R's. The R's reserve the room, they get to have their meeting without being disrupted by the D's. This isn't hard.
Absaroka — What you call silly is in fact an accurate description of the advocacy I criticize. Your justification opens a way to use force to deprive a disapproved party of power ever to confront directly specific advocacy being made against them, or against their interests. You sell hypothetical pie later as a salve for real troubles inflicted now.
Experience teaches that where power to invoke force exists, power to break promises, or to withhold equality, must likewise be implicated. Maybe wiser not to wait for later.
Against that an argument on behalf of comity is offered. Any felt need for comity is better addressed by inviting speakers with capacity to deliver comity. It seems paradoxical and unwise to insist instead on inviting speakers without that capacity. That sets the stage to mobilize force, and to insist against reason that force defends comity. It also encourages repeat performances by advocates who prefer force without comity. To find folks of that sort in positions of power is never a surprise.
Lessons of experience dating back to the 60s seem to have been forgotten. This contretemps and others like it invoke a whiff of America before the Berkeley Free Speech Movement. The only reason I can see to want to do that over is to afford those who hated the outcome then an opportunity to go back to zero for a reset. I was opposed to zero then. I oppose it now.
But please do not misunderstand me. I offer this view only in context of the peculiar-to-me notion of a so-called, "limited public forum." The term itself seems a contradiction in terms. I do not think the legalisms used to defend it do any better.
Nothing I say in this context applies to my views about private forums, or about fully public ones. Those are contrasting cases, and I have contrasting views to offer about them.
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"Your justification opens a way to use force to..."
...stop bullies from shutting down speech they dislike.
Here's a clue: if you think it's good that the KKK can shut down an MLK rally, you need to think harder.
I don't think that.
And where was there ever a Martin Luther King rally in a limited public forum?
Now that I think on it, seems to me King used frequent reliance on fully public forums, and on fully private forums, but did little or nothing with limited public forums. Was that even a mature legal concept at the time?
If that first impression is accurate, it might be worth considering whether such a preference by King suggests awareness of disadvantages associated with limited public forums.
"was there ever a Martin Luther King rally in a limited public forum?"
Who cares? If the SNLC books a room at Ole Miss for a voters rights talk, they get to have their speakers talk. If KKK thugs try to shout down the speakers, law enforcement should throw out the KKK.
Conversely, if the KKK books a room for their 'separate but equal is groooooovy' talk, law enforcement should throw out civil rights types who try to interfere.
Again, this is not hard. Free speech is not limited to speech Stephen Lathrop likes.
You show trouble focusing. What have I said in this to suggest I mean to advocate for rules to advantage speech I favor, as opposed to empowering everyone to speak alike? Maybe I have been unclear? Please quote anything you think you can find, so I can see what you are talking about.
Time and again this pattern turns up. People dissatisfied with free expression for themselves complain they are being censored if rules limit them to no more than equality with others.
"equality with others"
That's a really silly way to look at it, but we'll roll with it.
We don't want a legal system where both white and black mobs are equally permitted to lynch people they don't like, nor do we want - or have - a legal system where any mob can shout down speech they don't like.
Consenting adults have a right to speak, and other consenting adults have a right to hear them, and mobs don't get to interfere when a group of consenting adults gets a room to hear each other talk.
If Frederick Douglass signs up for a room at the library to give a talk, you don't get to put on your hood and stop me from listening to him, even though you find his message offensive.
Absaroka — You keep returning to outlandish suggestions about events which did not happen in limited public forums. I think you do that because you want the limitations, not the forums.
Confine yourself to public forums, and private forums, and I'm pretty sure you can fit into that the entire history of Frederick Douglass. Who by the way got roundly heckled all the time in public forums, without much adverse effect on his march to greatness. More the opposite.
Absaroka — When was the notion of a limited public forum popularized? I think it happened after powerful advocates for the Viet Nam War found they could no longer command comity in fully public forums. They had only arguments which enraged so many that the powerful got heckled, with their arguments thus embarrassed. Those embarrassments were a good thing for the nation.
But the war advocates still had power enough to add limits. So to prevent heckling, they invented the limited public forum, and carefully took refuge in it. I think that subtraction from expressive political effect is the history you endorse, mistakenly supposing it was an addition to expressive liberty.
To me, it looks more like a reassertion of power, at the cost of bypassing important occasions for expressive liberty to deliver political effect. For what it may be worth, I think that is the more accurate interpretation of this nation's political history as well.
Free speech is for everyone, not just bullies who want to shout other people's message down. The notion that only bullies have ideas worth listening to is just bizarre. Find an audience that is willing to listen to your ideas; don't try to force them on people who want to hear opinions different from yours.
Find an audience that is willing to listen to your ideas; don't try to force them on people who want to hear opinions different from yours.
Absaroka — How is it possible that you are unable to see that to invoke legal force against hecklers examples precisely what your objection is meant to oppose? I think that trick gets accomplished before discussion begins, by discounting to zero the expressive liberties of audience members—people whom you presumptuously suppose to be of some particular caste of opinion at the outset.
And you presume not only a particular caste of opinion, but an unworthy one. Or at least an opinion unworthy in comparison to those of, ". . . people who want to hear opinions different from yours." How can you know in advance what my opinions will be?
How can you judge that in advance of hearing me? By the same means you have judged in advance the expressive content of the proposed speaker. In short, your claim to a principled defense of expressive content is being offered in service to a set-piece performance—one in your mind where communication of any but scripted content plays little part, and with an added proviso that you seem to expect that all the players know all the scripts.
It thus seems to me that the salient issue is actually not about communication of content, but about political effect. I think in that respect you stand in the company of hypocritical advocates who demand access to a political tool they intend insofar as possible to deny to opponents. And they insist on legal force to make the denial effective. That is the only part I object to.
Once again, note that this is my view about what happens in so-called "limited public forums," and has nothing to do with my advocacy for what should happen in either public forums, or private forums. Those are different cases, and my advocacy is different for them.
If you like, feel free to conclude I am not addressing content at all. Suppose instead that I question which forums, with which rule sets, are best suited to various kinds of content. And how public life can best be served by getting those choices right.
I think everything you advocate is well suited for use in private forums, and that much of it could be wisely adapted to fully public forums. Can you explain to me why only resort to limited public forums will do?
This is not hard. The Brownshirts or KKK get to have their meeting or their march without being shouted down or assaulted by, say, ACLU members. Conversely, the ACLU folks get to have their meeting or their march without being shouted down or assaulted by Brownshirts or the KKK.
You support allowing particular parties to shout down others. You support a heckler's veto and accuse those who oppose that of being censorious.
It is a facile argument and you are a tedious person.
The speech category would be content, would it not? Aren't free speech restrictions supposed to be content neutral?
You are responding as though SL has any conception of free speech law or principles.
It does not matter what Laffer was speaking about. He could have been reciting his own doggerel. ("Roses are red, violets are blue, I'm the greatest economist, and supply-side is true.") Any attempt to shut him down is anti-speech.
You don't like what Laffer has to say? You can ignore him and not attend. You can show up an politely ask pointed questions. Or you can host your own counter-speech.
Stephen Lathrop,
The plaintiff’s theory is basically that the University effectively conspired with the protesters to shut down Professor Laffer’s speech by quickly hustling him out while making only Hollywood-code style show efforts to restrain the protesters, who both intended to and actually did actively disrupt the speech. The argument is that Rose in particular was more or less acting as the protesters’ allly within the University.
These allegations might not be supported by the evidence. But it seems pretty straightforward that when taken as true, they make out a First Amendment claim. While I’d very partially agree with you that a forum-category discussion was not the best way to get to this result, it strikes me as more or less irrelevant. The result remains obvious without it.
ReaderY — Well, obvious until you get to the harder-to-explain part, the part about going to court to impose force to silence Laffer's opponents.
I get that there is legal theory which asserts some kind of 1A agency useful for that kind of silencing. To me, judicially imposed silencing looks like particularly power-friendly silencing.
I also recall that experience has taught a lesson. It is a lesson to be skeptical about whether that kind of silencing will turn out to be a bulwark of liberty, or a broadside to knock down liberty's bulwarks.
I have been trying to see this in terms comprehensible to Samuel Adams. He comes to mind because he insisted on decorum as effective reinforcement for political influence. But I have trouble remembering any example where Samuel Adams called for forceful application of decorum to silence colonial hecklers. Those were many, frequent, and not uncommonly attributed by others to have acted with Adams' encouragement. I do not think this notion of limited public forums stretches all the way back to the era of Adams.
Lathrop argues that the problem was that Laffer was wearing too short a skirt.
Now that's an image I could have done without.
Notice how it is only the left that does this.
I read this hoping beyond hope that it was the progressive's speaker who got shut down, that just once there would be a balance of terror.
And if you want to understand DOGE and MAGA. understand that they are largely people who have come out of this environment, and that those who are bullied often then become bullies themselves.
It is not only the left that does this. The right managed to pretty much shut down drag queen story hour altogether.
In fact, for most of our nation's history cancel culture has mostly been conservative. During World War I, people who opposed the war were jailed. During the civil rights movement, white citizens committees were formed to boycott businesses that integrated. Government employees were forced to sign loyalty oaths, and we all know what happened in Selma when civil rights marchers tried to peacefully cross. HUAC held hearings on people's political views. Universities did not allow gay student organizations to form until the courts made them. So the idea that cancel culture is a leftist phenomenon is just laughable.
I disapprove of it when the left does it, and I disapprove of it when the right does it. Acknowledging that neither side has a really great track record would be a start.
The problem with drag queen story hour is its pedophile aspect. Why do they only want to read to children, not rest home elders or hospital patients. Adding dressed up as a parody of oversexualized women to only reading to children raises a lot of suspicion.
Refusing to acknowledge this raises a lot of suspicion of your own motives.
Yes, people who engage in cancel culture always have reasons.
The notion that restricting what children are exposed to is "cancel culture" is risible. Get back to me when someone tries to shut down
Drag Queen Hour for an adult audience.
It depends on what specifically the children were being exposed to. In this case, the real objection was to the normalization of drag queens. By interacting with drag queens, children were growing up without bad feelings about drag queens. And that's what the right really found so objectionable; the pedophilia claims were a pretext.
If we really wanted to protect children from pedophiles we would stop taking them to church.
The real objection was to the normalization of pedophilia. When they only want to read to children, and only as oversexualized parodies of women, that's pedophilia.
You are not answering my comment. You are pretending that pedophilia is normal and we should stop calling it pedophilia because now you have declared it normal.
First you accuse me of supporting affirmative action when I don't, and now you accuse me of wanting to normalize pedophilia when I don't. Any other viewpoints you want to falsely accuse me of having taken?
Drag queen story hour wasn't pedophilia and it wasn't an attempt to normalize pedophilia. I went to one just to see what the fuss was about. It was hilarious. Every child there knew that the men in drag were being silly and the silliness was the point. The drag queen read (with voices) a couple of Dr. Seuss books; the children screamed with laughter. Only a dirty mind -- or a deeply prejudiced one -- would have seen it as sexual.
I accuse you of being stupid.
I would have no problem with conservative events being protested (a) by the means the Tranny Grooming Hours were protested, and (b) for the things they were protested FOR (e.g. public funding).
But you are comparing tree trimming around power lines to clearcutting 100 acre forests.
What's that old lawyer response about pounding tables when you can't pound the facts or the law?
Or maybe I'm thinking of that other one, Not responsive.
Then there's your ignorance of WW I and which side of the aisle Woodrow Wilson affiliated with.
Next is your acceptance of affirmative action in spite of it being literally government-mandated racism.
For that matter, public accommodation civil rights is a travesty only useful for expanding government. It's dangerous to force the bigots into hiding, just like cutting the rattle off a snake; everyone is better off having bigots out in the open.
By today's standards, Woodrow Wilson was a conservative. His views of immigrants, especially those who publicly speak out, pretty closely tracks Trump's. That Democrats and Republicans have switched sides over the past century is beside the point.
What have I said in favor of affirmative action? I'll wait while you find something. Just between us, I'm against it, though I will acknowledge there are arguments in favor of it.
Maybe you could let the grownups talk.
Oh, insults you resort to. Yes, that shows how grown up you are. Let me know when you get to 5¾, we'll celebrate.
What have I said in favor of affirmative action? I'll wait while you find something. Just between us, I'm against it, though I will acknowledge there are arguments in favor of it.
Wilson was a segregationist who segregated the Federal Government. Trump got more Black votes (n & %) than anyone since Grant.
Think about that for a while -- woman of no mind...
"It is not only the left that does this. The right managed to pretty much shut down drag queen story hour altogether."
We did not go in and violently disrupt Tranny Grooming Hours.
To compare truly peaceful protests and expenditures of public funds to the violent Brownshirt tactics common in academia is asinine.