The Volokh Conspiracy
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Hamas, Israel, and the Death of International Humanitarian Law
Taken over by the far left, the IHL community discredited the field by going easy on Hamas and libeling Israel.
[Cross-posted at my Times of Israel blog]
International humanitarian law is dead. Ideologically motivated hostility to Israel since the Hamas massacre of Israelis on October 7 killed it.
IHL was invented after World War II. The war saw tens of millions of civilians were killed, some intentionally as in the Shoah, and some because their lives were not valued when military decisions were being made.
The underlying idea was that regardless of which side was right or wrong in any given international conflicts, armed forces on both sides have obligations to protect civilians to the extent possible while engaged in war.
If the IHL community had taken this seriously, imagine what would have happened immediately after October 7.
IHL scholars, activists, and organizations would have been unified in their intense denunciation of the massive violation of all precepts of international law by Hamas in their massacre, torture, rape and kidnapping of Israeli civilians.
They would have demanded that Hamas immediately release its hostages, and insisted that the world pressure not just Hamas but its allies and enablers in Egypt, Qatar, and Iran, to ensure the safe and unconditional release of the hostages. They would have insisted, publicly and consistently, that Hamas surrender.
And when Hamas would have then, inevitably, refused to give in, the IHL community would have denounced Hamas's failure to wear uniforms to allow Israel to distinguish enemy fighters from civilians, its intentional placing civilians at risk, its obstruction and theft of humanitarian aid, and, not least, its continuing to hold, torture, and rape hostages.
An IHL community actually devoted to IHL would also of course have had concerns about Israeli actions. They would have reviewed Israeli military responses in Gaza to see if they met the proportionality standard. That standard is quite vague, but surely IHL scholars, activists, and organizations could have contributed measured analyses and occasional criticism of Israeli actions. They also could properly have insisted that to the extent Israel took control of territory that ensured that the civilian population was properly fed and sheltered, consistent with international law.
None of this happened, of course. The IHL community, writ large, had been taken over by the far left, and for a variety of interrelated ideological reasons IHL activists are hostile to Israel's very existence, and do not believe that Israel has any right to defend itself, including from Hamas terrorism. Therefore any civilian casualties caused by Israeli military action were unacceptable.
As a result of these ideological biases, the first reaction of the IHL community to 10/7 ranged from rather tepid criticism of Hamas to exculpatory language suggesting that Hamas's actions on October 7 were understandable as an effort at so-called de-colonization. Either way, IHL people and organizations called for an immediate cease-fire and more general Israeli restraint, even though legally speaking Israel and every right to go after Hamas.
Things just spiraled downward from there. False accusations of genocide, intentional targeting of civilians, intentional starvation of Gazans, and more have been the coin of the realm the IHL world. Meanwhile, Hamas has largely been given a pass, despite the fact that its terrorist forces violate IHL every single time they take military action.
Two particularly absurd manifestations of the IHL world's anti-Israel bias stick out in my mind. First, there was the condemnation of Israel's pager operation against Hezbollah. For months, IHL activists had been alleging that at best Israel was not narrowly targeting Hamas terrorists and at worst was engaging in genocidal indiscriminate bombing. So you think these groups would rejoice and praise Israel when it managed to kill or wound three thousand enemy terrorists with almost no civilian casualties. Instead, various IHL organizations and prominent individuals accused Israel of terrorism.
After that, we may have reached the reductio ad absurdum a few months ago, when Amnesty International came out with a report accusing Israel of genocide. The report acknowledged that Israel's actions didn't really seem to meet what it called the prevailing "overly cramped interpretation of international jurisprudence" that would "effectively preclude" finding that Israel committed genocide. Amnesty's solution to that quandary, since it really, really wanted to accuse Israel of genocide, was to make up a new definition of genocide that would encompass Israel's actions.
There were a lot of failures on before 10/7, on 10/7 and thereafter. But as a law professor no failure hits home like the willingness of people around the world who claim to be devoted to international humanitarian law to ignore, distort, and pervert the law, lest it be used to protect Jews and condemn their enemies.
[Author's note: This post is based on a speech I gave at a memorial for the Bibas children, Shiri Bibas, and Oded Lipfshitz on February 26, 2025, at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School. The event was sponsored by the Jewish Law Students Association.]
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I’d give every Palestinian Prisoner a free plane ride back to Gaza, of course depending on the prevailing winds aloft, they might end up in the Mediterranean they’re always saying they’re going to drive the Jews into
Frank “Watch out for that first step, it’s a Dooz-ie!”
Yeah, the USA and Israel should stop pretending to take these clowns seriously, just do what needs to be done, take the publicity hit (if any) and move on. All of these Islamic Terror groups are cowards, their entire strategy is to murder civilians and then hide behind civilians, counting on "international law" to prevent retaliation. Once Israel has concluded that it won't recover any more hostages, the kid gloves should come off and Gaza should be indiscriminately bombed until it issues an unconditional surrender.
Plus, with enough "indiscriminate bombing", the subsequent total reconstruction of Gaza could proceed much faster and without having to waste any money on demolition!
Sad to see a law professor who doesn’t understand that one person’s law breaking doesn’t justify someone else’s.
To the extent that IHL is dead, it’s because the US broke it. But we’ll see.
Was David Bernstein wrong about the international reaction to Oct 7 from IHL scholars and groups?
Doesn't that rather depend on who you choose to count as part of the "international reaction", and who you do not?
Yes. He seems to have confused American college students who know as little about the rest of the world as most other Americans with actual IHL scholars and groups.
In fact, that's why I pointed out that the allegations against Israel of, eg, engaging in genocide, or that somehow the pager operation was illegal (even though it's exactly the sort of thing the IHL folks had been claiming they want Israel to do) are false.
Martin,
What is sad is that in your complain about Bernsein you effectively ally yourself with genocidal Palestinianism which has refused offers of a state multiple times since the mid-1920s and always for the same reason: it was intolerable to them that any Jews should have a home in the historical homeland of the Jewish people.
Let's remember that the very name "palestine" was invented by a Roman emperor who demonized the Jews and wanted the very name "judea" and Jerusalem wiped off the face of the earth.
No, Hamas and it many sympathizers got exactly what it deserved.
Well, martin is a Nazi, so it's not surprising.
Pointing out that two wrongs don't make a right is not obviously an apology for one of the wrongs.
Hamas and it many sympathizers got exactly what it deserved.
I would argue that Hamas got less than it deserved. But killing people for the crime of "sympathy", that's where IHL and I have an objection.
"But we’ll see."
It was never alive.
International law died in 1979 when the Iranians took diplomats hostage. Taking hostages was always a violation of international law and molesting diplomats was unthinkable.
On December 7, 1941, the Japanese diplomats were permitted to quietly go home.
There is absolutely nothing wrong with nuking Gaza.
Someone violating international law doesn't undermine international law unless nobody cares. And everybody cared when Iran took those diplomats hostage.
There is absolutely nothing wrong with nuking Gaza.
You mean other than that it would make Israel glow in the dark too, and would involve violating a half dozen or so treaties that Israel itself violated?
https://www.icj-cij.org/case/95
You do realize there is precedent for using nukes.
I remember near-universal condemnation, save a few extremists who felt Hamas was justified.
That being said, I agree there has been asymmetrical application of IHL after Israel attacked. And that's sad, because we deserve to know whether Israel violated IHL which would require unbiased investigations, perhaps like this?
Josh,
I guess you have conveniently forgotten to the October 8 celebrations on US campuses celebrating the Palestinian resistance.
Are you under the amusing impression that pro-Palestinian left wing campus activists represent (or are even part of) the "IHL community"? Bless.
I'll reserve judgment on whether the Times counts as unbiased, but the underlying premise of the articles mistaken. The proportionality standard holds that once military actions must be proportionate in their military benefits to the civilian harm. So of course right after October 7, when Israel needs to immediately disrupt Hamas and its preparations for war and (though this didn't work) try to get the hostages back quickly, the military benefit of any given action is going to be greater then at a later time in the war when you have to choose among various targets and have more of a luxury in considering various alternative means of attacking those targets that would not be available in an emergency as there was right after October 7.
Here is Human Rights Watch on October 9, 2023. They did not "condemn" Hamas, and they couldn't even report the "deadly assault" without quoting a Hamas propaganda ministry about Israel's response.
Palestinian armed groups carried out a deadly assault on October 7, 2023, that killed several hundred Israeli civilians and led to Israeli counterstrikes that killed hundreds of Palestinians, Human Rights Watch said in releasing a questions and answers document about the international humanitarian law standards governing the current hostilities. As of October 8, the attacks by Palestinian armed groups killed more than 677 Israelis and foreign nationals, including civilians, according to Israeli sources cited by the United Nations. Subsequent Israeli airstrikes on Gaza left at least 413 Palestinians dead, the Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza reported.
To be sure, Human Rights Watch is not unbiased (*) as evidenced by the full text of the statement But, they unequivocally condemned the attack:
(*) You are not unbiased either.
And to be sure the strength of that condemnation is severely reduced by its location within the article and the article's overall tenor.
If you read the whole statement, one paragraph about Hamas, and then four paragraphs of HRW implicitly mitigating or even justifying the crimes by recounting HRW's complaints about Israel actions in the "Occupied Territories." Perhaps Oct. 9 wasn't the time a non-biased human rights NGO would be giving more attention to alleged Israeli crimes (some of which are entirely made up, like the notion that it was illegal for Israel to restrict the flow of goods that could be used for military purposes to Gaza) rather than to what happened on 10/7?
So HRW's crime is that it released a statement that was drafted in a manner that reflected the likely audience of the statement? (I.e. people in the US and Israel, not Hamas leadership.)
It's possible for two things to be true at the same time. In this case, Hamas's actions on October 7 were totally unacceptable, AND ALSO that Israel's reaction was totally unacceptable. You don't fight terrorism with genocide.
Israel had the high ground on October 8. It no longer does.
Have you always been so dense, or did you have to work at it? The laws and rules of war impose blame for civilian casualties on those who hide among civilians or those who place military assets among civilians. Thus, unless Israel's response is generally disproportionate (and only to that extent), Hamas owns the blame for all the death and destruction. To determine proportionality, you look at the force required to neutralize a military or achieve a military objective (with an eye toward minimizing your casualties).
Israel has been criticized for the harm caused by secondary explosions and even harm caused in rescuing hostages.
Just out of curiosity, is there anything at all that Israel could do in Gaza that you would consider beyond the pale? Drop a nuclear bomb on the place; would that do it? Ship the Gazan population off to concentration camps (gassing optional); would that do it? Chemical or biological weapons; would that do it? Is there any outer limit at all on what you find an acceptable response to October 7?
Please note, I've said nothing favorable about Hamas. I think if Hamas ever actually did achieve political power in the region it would be catastrophic. Whatever criticisms I have of Israel, Hamas is worse by orders of magnitude. This is not in dispute.
But none of that gives Israel permission to engage in what is looking more and more like genocide. Especially now that Trump has joined the conversation by recommending that the Palestinians all be deported.
I'd apply the same standard as a self defense shooting. You shoot until the threat is neutralized. So long as Hamas remains an organization capable of threatening Israel, or Israeli citizens, continued strikes are justified. Whenever Hamas formally surrenders, disbands, or is completely destroyed is when strikes are no longer warranted.
We're not disagreeing on whether Israel has the right to defend itself; we both agree that it does. Our disagreement is over the level of response.
If shots are coming in my direction from my neighbor's house, I have the right to shoot back. I do not have the right to burn the entire city block to the ground (even though under the standard you've given that would neutralize the threat). And that's the question: Where is the line at which the reaction becomes an unacceptable over-reaction.
Please do not confuse the argument that there is a line that Israel should not cross with the argument that Israel has no right to defend itself. They are not the same.
But again, the question is "what short of the actions Israel took would have been enough to achieve their goal?" That is, you argue that Israel's response was disproportionate, but why? If a lesser response would have neutered Hamas without affecting the population, perhaps you would be right. But you don't suggest a lesser response that would have been effective.
With your example, if someone shoots at your house from another house, would you have the right to destroy the house where the shots came from? In essence the shots Israel was responding to came from the entirety of Gaza.
First of all, the analogy is silly. War is different from self-defense by an individual.
Second, the use of the term, genocide, is just ridiculous (and given the context, uncomfortably close to anti-Semitism). Whatever this is, it is not genocide.
Third, you don't even begin to address the issue of what an army, fighting what is a defensive war, is supposed to do when the enemy hides among civilians. Risk their own soldiers even more? Forego rescue opportunities?
Fourth, no one thinks that a nuke is ok. As for the Trump removal gambit--well, what's going on now is unsustainable, and no one is going to pour billions to prop up Hamas.
War is different from self-defense by an individual.
It is definitely far different in scale. It is also different in the alternative options to defend against an attack. If someone shoots at me, I might be able to take cover until armed law enforcement can arrive or even if the shooter just runs out of bullets. I might be able to flee the area entirely. Alternatives to using deadly force to defend myself increase even more if the attack does not involve firearms, or if I am not the only target. A nation that is attacked cannot flee, and it is no protection at all to try and 'take cover' and let an attacker run through their territory killing the defender's citizens.
Also, if I am unwilling or unable to use lethal force against an attacker that got away and might try again, there is still protection in the form of police to try and provide some measure of protection. Between nations or a nation and non-state actors outside of the nation's borders, there is no police force with a monopoly on the legitimate use of force to turn to. Just whatever alliances with other nations that the defender had previously made.
All of that is to acknowledge that, yes, the moral and ethical calculus here is not the same as for ordinary people defending against ordinary crime.
But you still have to find a moral and ethical standard that isn't arbitrary. If nothing else, we can always look to the Golden Rule*. If the U.S. government had attacked and murdered innocent people in another country, would I find the military of that country justified in bombing my apartment building because a U.S. general lived there? Would I have to sigh and accept that they were morally justified in killing dozens of my neighbors, perhaps even my own family members, in order to kill that one general? If this occurred weeks or months after the initial attacks made by the U.S. military, at a time when the U.S. military was clearly already severely weakened from what it had been, would that change the weight of any justification?
Your final questions are silly, because (a) the US did do stuff like this in Afghanistan; (b) the US has less strict rules of engagement than Israel does, though Israel loosened them temporarily at the beginning of the Gaza war; and (c) it's hard to imagine the entire US of being under an existential threat of invasion, missile attacks, etc by its immediate neighbors, backed by a regional power with six times its population.
I'd apply the same standard as a self defense shooting. You shoot until the threat is neutralized.
Indeed. But you don't get to shoot at innocent 3rd parties who happen to stand in the vicinity.
AWoNI did not even mention "proportionality", but that is apparently what you really wanted to discuss...
We all know why you want to commit war crimes against your enemy. We're just not going to let you re-define "war crimes" in the process.
"Israel had the high ground on October 8."
People like you love dead Jews. It's the live ones you can't stand.
Wow, three logical fallacies in a single sentence (conclusion doesn't follow from premise, change of subject, and appeal to emotion). That's not bad.
This well poisoning helps no one.
There is more evidence that "people like you love dead Palestinians. It's the live ones you can't stand."
But it would still be an obscene thing to say, wouldn't it?
There was no genocide my Israel. That is just another blood libel
OK, how are you defining genocide, and why doesn't it apply here?
That's easy. The deaths are caused by Hamas' failure to adhere to the rules of warfare.
You're taking the choice on how to respond away from Israel with that argument. They don't have free will, Hamas is making them flatten Gaza and severely restrict what goes in to alleviate the suffering of civilians.
Geneocide is the deliberate extermination or ethnic cleansing of a people because of who they are. That is precisely what Hamas and almost all of the PLA advocates and has advocates for several decade.
Hamas has deliberately put the entire population of Gaza at risk, by hiding in and under people's homes, forcing their complicity by holding and transporting hostages, and by impeding the movement of civilians before the IDF has launched announced strikes. Hamas reveals in making Gazans of all ages shahidi.
That is precisely what Hamas and almost all of the PLA advocates and has advocates for several decade.
Yes. No one (sensible) is denying that. But it's not what we were talking about.
And yes, the use of human shields is illegal under the laws of war. But so is shooting at them knowing they're there. (Simply put.)
No, it is not, you ignorant clown.
Blood libel or ritual murder libel (also blood accusation)[1][2] is an antisemitic canard[3][4][5] which falsely accuses Jews of murdering Christians in order to use their blood in the performance of religious rituals.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blood_libel
Criticism of Israel is not criticism of Jews. To the extent you're able: don't be a dumb twat.
That is "the" Blood Libel, of course. There is no logical reason why there could not be other "blood libels".
That said, that Israel is (apparently) committing war crimes in Gaza is not any kind of "libel", because truth is a sufficient defense to libel.
Sure, there *could* be other blood labels. Nut we seem to be broadening the definition to mean "any allegation that any Jew has killed any other person injustly."
In a previous thread on this issue, I probed you about the tension between the war's two primary objectives of eliminating Hamas and securing the release of the hostages. The discussion also overlapped with international law.
https://reason.com/volokh/2024/07/15/report-from-israel-israelis-arent-out-for-vengeance-but-for-safety-and-security/?comments=true#comment-10641618
I said (edits for brevity):
> ... [C]riticism which says "Israel is out for revenge" is explicitly predicated on this idea: ... that revenge means the punishment of those involved on October 7th to the exclusion of competing priorities (minimizing collateral damage, securing the hostages, longer-term peace). This [is] a... reasonable debate on competing priorities, and to the extent international law has gotten involved, international law is often predicated on imposing on states certain duties which are held in balance with their rights to prosecute war.
> [T]he response that Israel takes... actions to minimize death... is well met, but it's part of a holistic evaluation: if you want to point to the things Israel does do, you need to be able to weigh them against all the choices Israel makes. So, for instance, by choosing to strike a building, there's either an explicit or implicit calculus that the military value to doing so (aiming for, say, a Hamas commander) outweighs the costs to doing so (collateral damage). That's fine, but the mere statement of the tradeoff is not enough, you actually need to quantify the tradeoff in this conflict versus others.
You very graciously replied, which I appreciate -- I spend more time than the average driveby commenter thinking about my words and I'm not a lunatic antisemite, but I appreciate that it's hard to respond to comments and this issue is really emotional for everyone involved -- and said:
> There is really no plausible way to "quantify" military advantage against civilian harm... I don't see how what objective calculation you can make, besides asking whether there is a way of doing it that is estimated to kill fewer civilians, and then there's still the quesiton [sic] of "but what if it's less likely to succeed."
I then said:
> [In your original post, you] said international law... is "weaponized bullshit" because it is "subjective". In effect, for war to work, the belligerent themselves needs to be be able to weigh costs versus benefits in all things, and if they assign no cost to collateral damage, well, that's because war is existential to them. In your response to my comment you suggest the difficulty of weighing life for life in terms of targets versus collateral damage, or prisoners versus hostages. I agree this is hard, but I don't think that gives anyone a pass.
> Moreover, I don't really buy it from your perspective. If international law explicitly encoded an objective life-for-life tradeoff -- i.e. if proportionality was legally defined as "X civilian deaths for Y targets is unacceptable, Z targets if the targets were senior military leadership" -- and that definition concluded that Israel's actions in Gaza fell short of international law, you would oppose the definition and support the actions.
You didn't reply to that comment, nor did I expect you to. Again, I value your time from your original reply. But applying charity to your argument, it seems to me like your assessment of international law is instrumental (i.e. can international law lead to the "correct" outcome of allowing Israel's self-defence in the manner Netanyahu chose to conduct it and condemning Hamas in the manner you want them to) rather than sincere (i.e. what does international law say and how is it being applied here). I think this approach leads to most of the argument you make in this post today.
To be clear I actually don't think you're wrong on many of your discrete criticisms (capture of human rights law by partisan concerns; asymmetry in the cases people care about and the cases they don't). My point is that your interlocutors (either IHL professionals or the direct targets of your ire) would, I think, correctly take your speech as being just a repetition of your policy position in Israel v. Hamas rather than a sincere attempt to build stronger IHL culture/institutions.
Please,
You missed the side of the barn. The primary objective is and will remain to assure the survival of the Jewish state in the historical home.
That is why this is an existential war for Israel. And yes, we want all the hostages (dead or alive) returned.
Hi, thanks for replying, but I don't think so.
Some of this is that I think I'm talking about "tactical" objectives and you're talking about 'strategic" or "philosophical" objectives -- the war can be existential and it's still going to involve a tension between whether the priority at any instance is further degrading Hamas or further trying to get the individual hostages out alive. Second, though, I think you are assuming I'm expressing a position about the correct trade-off (between two goals for Israelis and also between goals and negative externalities from an international law POV) whereas what I was actually trying to do is surface how I thought David was eliding the tradeoffs conceptually.
It feels, just at a brush, like it was important for you to characterize my position on the merits of the war (which I gather you think is incorrect even though I'm not sure what you think it is) when that's not really what I was talking about at all. And in both the original post and this one, I recognized how difficult it is to try to accept a rational or detached framing to something wedded so closely to personal emotional stakes, so thats covered as well.
Indeed I am talking about the strategic and the fundamental motivation of the war. When the fight for the very existence of a Jewish state is what is at stake. When the pogrom of October 7 has all the characteristics of the long history of efforts at extermination, the line between tactics and strategic moves blur. I have my complaints about IDF tactics. For example, Halevi seems to consider all action as a commando action; well, that is his military training and experience. Yet in his defence the IDF forces may not be large enough to clear and hold territory.
With respect to the IHL, I find most of the complaint cast in the language that aims to forbid the Jewish state to fight to eliminate 70 years of ongoing attempts to ethnically cleanse Jew from the middle East. In that light I am afraid the can be no middle ground as long as the militants prefer to create an enormous class of shahidi in the area that if has controlled and abuse
I appreciate and thank you that your response is polite despite the divergence of our opinions. Perhaps all we can do is to agree to disagree
The primary objective is and will remain to assure the survival of the Jewish state in the historical home.
There hasn't been a plausible threat against that objective for over 50 years.
If one is searching for very general conclusions (or polemics), there are better sources of expert opinion. Paragraph by paragraph: IHL is not dead; it remains the subject of treaties signed by almost every state, and neither Israeli actions nor the ostensible commentary constitute state practice shifting customary international law in that direction. IHL was not invented after WWII: its customary origins date back centuries and a major body of its commitments were Hague Conventions in the early 20th century. The Holocaust was treated by the Genocide Convention, not the Geneva Conventions. IHL is not only about protecting civilians, but also non-threatening combatants and preventing unnecessary suffering. Some members of the 'IHL Community', such as the ICRC, are subject to obligations of neutrality—i.e. they do not publicly ascribe violations to particular actors, but are quick to assert the importance of relevant norms (such as the prohibition on taking hostages). Oct 7 attacks did not violate “all” precepts of IHL—but certainly a great many and were roundly condemned. There is no obligation on scholars and activists to insist the world pressure other states to take action against Hamas; “surrender” is not an obligation prescribed anywhere in any laws of armed conflict. Wearing a uniform is not, strictly speaking, an obligation: see Geneva Convention, API, Art. 44(3). The question of intentionally placing civilians at risk, when zones were sealed and struck by 2000-lb bombs, is controversial. Conversely, no serious IHL voice has been identified who excused the hostage-taking or their treatment. Under no legal standard must concerns about actions of a party be confined to “occasional” criticism: best estimates are that 90% of Gazan residences have been damaged and over 40,000 women and children killed in a multi-year conflict. IHL is a different body of law than that relating to state self-defence (jus ad bellum): virtuous reasons for initiating military action do not affect the legality of how it is conducted. Hamas was not given a ‘pass’: its leadership was the subject of arrest warrants at the International Criminal Court (reflecting doubts about its willingness and ability enforce IHL among its ranks). The pager operation was unrelated to Hamas and outside its field of conflict; it did cause harm to civilians and those not actively engaged in hostilities and may have transgressed IHL rules about booby-traps (the latter point being controversial). “Terrorist” is not a recognized term in IHL; it has been used most frequently to construct a space beyond the laws of armed conflict. The Amnesty International report transparently assessed the legal authority; the characterization of the contrary conclusion as “prevailing” is Bernstein’s, not Amnesty’s. The fundamental point of controversy was whether language in the case law meant *a* genocidal intent (i.e. acts with intended consequences) was the *only available conclusion* to be inferred (a matter of proof); or whether genocidal intent must be the *only* intent (there was a total absence of other motives). The contrary conclusion could exonerate Nazis who pillaged property of Jewish persons. I do not see any ignorance, distortion, or perversion of IHL made out by Bernstein.
paragraph breaks are helpful
You have to be joking: "Hamas was not given a ‘pass’: its leadership was the subject of arrest warrants at the International Criminal Court (reflecting doubts about its willingness and ability enforce IHL among its ranks)."
C'mon professor, they issued an arrest warrant for a dead man. You are being quite unreasonable to expect more than empty symbolism.
Proportionality is only defended by those who are not at risk in a conflict and the assertion of such tends to extend the length of such conflicts which undoes its original intent.
Wars do not end if the people behind the killers continue to support them and they will continue to support them until they directly suffer the consequences of that support.
What the Israelis have done in Gaza and Lebanon is perfectly justified by the circumstances. The world would be a better place is and when Hamas and Hezbollah cease to exist, and any actions taken by Israel to hasten that result, even with collateral civilian casualties which are happening because of the tactics of Hamas and Hezbollah.
Meanwhile, what Israel is doing in "Judea and Samaria" is a violation of basic human rights and decency, and is becoming closer and closer to being the equivalent of what happened on South Africa from 1948 to 1990.
Like “Jewels” Julius Winfield told “Ringo” in Pulp Fiction, the Palestinians are the Weak, and the Israelis are the Tyranny of Evil Men, but we’re trying to be better, ask yourself this question (Punk)
How many Palestinians did Israel kill on October 6th?
Let's summarise: He who saves his Country does not violate any Law".
But you professors took Natural Law out of the law curriculum.
Prof Howes' book might change your mind
" Natural Law and Constitutional Democracy, which draws on neglected elements of the natural law tradition to defend constitutional democracy"
Several references to Hitler in a thread on Russia, but none on a thread about anti-Jewish murderers whose targets include children.