The Volokh Conspiracy
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Three Notes on National Injunctions
Three notes on national injunctions. First, today the Court issued a stay of another universal injunction, this time in McHenry v. Texas Top Cop Shop, Inc. The Solicitor General had suggested that the Court could construe the stay request as a petition for certiorari before judgment, allowing the Court to directly address the universal injunction question. One reason that matters is that it would be good for the Court to tackle the universal-relief question directly, without the additional complexities that come from the context of the Administrative Procedure Act.
The Court did not grant certoriari before judgment, and Justice Gorsuch wrote a brief concurrence in the stay:
I agree with the Court that the government is entitled to a stay of the district court's universal injunction. I would, however, go a step further and, as the government suggests, take this case now to resolve definitively the question whether a district court may issue universal injunctive relief. See Labrador v. Poe, 601 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2024) (GORSUCH, J., concurring in grant of stay) (slip op., at 4–5, 11–13); Department of Homeland Security v. New York, 589 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2020) (GORSUCH, J., concurring in grant of stay) (slip op., at 1–5).
Second, I recently ran across a Supreme Court decision that has not featured in the debate over the national injunction, but it has language that is directly on point. The case is United States v. National Treasury Employees Union:
For three reasons, we agree with the Government's first suggestion—that the relief should be limited to the parties before the Court. First, although the occasional case requires us to entertain a facial challenge in order to vindicate a party's right not to be bound by an unconstitutional statute, see, e.g., Secretary of State of Md. v. Joseph H. Munson Co., 467 U.S. 947, 965–967, and n. 13, 104 S.Ct. 2839, 2851–2852, and n. 13, 81 L.Ed.2d 786 (1984), we neither want nor need to provide relief to nonparties when a narrower remedy will fully protect the litigants. See Board of Trustees of State Univ. of N.Y. v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 484–485, 109 S.Ct. 3028, 3037–3038, 106 L.Ed.2d 388 (1989). In this case, granting full relief to respondents—who include all Executive Branch employees below grade GS–16—does not require passing on the applicability of § 501(b) to Executive Branch employees above grade GS–15, including those high-level employees who received a 25% salary increase that offsets the honoraria ban's disincentive to speak and write.
United States v. Nat'l Treasury Emps. Union, 513 U.S. 454, 477–78 (1995).
Third, The Purpose of the Preliminary Injunction addresses trends in preliminary injunctions, especially the collapse of the four-factor test into the merits. It is not just about national injunctions. But it sheds light on a broader set of intersecting trends—the dominance of the merits, the rise of universal relief, and heightened judicial polarization and forum-shopping.
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In other January 23 injunction news, the universal TRO against Trump's citizenship order struck me as overly broad. If Washington wants more citizens then give Washington more citizens.
That's a Tenth Amendment way of putting it.
National injunctions are warranted if the issue at hand deal with the federal government and covers a large number of people. It is not practical to have millions of individuals all sue the government about the same issue.
However, I don't like having one judge decide issue an injunction for the whole country. We should set up a system where requests for national injunctions are heard by a random three judge panel, each judge from a different district.
I mean, it's called a "class action."
And that's not practical, as Molly says. Class actions cost a fortune to assemble and there's no remuneration on the table for most of these challenges. People must be able to vindicate their rights without a wealthy patron.
Um, any case like this is going to be handled by an advocacy group on a pro bono basis; individuals aren't going to be bringing these suits on their own behalf paid for out of their own pockets.
And, no, class actions do not in fact cost a fortune to assemble. Especially when it's a 23(b)(2) class action.
I'm not sure you understand the word "patron." Yes, an advocacy group would pay for it, using money. When one does this on behalf of others on a pro bono basis, it is their patron. And yes, class actions cost a fortune to put together.
I am a litigator. They do not cost a fortune to put together.
And I don't think one would normally say of a suit by, say, the ACLU, that the plaintiffs had a "wealthy patron." Moreover, nobody is suing for a nationwide injunction with the PI lawyer down the street, said "wealthy patron" as you call it is going to be driving the litigation either way.
I don’t do this kind of work so I’d be happy to be enlightened if there’s something I’m missing, but why is it currently feasible for the ACLU or FIRE or Greenpeace or the NRA or whatever to do this on behalf of an individual client, but unfeasible if they’re styling that person as a class representative?
The "class" action, historically, is related to the power of courts of equity to order a joinder of parties likely to be affected by a decree operating in the jurisdiction, is it not?
An injunction, issuing out of a federal court of first instance of some one judicial district in respect of the parties to a particular cause (case or controversy) before it, which purports to restrain the Federal executive or an officer or agency of it *across all Federal judicial districts*, isn't, I should have thought, the equivalent of a "class action".
MollyGodiva's suggestion strikes me as a practicable means whereby the federal judiciary might more aptly govern (by prudently attenuating, if the facts call for it) the curial process for decreeing a universally-operating prohibitory injunction in cases directly involving the Federal government.
The court's conservatives are partly responsible for the collapse of Winters factors into one. In Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, it cited a plurality opinion in Elrod v. Burns that irreparable harm results from any violation of First Amendment. And courts dispense with the merged public-interest and balance-of-equities factors when the Constitution is involved. (Of course, once made part of case law, people of both sides invoke it when it benefits them.)
I do believe that D.D.C. should have exclusive jurisdiction for nationwide injunction claims. They themselves aren't bad - it's like class actions if used properly. Three-judge court is also a good option, although I do believe Congress adopted that once and got rid of it some time ago.
There's also an issue, that there are actually two kinds of preliminary relief that maybe warrants different standards. One would be the irreparable-injury injunction that Winter sought to address. This should require high likelihood of success. The other would be the jurisdiction-preserving injunction, like in capital cases. Here, the standard for likelihood of success is lower (like the one for granting CoA - reasonable jurists can find the claim probable). Instead, the irreparable injury must be (almost-)impossible to repair. Death, insolvency, deportation, lasting physical damage to humans, and the like. Most claims under the First or Second Amendments would not meet this high bar.
Maybe an argument that courts should reach merits much sooner.
Or my favorite argument, that courts should evaluate cases less on what rights parties have, and more on what powers the government has been granted. In this case, which government has been given the power to determine citizenship.
not this case. But the Washington injunction on denying birthright citizenship applies to the question.
You have to understand, Professor Volokh moved his blog to Reason specifically to accommodate rudeness, racial slurs, and trolling in the comments. He believes that fully open discussion leads to better discourse.
Some of the blog's contributors do try to engage thoughtful discussion, but others are partisan propagandists that prefer to stoke the fires.
I've been reading VC from nearly its beginning (blogspot?) and through the WaPo years.
That was supposed to be a reply to Tax Litigator down there, which is why it makes no sense in reply to you.
I figured it out.
I want to make a comment about comments. I appreciate comments that engage the issue presented in the blog. I do not like comments that start or devolve into political rants, rudeness, or are otherwise inappropriate to the blog entry.
I think the persons writing the blogs should make a conscious effort to present their points in a way that engages the readers’ minds and reasoning capacities. Similarly, readers should focus their comments on addressing the blog entry at hand.
Then, if readers’ comments are off-key, off-color (broadly), rude, or otherwise inappropriate, those managing the blog should monitor and block or delete as appropriate.
I, like many of this blog’s readers, do not have time to waste on irrelevancies to the content of the blog at hand. I try in my comments to be considerate of other readers.
As I post this, the comments for this particular blog entry seem appropriate. Thank you to those commenters.
Agreed. The trade-off is, the posters' time enforcing decorum versus readers' time wading through the lack of it. Posters have day-jobs teaching or researching the law, so I can forgive them not enforcing decorum except in the most egregious cases.
Watching who flings the insults first can be enlightening.
i'm very gratified, on the other hand, to see commenters' inputs influencing this week's choice-of-law posts.
Agreed, but the comments on this site are tame teddy bears compared to the vileness on Truley's site.
On the other hand, libertarians don't like censorship, so they will be quite reluctant to delete comments unless necessary.
Wholly agree.
Do states have standing to challenge this EO? Isn’t US citizenship exclusively a Federal concern?
Have you read the various plaintiffs' pleadings and the TRO granted by the District Court in Washington? The restraining order addresses the plaintiff states' standing at ¶¶1-2 of the findings of fact and ¶4 of the conclusions of law: https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.wawd.343943/gov.uscourts.wawd.343943.43.0_3.pdf
The Fourteenth states that people are citizens of both the United States and the State. Sounds like the States have an interest.
I just saw in a comment on a related/earlier post about this EO, that district court national injunctions are allowed when the Constitution is "definitely" being violated.
This should settle the question.
first, get parties to agree to *right* (e.g. 2nd?)
then *violated* (e.g. a detachable-magazine-fed semiautomatic rifle is an arm, included in the right, and forbidding possession of one is a violation)
I'd consider giving up nearly automatic injunctions against 2A violations, to get nationwide injunctions struck down or severely cabined, as long as courts get to the merits faster and stop defying SC rulings.