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McGinnis and Rappaport on Gienapp: A "Frustrating Book" That "Fails to Take Seriously … The Constitution itself."
"Jonathan Gienapp seeks to use the historian’s tools to challenge originalism, but in the process he neglects the text of the Constitution itself."
Recently, Jonathan Gienapp published a new book that challenges originalism as inconsistent with how the Framers understood the Constitution. The title says it all: "Against Constitutional Originalism." The book has already received extremely favorable reviews. Many of those positive reviews are from people who are not themselves constitutional originalists. For a contrary opinion, I would recommend a critical commentary from John McGinnis and Mike Rappaport, who approach the book from the perspective of originalists.
Here is the introductory paragraph:
With his new book Against Constitutional Originalism, Stanford historian Jonathan Gienapp has garnered effusive praise from those eager to undermine the originalist enterprise. For those attracted to the originalist project, however, the book is unlikely to persuade. On the contrary, it highlights the persistent difficulties historians face when they venture into constitutional interpretation. Gienapp neglects the most primary of sources—the Constitution—its text, structure, and self-referential nature. He compounds this oversight by privileging mere disagreement among historical actors over rigorous evaluation of their arguments, a hallmark of legal reasoning. He also confuses objections to originalism as an interpretive method with objections to particular readings of the original meaning. Finally, Gienapp often fails to situate the Constitution in the transformative historical moment of its creation, particularly the Founders' disillusionment with the unwritten British constitution. These deficiencies weaken his case and, ironically, reinforce the intellectual strength of originalism, which at its best rigorously takes account of text and context.
One example about Hamilton stuck out:
Gienapp correctly observes that some individuals in the runup to drafting and ratification believed that a constitution extended beyond the document itself. But the Philadelphia Convention rejected that understanding. Once the Constitution was ratified, advocates and jurists argued primarily from its text. Gienapp's treatment of Alexander Hamilton is emblematic of this mistake. He cites Hamilton's famous line—"the sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for among old parchments"—to suggest skepticism about written constitutions. Yet Gienapp omits critical context: Hamilton made this remark in 1775, long before the drafting of the Constitution, and as part of an argument against British parliamentary supremacy. By the time of the Founding, Hamilton's views, like those of his contemporaries, had evolved. As a Federalist author and Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton embraced the Constitution as a written, fixed standard. Gienapp's omission here is not merely an oversight; it exemplifies his tendency to employ understandings from much earlier or later than the Constitution's enactment.
By contrast, Gienapp does not discuss things Hamilton said after our Constitution was ratified:
The weight of evidence from the Constitution's proponents also supports the inferences from the document itself that it is legal. For instance, in 1791 Alexander Hamilton wrote the Constitution should be interpreted "according to the usual [and] established rules of construction," certainly implying he regarded it as a legal document. While Gienapp does quote from Hamilton's opinion on the bank, he never discusses this observation, which seems much more relevant to the nature of constitutional interpretation than what Hamilton said in 1775.
To a legal historian, it may not matter much what Hamilton said, and when he said it. But for an originalist, these details really do matter.
Here is the conclusion:
Ultimately, Gienapp's Against Constitutional Originalism is a frustrating book. It lectures originalists on the importance of history but fails to take seriously the primary historical artifact at issue: the Constitution itself. Gienapp ignores the historians' duty to weigh conflicting evidence, often favoring provocative claims over measured judgment. Most surprisingly, he also neglects the Revolutionary experience that led the founders to create, in the words of Justice William Paterson, a fundamental written law of "exactitude and precision" on which to found a new nation.
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about originalism. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of originalism.
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I don't think any one book can settle the debate about originalism. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of originalism.
Sure, Josh. The more people argue against your position, the stronger it is!
One way to tell that this is an extremely weak argument generally is by swapping originalism out with astrology:
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about astrology. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of astrology.
I think originalism both in theory and practice is completely absurd but I can also come up with way better defenses of it than this.
In fact, astrology isn't under sustained attack the way originalism is. Mostly it just faces eye rolling. That's because it IS an absurdly weak position which very few people take seriously, and so it's a waste of time refuting it.
Originalism is under continual heavy attack, by contrast, because it's a strong and widely respected position which gets in the way of a lot of people.
Fine let’s try it with other things:
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about communism. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of communism.
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about racism. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of racism.
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about living constitutionalism. But I think the sustained attacks of this doctrine is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of living constitutionalism.
I don't think any one book can settle the debate about the Affordable Care Act. But I think the sustained attacks on this law is, whether critics admit it or not, a reflection of the strength of the Affordable Care Act.
You get the idea. “They’re only attacking me because I’m right” is a genuinely weak argument in any context.
I don't think your argument works here, really.
Communism may objectively have hideous consequences when efforts are made to implement it in the real world, but as demonstrated by the widespread presence of Marxists in academia, it's not a weak doctrine. Likewise for living constitutionalism: It's terrible for the rule of law, but it has an undeniable popularity.
Maybe they should be "weak", but they aren't.
When you're losing the argument, or at least not really winning it decisively, you can't dismiss the opposition as weak. Real live controversies are not typically between weak and strong ideas, they're between two strong ideas.
Not a perfect measure.
But what is a good measure is in the courts opinions, whether in dissent or the majority the emphasis is generally the text of the constitution or statute, with a lot of weight given to precedent of course.
I was struck listening to the TikTok oral arguments how often the counsel for TikTok brought up tradition and history, which likely won't help him much because he didn't have much in the way of text to cite.
Indeed, it's conspicuous that, in very public cases such as Heller or Dobbs, where the public will be paying attention, the liberal justices make a show of engaging in originalist reasoning. Because they're trying to persuade the public they're right, and the public is generally originalist.
“and the public is generally originalist.”
What? Where on earth did you get this idea?
Liberal justices do not add extra originalist gloss for more public cases, Brett. You are vibing again.
When liberals engage in originalism it’s usually an effort to convince their conservative colleagues that they’re still wrong under their favored theory of interpretation.
Pffft. Again, whatever you have to tell yourself.
The fact remains that in Heller Stevens spent a heck of a lot of words trying to (unsuccessfully) make an originalist case against a private right to own guns that amounted to anything. He didn't do that because he was an originalist. He did it because he wanted people thinking he was right.
Roberts, Alito, and Kavanaugh aren’t even really originalists.
Well, duh. If they were, the Senate wouldn't have confirmed them. Easily half or more of what the federal government is doing today is unconstitutional under an originalist reading of the Constitution, so you think any real originalists are going to be nominated or confirmed?
The best you're going to see on the Court are "originalists at the margin", judges and justices who only let originalism be decisive when the federal government isn't very insistent.
If you take "strength" to mean "influence" rather than "validity," then I think the claim is basically right.
These deficiencies weaken his case and, ironically, reinforce the intellectual strength of originalism, which at its best rigorously takes account of text and context.
Presumably that use of, "rigorously," is meant to imply the kind of self-referential circularity insisted upon by would-be originalists.
Or are we meant to understand that, "rigor," as understood by academic historians is unrelated to, "rigor," as insisted upon by would-be originalists?
Beyond those brief comments, to attempt explanation of contemporaneous historical context to a self-regarding originalist is beyond reasonable possibility in a forum such as this one. Instead, read, On History by philosopher and historian Michael Oakeshott to understand why.
I cannot comment on book or review, but this quote stuck out:
a fundamental written law of "exactitude and precision"
Sounds like a biblical inerrantist. As we know, the Constitution was the result of horse trading and occasional intentional ambiguity, And it has far too few words for its content to be objectively exact and precise.
"[T]he right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."
Sounds pretty "objectively exact and precise" to me...
Well, it isn't, but even if it were that is not the whole of the constitution, though perhaps it be heresie to so opine.
When you apply the techniques of originalism to an historical critique of originalism, you find that the critique fails to persuade. Originalism wins!
FWIW sometimes I think that Originalistm is the idea that the Constitution should be interpreted according to the FFs who published most.
If the other FF's had disagreed with them, they had plenty of opportunity to publicly dissent.
Arguments from silence? tsk tsk! ????
But suppose someone unearthed a late letter from say Jefferson to Adams JQ, saying, in effect, "all those Federalist articles were so much self-aggrandizing bullshit, not reflective of what the rest of us thought at the time, and in any event what we were thinking was, just get something down on paper as quickly as possible and let's sort the details out later" etc etc.
Do you think that would undermine Originalism?