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Trump Urges Stay of S. Ct. Proceedings in TikTok Case, Delay of Statutory Effective Date
From Trump's just-filed friend-of-the-court brief in the TikTok divestment case:
Introduction and Interest of Amicus Curiae …
Amicus curiae President Donald J. Trump ("President Trump") is the 45th and soon to be the 47th President of the United States of America. On January 20, 2025, President Trump will assume responsibility for the United States' national security, foreign policy, and other vital executive functions. This case presents an unprecedented, novel, and difficult tension between free-speech rights on one side, and foreign policy and national-security concerns on the other. As the incoming Chief Executive, President Trump has a particularly powerful interest in and responsibility for those national-security and foreign-policy questions, and he is the right constitutional actor to resolve the dispute through political means.
President Trump also has a unique interest in the First Amendment issues raised in this case. Through his historic victory on November 5, 2024, President Trump received a powerful electoral mandate from American voters to protect the free-speech rights of all Americans—including the 170 million Americans who use TikTok. President Trump is uniquely situated to vindicate these interests, because "the President and the Vice President of the United States are the only elected officials who represent all the voters in the Nation."
Moreover, President Trump is one of the most powerful, prolific, and influential users of social media in history. Consistent with his commanding presence in this area, President Trump currently has 14.7 million followers on TikTok with whom he actively communicates, allowing him to evaluate TikTok's importance as a unique medium for freedom of expression, including core political speech. Indeed, President Trump and his rival both used TikTok to connect with voters during the recent Presidential election campaign, with President Trump doing so much more effectively. As this Court instructs, the First Amendment's "constitutional guarantee has its fullest and most urgent application precisely to the conduct of campaigns for political office."
Further, President Trump is the founder of another resoundingly successful social-media platform, Truth Social. This gives him an in-depth perspective on the extraordinary government power attempted to be exercised in this case—the power of the federal government to effectively shut down a social-media platform favored by tens of millions of Americans, based in large part on concerns about disfavored content on that platform. President Trump is keenly aware of the historic dangers presented by such a precedent. For example, shortly after the Act was passed, Brazil banned the social-media platform X (formerly known as Twitter) for more than a month, based in large part on that government's disfavor of political speech on X. See, e.g., Brazil's Supreme Court Lifts Ban on Social Media Site X, CBS NEWS (Oct. 8, 2024).
In light of these interests—including, most importantly, his overarching responsibility for the United States' national security and foreign policy— President Trump opposes banning TikTok in the United States at this juncture, and seeks the ability to resolve the issues at hand through political means once he takes office. On September 4, 2024, President Trump posted on Truth Social, "FOR ALL THOSE THAT WANT TO SAVE TIK TOK IN AMERICA, VOTE TRUMP!"
Furthermore, President Trump alone possesses the consummate dealmaking expertise, the electoral mandate, and the political will to negotiate a resolution to save the platform while addressing the national security concerns expressed by the Government—concerns which President Trump himself has acknowledged. See, e.g., Executive Order No. 13942, Addressing the Threat Posed by TikTok, 85 Fed. Reg. 48637, 48637 (Aug. 6, 2020); Regarding the Acquisition of Musical.ly by ByteDance Ltd., 85 Fed. Reg. 51297, 51297 (Aug. 14, 2020). Indeed, President Trump's first Term was highlighted by a series of policy triumphs achieved through historic deals, and he has a great prospect of success in this latest national security and foreign policy endeavor.
The 270-day deadline imposed by the Act expires on January 19, 2025—one day before President Trump will assume Office as the 47th President of the United States. This unfortunate timing interferes with President Trump's ability to manage the United States' foreign policy and to pursue a resolution to both protect national security and save a social-media platform that provides a popular vehicle for 170 million Americans to exercise their core First Amendment rights. The Act imposes the timing constraint, moreover, without specifying any compelling government interest in that particular deadline. In fact, the Act itself contemplates a 90-day extension to the deadline under certain specified circumstances. Pet.App.97a, § 2(a)(3)(A)-(C).
President Trump, therefore, has a compelling interest as the incoming embodiment of the Executive Branch in seeing the statutory deadline stayed to allow his incoming Administration the opportunity to seek a negotiated resolution of these questions. If successful, such a resolution would obviate the need for this Court to decide the historically challenging First Amendment question presented here on the current, highly expedited basis.
Summary of Argument
President Trump takes no position on the merits of the dispute. Instead, he urges the Court to stay the statute's effective date to allow his incoming Administration to pursue a negotiated resolution that could prevent a nationwide shutdown of TikTok, thus preserving the First Amendment rights of tens of millions of Americans, while also addressing the government's national security concerns. If achieved, such a resolution would obviate the need for this Court to decide extremely difficult questions on the current, highly expedited schedule.
There is ample justification for the Court to stay the January 19 deadline—by which divestment for ByteDance must occur, or else TikTok will face an effective shut-down in the United States—while it considers the merits of the case. First, this Court has aptly cautioned against deciding "unprecedented" and "very significant constitutional questions" on a "highly expedited basis." Due to the Act's deadline for divestment and the timing of the D.C. Circuit's decision, this Court now faces the prospect of deciding extremely difficult questions on exactly such a "highly expedited basis." Staying this deadline would provide breathing space for the Court to consider the questions on a more measured schedule, and it would provide President Trump's incoming Administration an opportunity to pursue a negotiated resolution of the conflict. Indeed, the Court recently pursued a similar course in Zubik v. Burwell, vacating lower-court decisions and pausing the enforcement of HHS's contraceptive mandate against religious organizations to "allow the parties sufficient time to resolve any outstanding issues between them."
Second, three features of the Act raise concerns about possible legislative encroachment on prerogatives of the Executive Branch under Article II. First, the Act dictates that the President must make a particular national-security determination as to TikTok alone, while granting the President a greater "degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction" as to all other social-media platforms. United States v. Curtiss-Wright Exp. Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 320 (1936). Second, the Act mandates that the President must exercise his power over foreign affairs "through an interagency process" commanded by Congress, instead of exercising his sole discretion over the deliberative processes of the Executive Branch.
Third, the Act—due to its signing date—now imposes a deadline for divestment that falls one day before the incoming Administration takes power. Especially when viewed in combination, these unique features of the Act raise significant concerns about possible legislative encroachment upon the President's prerogative to manage the Nation's geopolitical, strategic relationships overall, and with one of our most significant counterparts, China, specifically. This is an area where the Nation must "speak … with one voice," and "[t]hat voice must be the President's." Zivotofsky ex rel. Zivotofsky v. Kerry, 576 U.S. 1, 14 (2015) (citation omitted).
Third, the First Amendment implications of the federal government's effective shuttering of a social- media platform used by 170 million Americans are sweeping and troubling. There are valid concerns that the Act may set a dangerous global precedent by exercising the extraordinary power to shut down an entire social-media platform based, in large part, on concerns about disfavored speech on that platform. Perhaps not coincidentally, soon after the Act was passed, another major Western democracy—Brazil— shut down another entire social-media platform, X (formerly known as Twitter), for more than a month, apparently based on that government's desire to suppress disfavored political speech.
Moreover, despite the Act's enormous impact on the speech of 170 million TikTok users, the D.C. Circuit's opinion grants only cursory consideration to the free-speech interests of Americans, while granting decisive weight and near-plenary deference to the views of national-security officials. Yet the history of the past several years, and beyond, includes troubling, well- documented abuses by such federal officials in seeking the social-media censorship of ordinary Americans.
In light of the novelty and difficulty of this case, the Court should consider staying the statutory deadline to grant more breathing space to address these issues. The Act itself contemplates the possibility of a 90-day extension, indicating that the 270-day deadline lacks talismanic significance. Such a stay would vitally grant President Trump the opportunity to pursue a political resolution that could obviate the Court's need to decide these constitutionally significant questions….
Conclusion
President Trump takes no position on the underlying merits of this dispute. Instead, he respectfully requests that the Court consider staying the Act's deadline for divestment of January 19, 2025, while it considers the merits of this case, thus permitting President Trump's incoming Administration the opportunity to pursue a political resolution of the questions at issue in the case.
The brief was written by John Sauer, whom Trump has tapped as the incoming nominee for Solicitor General.
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What can be "negotiated" if a stay were granted?
1 in 2 Americans of any age? That has to be a very generous sense of "used."
If I’m hiring someone to represent me on a business deal, I’m gonna skip the guy who declared bankruptcy multiple times from failed business deals.
Wow, Sauer really knows his number one job priority: Fluff the Boss.
That's been true ever since he was getting fluffed at Studio 54 while recuperating from debilitating bone spurs.
When he was President, Trump tried to shut Tik Tok down. Now he wants to save it. What happened?
He met with a major investor in TikTok, who agreed to spend a lot of money supporting his candidacy.
He opened an account six months ago, amassed 48 million followers, and won a presidential election.
Come on, man! Politicians "on your side", for various definitions of "your", always have the honor of "evolving positions!"
If he really believed that Tik Tok was a threat to national security (which is what he said in 2020), all that means is that he will sell our national security out from under us if he sees a personal advantage. A real patriot.
Whatever the merits of TikTok’s claims, “you should stay the implementation law so that the next president can have a chan e to subvert it” doesn’t strike me as a very compelling argument.
This is certainly the right guy to finally stand up to China!
https://m.usw.org/blog/2016/donald-trump-ties-made-in-china
The Supreme Court should not rely on a lame-duck administration which was repudiated at the polls to speak on behalf of the executive branch.
Instead, they should wait until the representatives of the executive branch are more reflective of the election results.
All they have to do is delay the proceedings a few weeks to wait for the new administration. And if there's one thing judges know how to do, it's delay things.
Exactly. Scotus should stand down per Trump's instructions. Trump can always let scotus know if he wants them to ban TikTok again. It doesn't matter if Trump once led the charge to ban TikTok and the law was passed in a bipartisan manner. Trump has changed his mind and he is the one that should decide TikTok's fate.
Trump has also changed his mind about elites in academia. He wants to end birthright citizenship but grant citizenship to foreigners that get advanced degrees here. Or maybe even just two-year degrees that are less advanced. He still loves the poorly educated though and is looking out for them. He didn't sell them a bill of goods, he loves them. Scotus can just stand by and Trump will let the justices know if he wants anything banned in the future.
Trump's "instructions"? What world do you live in?
Do you detect a whiff of sarcasm in the above? Or do you just not get jokes?
Sure I saw the sarcasm. How tiny is your world? Are you ever capable of anything even remotely approaching your handle?
The self-awareness is weak in this one.
This is kind of stupid in an amicus brief when the court is considering a law passed by Congress:
"President Trump also has a unique interest in the First Amendment issues raised in this case. Through his historic victory on November 5, 2024, President Trump received a powerful electoral mandate from American voters to protect the free-speech rights of all Americans—including the 170 million Americans who use TikTok. President Trump is uniquely situated to vindicate these interests, because "the President and the Vice President of the United States are the only elected officials who represent all the voters in the Nation."
While the President and VP are the only two individuals elected by the entire electorate, Congress has 535 members that represent the entire country with an ability to represent their views at a much more granular level.
When you see a brief like that its more written to be quoted in a press release than convince the justices.
I have mixed feelings about the issue, but as the issue has been framed in Murtha v Missouri, if the right of speech on a social media platform is the owner of the platform, then a foreign owner's free speech rights do not trump Congress' commerce clause powers. And Congress has been regulating foreign ownership of media outlets for over a century.
But I really don't see how the Supreme Court can say Facebook's users' free speech rights should take a back seat to governments and social media companies wish to suppress their speech, then have another social media company claim its ownership interest can't be regulated because of the possible effects on its users.
He started the ban on Tik Tok. You guys are buying into this changed rhetoric like a leftist agreeing seizing commoners' houses to give to big business is a vital, noble good.
It makes no sense. Positions are not "evolving". Financial interests are. They toss out vapid rhetoric to control the plebes.
I guess we shall see if he cowers the US fleet back from valid places under the law of the sea. Then we shall know.
For me it comes down to consistency, does Russia Today have free speech rights in the US?
If the Answer is no, then neither does a Chinese controlled entity like Tik Tok.
And then in context with Murtha v Missouri, do Social Media companies own free speech right superior to the rights of their users on their platforms?
Well if that's true then Byte Dance cannot hide behind their users free speech rights when Congress regulates them as a foreign corporation that owns a social media company.
Of course we also need to look at this in context of precedents that would apply to FB, X, etc, in Europe, and the rest of the world, but of course would not apply to China because they already massive ban, restrict and regulate US media of all types in China.
But the Supreme court should not be looking at the issue in terms.of Trumps policy preferences, the question before the court is whether Congress has the authority to ban TikTok, the fact that Trump might have.done it differently isn't a legal issue. Although it may become a legal issue if the Trump DOJ declines to enforce the law.
President Trump received a powerful electoral mandate
Aren't you supposed not to lie in an amicus brief?
Oh my, a jealous lawyer. Get off my turf!
His electoral college margin was about Biden’s in 20 (popular vote margin smaller).
And a lawyer with a single track mind.
Sometimes I think lawyers gotta be the most unaware people in the world. The rest of the time, they come out of the woodwork and self-identify.
I’m not a lawyer. Just like you’re not a person who makes relevant points here.
This doesn't seem to be a relevant response.
I am under the impression that you're not supposed to lie in an amicus brief, and Trump did not get a powerful electoral mandate. Is lying permitted after all?
Do you seriously think this is a statement capable of being proven true or false?
Do you seriously think this is a statement capable of being proven true or false?
Yes, because I am not an idiot and hence won't fall for the Argument of the Beard fallacy. An unremarkable electoral college win and a small margin of the popular vote is factually not a powerful mandate.
Trump's plea is better presented to the Biden administration.
Please tell me Trump hasn't gone to the dark side...
What "dark side"?
Can SCOTUS actually stay the deadline, as Pres Trump requests?
My question at the top of the comments. Congress passed the law and Biden signed it. Is it un-Constitutional? If not then it should go into effect as called for unless Biden extends it for 90 days as the law allows for.
Well the guidelines of when a preliminary injunction is warranted are:
"The moving party must show that they are likely to succeed on the merits, that they will suffer irreparable harm without an injunction, that the injunction would not harm other parties, and that the injunction is in the public interest."
Byte Dance can probably show that they would suffer irreparable harm
I suppose Trump is arguing its in the Public interest.
So the major hurdle is whether they have shown they are likely to prevail on the merits, which I doubt they can because the court of appeals already ruled against them.
Trump essentially argues that your third prong is wrong here. First, if th3y decide Trump’s way, giving him 90 days to settle it, then they don’t really have to decide it now. But the bigger argument is that if nearly half of Americans have TikTok accounts, and those accounts would probably be shut down without the extension of time. Think of it as another Equity factor to consider, or maybe another dimension. But the impact on the American people, esp when so lopsided, should be taken into account when issuing preliminary injunctions.
If the current administration wants to push something through ahead of a new admin who disagrees, that's normal politics. The judicial branch should not fancy itself The Decider, and get in the business of "permitting" the current, constitutionally empowered admin (and still "The People empowered", remember?) to do its job.
You do not, in fact, get the honor of breaking the knees of the current admin in favor of a future one. There are many things to judge on, but this isn't one of them.
If nothing else, this is part of the peaceful transition of power. The new admin doesn't start until it starts.
Of all the major social medium platforms, TikTok is most in compliance with the law of a communications common carrier of a message.
Strange that Trump does not take a position on the merits. Whatever happens will be covered as a win or a loss for Trump (and TikTok).
I would suggest our balance of powers may be a bit out of whack when the judicial branch stays an action of the legislative branch at the request of the executive branch. Particularly when Trump isn't the executive branch yet.
Well I agree with you here, the Supreme Court is not deciding policy here but whether Congress' commerce clause authority in this case should be co,nstained by the first amendment.
But I think it would be appropriate for the Supreme Court to solicit the President elects view when the topic is executive or regulatory authority.
Trump decided to take no position on the merits of the dispute. The court told everyone the question it wanted addressed is whether the statute violates the First Amendment. Trump’s brief explains why he has the qualifications to address the question—and then he chooses not to do so.
If this is a representative example of Sauer's work, it ought to be a disqualifying filing for that nomination. It doesn't even pretend to be anything other than a Trump press release.
"Through his historic victory on November 5, 2024, President Trump received a powerful electoral mandate from American voters"
You expect to see that sort of thing in a TruthSocial post, but not in a court filing where a lawyer has ethical obligations.
"Furthermore, President Trump alone possesses the consummate dealmaking expertise, the electoral mandate, and the political will to negotiate a resolution"
WTF is that. (Also, who is "President Trump?")
The SC is not obliged to accept an amicus brief, right?
It is. It is not obliged to read an amicus brief, let alone engage with it, but there are no longer any restrictions on filing them. (It used to be that to file such brief one needed either (a) consent from all parties; or (b) to make a motion to file one. But SCOTUS eliminated those requirements about 2 years ago. As long as you submit it by the deadline, it gets filed.)