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Constitutional Questions in South Korea (Updated)
The opposition is trying to impeach the Acting President for insurrection, who claims he lacks the power to make appointment to constitutional court, which may not have enough members to remove the impeached President.
I do not know the first thing about the Constitution of South Korea. But this report from the New York Times reads like an exam fact pattern.
First, the acting President refuses to make appointments to the constitutional court. And the opposition party seeks to impeach the acting president for failing to make those appointments.
Opposition lawmakers in South Korea were planning to vote on Friday to impeach the prime minister and acting president, Han Duck-soo, the latest turn in a political crisis that has created a power vacuum in the country.
Mr. Han had been made acting president just earlier this month, after the National Assembly impeached and suspended President Yoon Suk Yeol on Dec. 14 for putting the country under military rule for the first time in 45 years.
Now, barely two weeks into Mr. Han's tenure as acting president, the main opposition party has filed a motion for his impeachment as well. The move came after Mr. Han refused on Thursday to appoint three judges to fill vacancies in the Constitutional Court, the body that will be deciding whether to reinstate or remove Mr. Yoon.
This is almost like the Merrick Garland scenario in reverse. But instead of the Senate refusing to give Garland a hearing, the Acting President is refusing to make the appointment.
Second, does the Acting President have the duty to fill the vacancies? At least in our system, the President is under no obligation at all to make an appointment. He can just leave the office open. I can't speak to the Korean system.
Third, does the Acting President have the power to fill the vacancies?
The opposition has pushed for Mr. Han to sign off on nominees to fill the bench in the nation's highest court, but Mr. Yoon's governing party has argued that only an elected president has the power to appoint justices. . . .
Mr. Han said in a televised address that he would hold off on appointing the nominees until the rival parties — that is, Mr. Yoon's People Power Party and the opposition bloc comprising the Democratic Party and other smaller parties — came to an agreement on whether he had the authority to do so as the acting president.
An acting president should "refrain from exercising the president's own significant powers, including the appointment of constitutional institutions," said Mr. Han, a career bureaucrat.
The United States confronted related questions after the death of President William Henry Harrison. Did Vice President John Tyler merely become Acting President, who could exercise all of the President's powers? Or was he actually the President? In Korea, the governing party says that only the elected President can appoint the judges. I sense there is some sort of "officer" issue at play. Maybe an analogy might be whether a recess appointee can exercise all of the powers of a confirmed officer.
Fourth, these appointments are especially important since the nine-member constitutional court can decide whether to remove the impeached President from office. Letting a court decide whether to remove the President strikes me as a very risky decision. Indeed, it is even worse that the Acting President has the power to deny the court a quorum to remove the President.
At the heart of the matter is how the court might rule on Mr. Yoon's impeachment. Six or more justices out of the nine-member court must vote in favor of impeachment to remove Mr. Yoon from office. The top court currently has only six justices, after three others retired earlier this year, meaning that the impeachment could be overturned with just one dissenting voice in Mr. Yoon's trial, which is scheduled to start on Friday.
During the constitutional convention, there was some debate about letting the Supreme Court try all impeachments. One of the arguments against that option was that there would be so few judges. By contrast, there would be more Senators to cast the vote. Our Framers were wise to abandon this proposal. And, Tillman and I explained that if the Chief Justice position is vacant, the Senate trial can proceed with the Senior Associate Justice.
Fifth, the quorum rule for this court is extremely problematic. Removal is apparently premised on having 2/3 of the full court vote to remove, not only those who are present. But due to three retirements, only six judges remain. As a result, all six present judges must vote to remove. If a single judge declines to participate, the President will not be removed. And what happens if another judge retires. It would be impossible to remove the President. By contrast, under our Constitution, it takes a vote of "two thirds of the Members present," not two thirds of the total body. Again, chalk another victory for the Framers.
Sixth, the opposition party claims that the Acting President's failure to make the appointment is an act of insurrection.
Park Chan-dae, the Democratic Party's floor leader, said to reporters that Mr. Han's words were "not those of an acting president, but of one who is admitting to insurrection."
The opposition has accused Mr. Han of aiding Mr. Yoon in his brief declaration of martial law on Dec. 3. Lawmakers accused Mr. Yoon of perpetrating an insurrection by sending troops into the National Assembly to block them from voting down his martial law and to detain his opponents. The Constitutional Court has up to six months to decide whether to reinstate or remove Mr. Yoon.
Sound familiar? During the Section 3 debates, critics argued that President Trump's failure to take certain actions to put down the riot at the Capitol was itself engaging in insurrection--or as Baude and Paulsen put it, aiding and abetting an insurrection. Seth Barrett Tillman and I responded that the President's exercise of discretion to not take certain action was not itself insurrection. In South Korea, the opposition argues that the failure to make a judicial appointment is insurrection! Query whether South Korea law provides any clearer definition of insurrection than American law.
Seventh, the parties do not even agree on how many votes it would take to impeach an acting President! If there is something that should be clear, it should be the voting thresholds. But not so in South Korea.
As for Mr. Han, the rival parties have disagreed on how many votes would be needed for him to be impeached. The ruling party maintains that a two-thirds threshold must be met since Mr. Han is the acting president. The opposition asserts that a majority vote would be enough to remove him from his office as prime minister as outlined by the Constitution. The speaker of the National Assembly, Woo Won-shik, a member of the Democratic Party, will decide before the vote.
Professor Cha Jina, a law professor at Korea University in Seoul, said that Mr. Han should be subject to a majority vote because "the acting president in South Korea is not actually the president and is just working in their stead as the prime minister."
She also noted that this was the first time in the nation's history that an acting president has faced impeachment.
Thankfully, our framers created clear standards for how many votes it takes to impeach and to remove. (The question of how many votes it takes to disqualify is fuzzier.) But, there remains an open question whether a recess appointee can be impeached. Is such a position an "Officer of the United States"? Sorry, I couldn't resist the "officer stuff." Most people stopped caring about this issue once Trump v. Anderson was decided. But "officer stuff" matters in America, and in other countries.
Update: I am happy to post some corrections and comments from Jeong-In YUN, a South Korean Constitutional Law Professor:
I read your post with great interest. As you are aware, several constitutional questions have emerged and are debated—necessarily or unnecessarily—in South Korea. Lots of work has fallen into the hands of constitutional lawyers now.
As an insider, if I may, I'd like to share some relevant info and little corrections with you. (My comments are below your text in blue)
First, the acting President refuses to make appointments to the constitutional court. And the opposition government seeks to impeach the acting president for failing to make those appointments.
Correction: opposition parties
Second, does the Acting President have the duty to fill the vacancies? At least in our system, the President is under no obligation at all to make an appointment. He can just leave the office open. I can't speak to the Korean system.
Info: In South Korea, the Constitutional Court is composed of 9 Judges: 3 are recommended by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, 3 are elected by the National Assembly, and 3 are appointed by the President. So, the National Assembly has the authority to nominate the three Judges, and the President has the formal authority to appoint them—in other words, the National Assembly has the power to appoint while the President has the duty to appoint. As for now, the National Assembly has already undergone the processes of election of nominees and hearings, the Acting President must appoint them as his duty.
Sixth, the opposition party claims that the Acting President's failure to make the appointment is an act of insurrection.
Correction: It seems an obvious misunderstanding. The Acting President was accused of aiding insurrection, not by refusing to appoint Constitutional Court Judges. Two are different things. The latter, the refusal to fill the vacancies at the Constitutional Court, interferes with the proper process of Presidential impeachment, constituting an obstruction of justice, thus he was impeached today.
Sound familiar? During the Section 3 debates, critics argued that President Trump's failure to take certain actions to put down the riot at the Capitol was itself engaging in insurrection--or as Baude and Paulsen put it, aiding and abetting an insurrection. Seth Barrett Tillman and I responded that the President's exercise of discretion to not take certain action was not itself insurrection. In South Korea, the opposition argues that the failure to make a judicial appointment is insurrection! Query whether South Korea law provides any clearer definition of insurrection than American law.
Correction & Info: Same is true for this. Neither President Yoon nor Acting President Han were charged with insurrection because they refused to appoint judges to the Constitutional Court. President Yoon is being criminally investigated and impeached for abusing martial law power and directly committing the insurrection, and Prime Minister Han is being investigated for aiding the insurrection. The Criminal Act of South Korea defines insurrection as acts raising a riot to overthrow government organs established by the Constitution or to make render the exercise of their functions impossible by force (Arts 87 and 91) and punishes the crime stringently with a maximum penalty of death. The Constitution excludes the President's criminal immunity from prosecution in cases of insurrection or treason (Art 84). You may refer to my post. 2024 Martial Law in South Korea — The Crossroads Between Democratic Regression or Proof of Strong Democracy — IACL-IADC Blog
Seventh, the parties do not even agree on how many votes it would take to impeach an acting President! If there is something that should be clear, it should be the voting thresholds. But not so in South Korea.
Correction: Article 65 of the Korean Constitution clearly stipulates a quorum for the impeachment of the President or Prime Minister respectively. However, the question is whether the quorum for impeachment should be based on the status of the President or the status of the Prime Minister when the Prime Minister is the Acting President. The general view of Korean constitutional scholars is that the Prime Minister is temporarily acting in exceptional circumstances—as Harris did for 85 minutes during Biden's surgery—and therefore the quorum should be based on the status of the Prime Minister.
Additional info: Differently from the US with the bicameral Congress, in South Korea, as the National Assembly is a unicameral legislature, it cannot exercise both the power to impeach and adjudicate. So, the Korean Constitution grants the National Assembly the power to impeach the President and other high officials, and an impeachment trial is conducted by the Constitutional Court.
Your interests and thoughts on constitutional issues in South Korea are really appreciated. I do hope my sincere feedback will be of help to you.
Many thanks,
Jeong-In
______________________________________
Jeong-In YUN (윤정인) Ph.D.
Research Professor, Legal Research Institute & Party Law Research Center, Korea UniversityDistinguished Senior Research Fellow, Constitutional Studies Program, The University of Texas Austin
Co-chair, South Korea Chapter, International Society of Public Law (ICON-S)
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Yoon declared martial law. Trump didn't do anything aside from bitch about the election results and that somehow got counted as calling for 'insurrection'. Yoon actually did what the leftoids wish Trump did and then when he didn't manufactured a delusional fantasy they collectively decided to act as if it was real. Nice try equating them tho.
Bro, you're an idiot. You've got TDS so bad you can't even read what's right in front of you.
If you think Josh Blackman is against Trump, you're an even bigger illiterate idiot.
The whole point of this article is Josh's hobby/avocation of exploring weird constitutional and legal puzzles. If you'd been reading this blog for even a smidgeon of time, you'd know your claim fits right in with every Josh hater there is, but from the opposite side. None of you TDS-addled idiots know how to just sit back and enjoy Josh's fantasies.
I don't care what side Blackman is on. I'm just heading off the dumb lol Yoon/Trump are the same! comments.
You know that it was only 4 years ago, right? Everyone here was alive at the time, and everyone knows how bullshit (note the spelling, Dr. Ed) this line is.
I get a kick out of this conundrum:
In my system, all votes require 2/3 of all possible votes. If any legislator dies, retires, etc, that reduces the "all possible" count. But there's a provision that every election has to include NOBODY or NONE OF THE ABOVE or something similar, and if that candidate wins, no one is elected, but the "all possible" count increases as if someone had won.
If enough NOBODYs win, then the quorum problem arises; the legislature cannot pass any bill even with a unanimous vote. If that happens, I call it a nobody revolution. Every past candidate, which includes all present legislators, are barred from the legislature forever, and it takes all new elections with no previous candidates running to repopulate the legislature.
The point is for the voters to scare the legislators. One or two districts electing NOBODY puts them on warning, and if they don't shape up, they're likely to make the rest of the voters even angrier and more likely to elect a few more NOBODYs.
By contrast, under our Constitution, it takes a vote of "two thirds of the Members present," not two thirds of the total body. Again, chalk another victory for the Framers.
Which isn't to say that, itself, couldn't be gamed, but again, chalk one up for the framers disallowing squeedunk localities from pulling over legislators on the way to vote, and giving the power to get the Sergeant at Arms to go get them.
Or something like that. Here are the experts: _______________________
Don’t let that slow you down, sir!
What started all of this?
Last I heard, South Korea was a fairly stable country with a fairly stable economy.
Let it be a warning collapse to dictatorship may not be as far as you imagine.
Indeed, part of my point the past years has been normalizing dangerous, anti-democratic behaviors, like the common dictator's trick of turning the investigative power of government against a political opponent qua opponent.
Fine, gents. Assume your hyperbolized-to-the-max fantasies about him. Now look in the mirror at what you did. Yikes. Also, normalizing that was double-yikes. You dumbasses now fear retribution in kind.
I mentioned two previous incidents, where W won (so to speak) Gulf War II, and Trump's win in 2016, both of which engendered fears, and columns, and my mother-in-law parroting it, "Oh, noes! What if he (W., or Trump, both with newfound power) does to us what we've been doing to them?"
And now it's expanded beyond the power to wield cancel culture. And you are shocked! Shocked! For the third time.
This has all been very actively discussed and explained by now in the media sources I read. Maybe you should get outside of your echo chamber?
To be fair, it's international news, and maybe he generally only follows domestic news.
He and his wife were embroiled in a serious scandal, he was a lame duck, and the legislature is controlled by the opposition party.
Which was about to start impeaching the head of the government audit office for refusing to investigate.
Apparently what would be found if the investigation did go forward was ugly enough that he made an attempt to become a dictator, instead.
Thanks, I lost track of all the people being impeached.
"(The question of how many votes it takes to disqualify is fuzzier.)"
Not even a tiny bit fuzzier. For Congress to vote somebody disqualified, you'd need to impeach them, with disqualification as a constitutionally permitted (Though not mandated) consequence. So the number of votes to disqualify is, trivially, the number of votes requires to convict in an impeachment trial.
We know what the legal process for disqualifying somebody under the 14th amendment is, the Court recently ruled on that: It's convicting somebody of insurrection in a federal criminal trial. (Though Congress could change that by enacting new enabling legislation.)
That's a unanimous vote of 12 jurors, also not even a little ambiguous.
Congress, of course, can't vote you guilty of insurrection, that would be an unconstitutional bill of attainder.
67 senators agree that the President did what is alleged and therefore should be convicted, 51 senators agree that he should be disqualified. Is he disqualified or not?
That's an interesting scenario. Apparently Senate practice has been that just a majority vote is required for the disqualification itself, but you still need to get past that 2/3 vote to convict, so I'm not seeing the practical relevance. Effectively it's still 2/3.
Senators might quite plausibly disagree about the punishment more than the question of guilt.
Of course, back in the day anyone who was convicted on impeachment would have been effectively unelectable anyway, so the question was mostly academic. It was the conviction that counted. But nowadays, anything goes, so it might be time to clarify some of those questions.
Suppose that the facts of the case had been such that convicting him had been possible. Perhaps if they'd had intercepted communications between him and the Proud Boys actually directing them to conduct the break in and threaten legislators.
In that hypothetical world, he likely would have become unelectable.
The reason the attempt at impeachment didn't render him unelectable is that the actual facts of the matter were such that only people who already disliked Trump were persuaded by the case. Granted, that included some Republican Senators, but not remotely enough of them.
it was, simply put, a weak case that only his political foes could take seriously.
The phrase "constitutional crisis" was thrown out liberally and inaccurately during Trump's first term. South Korea could have one. A constitutional crisis is a failure of institutions to function according to the rules. Say, the constitution assumes there is always a left-handed sprocket on hand and now we don't have one. Look at Haiti where the last national election was eight years ago.
We have a similar time bomb sitting in our system. If the House Speaker or Senate President Pro Tem become acting president, can they be removed by simply removing them from their underlying position? They aren’t like the VP, who actually becomes president. They only act as president. Executive-branch officials like the Sec. of State acting as president are easy because they have to be impeached and removed in the same manner as the president. But not the congressional officials. That’s just another reason congressional officials should not be in the presidential line of succession.
It's a time bomb in our "system", but not in our constitution; The Constitution dictates as far as the VP, then leaves the chain of succession up to Congress. In principle Congress could fix the problem.
I remember this issue being flagged after 9/11. Of course, everyone lost interest. But now that the Speakership is constantly on a knife’s edge, probably a good time to take the congressional leadership out of the equation.
Now convince the congressional leadership that's important...
There's a worse, and more likely time bomb. What if the president elect dies before taking office? Give it to the VP? That would arguably be the spirit of the law, but IIRC, the vp is elected vp by the EC, and specifically not the president. Is there any authorized path there?
And it may matter if this happens before the EC votes or after. If before, the horse trading will be epic, endless faceting around about the proper course of action. In 2016, some tried to get the EC to be faithless, going so far as to guarantee paying their state fines. Can they vote for the vp candidate to be president? Should they? He wasn't what The People thought they were voting on, meanwhile the losing pres candidate is now first in line of existant candidates. Either way is suspect for faceting holy adherence to good rules "in the spirit" of something or other, that benefits your side's power grabs, er, desire to be public servants implementing the Will of the People.
Well! That all seems like scary BS to put the nation through. Congress should clear it up, now, with an amendment if necessary, so we won't have to.
20th amendment. "If, at the time fixed for the beginning of the term of the President, the President elect shall have died, the Vice President elect shall become President."
Trump has promised to pursue a number of actions that are likely to be contrary to the constitutional design - if not outright unconstitutional - but at this point I'm not seeing a bona fide constitutional crisis in the offing, given the general complicity of the courts and Congress to do his bidding anyway.
One possibility that's been floated is that the House descends into chaos without a Speaker after convening on January 3, making it difficult (or impossible) for them to unseal/count the electoral ballots on January 6. What would happen after that seems uncertain. Probably fixable if they get their act together prior to the end of Biden's term, but if Biden's term ends without the electoral ballots being counted, what then?
Then, in all likelihood, Trump just takes office anyway, since everybody knows what the electoral college count is already. With everybody in the executive branch who refuses to work for him ending up fired.
Congress' reputation takes a hit in that scenario, of course.
"Then, in all likelihood, Trump just takes office anyway, since everybody knows what the electoral college count is already."
Which would be itself illegal, as until the count is certified, Trump is not the winner of the election and has no claim to the Presidency.
But it wouldn't be the first time Trump decided to simply claim power for himself that he isn't legally entitled to, and it wouldn't be the first time you fuckheads supported his coup.
"Which would be itself illegal, as until the count is certified, Trump is not the winner of the election and has no claim to the Presidency."
No, actually Trump WAS the winner of the election, (As everybody knew by the next morning.) and thus did have a claim to the Presidency, it's just that Congress in this hypothetical was being tardy about executing it's purely ministerial role of confirming that.
Unless nobody gets a majority of the EC votes, Congress actually has no discretionary role in the matter.
The Constitution says otherwise, and your feelings on the matter don't mean shit.
If Congress does not certify the results, then Trump did not win, and the succession rules of the Constitution (and/or the 'what if someone doesn't win a majority of the EC rules') come into play. Anyone attempting to take power anyway in that hypothetical should be treated as attempting a coup and put down like a rabid dog.
"The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President."
The Constitution says that they open and count the votes. Counting is a quintessentially ministerial act.
Unless nobody gets an absolute majority, the Constitution grants them no discretion to exercise at all.
It's very fixable, even for the dysfunctional GOP: elect someone as speaker on 1/3 with the express understanding of everyone that this person will vacate the speakership after 1/6. It allows the election to be certified and the GOP to go back to bickering immediately afterwards.
As you note, it makes a great deal of difference whether the death occurs before or after the electors have voted. If it occurs after, then it's simple: the VP-elect is sworn in as President on January 20, and he would then nominate his own VP per the 25th Amendment.
If the death occurs before the electors vote, it can be more complicated. Liberal Republican/Democratic nominee Horace Greeley died 24 days after the 1872 presidential election. As he had lost in a landslide to Grant 286-66, it ultimately didn't matter, but the electors still had to vote. 63 of Greeley's electors voted for other candidates, but three voted for Greeley. The Congress declared those three votes invalid. I believe Congress was mistaken in doing so. Under the majority rule in American jurisdictions, known as the "American rule", a vote for a dead or otherwise disqualified candidate is counted as a vote for a continued vacancy in the office, which is then filled per the appropriate rules regarding vacancies. (The minority rule, the "English rule" regards a vote for a dead or otherwise disqualified candidate as a nullity.)
Similarly, Vice President James Sherman died on October 30, 1912, six days before the presidential election. Again, as incumbent President Taft won only two states and eight electoral votes, it didn't much matter. The Republican National Committee, per its rules, chose Nicholas Murray Butler as its new VP nominee, and he received the eight votes that would have otherwise gone to Sherman.
Actually, I don't think the 'time bomb' exists.
First, I believe the Acting President serves until the elected President is deemed capable of serving again or until a new President is elected.
Second, I believe that prior to becoming Acting President, the designated official is required to resign his position (e.g. the Speaker of the House resigns both as Speaker and from the House of Representatives).
Therefore, the Acting President is required by the Succession Law to serve as Acting President and no longer retains any other position from which to be deposed.
Please correct me if I have misunderstood something.
I’m not in a position to confirm right now. But my understanding was that it’s ambiguous and that’s why there was interest in firming it up after 9/11.
Section 3 of the 20th Amendment provides, "Congress may by law provide for the case wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President elect shall have qualified, declaring who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected."
Some have suggested the Presidential Succession Act does not apply in this situation, and that Congress has, in fact, not passed any law to address the situation. If that is indeed the case, then a Congress would have to hurriedly pass one when the situation arose, similar to what happened after the contested election of 1876. Of course, even if the PSA does apply, Congress could still pass such a law. I suspect if it failed to do so, for the sake of stability, the PSA would just be applied. The real "bomb" would occur if the Speaker of the House, next in the line of succession, were from a different party than the (deceased) president- and VP-elect.
If the House Speaker or Senate President Pro Tem become acting president, can they be removed by simply removing them from their underlying position?
No.
The first reason is that the Presidential Succession Act provides that the Speaker only becomes acting President "upon his resignation as Speaker and as Representative in Congress". (Similar language applies to the PPT.) Thus he already no longer holds the "underlying position".
The second reason is that the Presidential Succession Act specifies that a Speaker or PPT who becomes an acting President "shall continue to act until the expiration of the then current Presidential term, except that" -- with the two listed exceptions involving the President or VP qualifying or ceasing to be disabled.
This does leave open the question of whether the acting President in such a case can be removed from office at all. Is the acting President an officer of the United States subject to impeachment?
Sounds like a case for Man Josh-Blak, professor of law at South Daegu Law School;
While it may help Mr. Yoon, while it may be intended to help Mr. Yoon, while an Acting President may in fact have the power to make the appointments, nonetheless declining to make appointments in a political/legal dispute over the authority of the Acting President doesn’t strike me as coming anywhere near any definition of “insurrection” I’m familiar with.
"nonetheless declining to make appointments in a political/legal dispute over the authority of the Acting President doesn’t strike me as coming anywhere near any definition of “insurrection” I’m familiar with."
Skipped over the part where he declared martial law and ordered the military to attack the legislature?
Yes, because that was the president they already impeached.
Brett, don't forget what Lincoln did...