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Justice Thomas's Statement Reaffirms Sword-Shield Dichotomy
"A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense 'where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right.'"
Today the Supreme Court denied cert in Wilson v. Hawaii, which I wrote about here. Justice Thomas wrote a statement respecting the denial of cert, joined by Justice Alito. The posture of the case is a bit unusual. The defendant was convicted of carrying a firearm without a license. At the time, Hawaii imposed a "may issue" conceal carry law. It turns out that Wilson had never applied for a carry permit. To challenge his conviction, the defendant argued that Hawaii's carry law runs afoul of Bruen. However, the Hawaii Supreme Court held that he could not raise the Second Amendment as a defense against the carry regime. Justice Thomas explains:
There, the [state] court invoked state standing law to avoid any meaningful Second Amendment analysis. It held that, because Wilson had not applied for a license and had not been charged with violating the licensing statute itself (which was not a criminal statute), he lacked standing to challenge the particulars of the licensing regime. Id., at 12–13, 543 P. 3d, at 444–445. Instead, he could argue only that the Second Amendment categorically forbids state licensing regimes. Because that is not the case, the court held, Hawaii's prohibitions on unlicensed carry "do not graze Wilson's Second Amendment right."
Justice Thomas explained why this approach is mistaken:
A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality as a defense "where a statute is invalid upon its face and an attempt is made to enforce its penalties in violation of constitutional right." Smith v. Cahoon, 283 U. S. 553, 562 (1931). A "long line of precedent" confirms this point. See, e.g., City of Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publishing Co., 486 U. S. 750, 755–757 (1988) (collecting cases).
Even though Wilson was not being prosecuted for violating the civil registration law, the defendant could still challenge the government's enforcement action based on the unconstitutionality of the gun control law.
Here, the Defendant does not need any sort of cause of action to raise the unconstitutionality of the statute. The Constitution is being used as a "shield."
However, Justice Thomas does not say that "A defendant can always raise unconstitutionality," full stop. It can always be raised as a "defense" or a "shield." But for the Constitution to be raised as a "sword" to seek affirmative relief, a cause of action is needed. Justice Thomas recognized this principle in last term in DeVillier v. Texas:
Constitutional rights do not typically come with a built-in cause of action to allow for private enforcement in courts. See Egbert v. Boule, 596 U. S. 482, 490–491 (2022). Instead, constitutional rights are generally invoked defensively in cases arising under other sources of law, or asserted offensively pursuant to an independent cause of action designed for that purpose, see, e.g., 42 U. S. C. §1983. (slip op. at 5.)
Wilson should have been able to invoke the Second Amendment defensively, but could only assert it offensively with a cause of action.
Justice Thomas continues to bring clarity to an area of that is often misunderstood.
For those interested in reading further, Seth Barrett Tillman and I discuss the sword-shield dichotomy in Sweeping and Forcing (pp. 389–404); see also Anderson v. Griswold, Colo., 543 P.3d 283, 348, 351 & n.7, 356 (Colo. Dec. 19, 2023) (Samour, J., dissenting) (citing Sweeping and Forcing, supra) (adopting the sword-shield dichotomy as basis for dismissing plaintiffs' purported Section 3 action).
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Now he needs four more votes to turn his opinion on Second Amendment defenses into the law of the land.
Three more. According to Professor Blackman, Justice Alito joined Justice Thomas's statement.
There is no overbreadth doctrine for 2nd Amendment cases. Justice Thomas, who once upon a time was more of a stickler for standing, is essentially proposing to create one.
I think that the situation is pretty simple. Whatever this defendant believed about the constitutionality of the "may carry" regime, if he thought about it all prior to be charged with illegally carrying a gun, he didn't do anything to try and carry a gun legally. And that was a least a possibility.
So, what, people can argue that the action they took, which they knew was against the law, can't be punished because it shouldn't have been against the law? That may work as a tactic to generate test cases, where the defendant knows that they'll be prosecuted and is actually planning on it. But someone that just decides that they are going to ignore the law, expect that they'll get away with it, when they might not have needed to break the law in order to do what they wanted, and then only challenge the constitutionality of the law once charged, is just looking for an excuse to not be held accountable for knowingly breaking the law.
An unconstitutional law.
"And that was a least a possibility."
Was it? How often does Hawaii issue carry permits to someone not in law enforcement? If "may carry" is practically a nullity, then I don't think he had to try. (To be clear, I don't know what Hawaii does, but some jurisdictions rarely, if ever, issue carry permits to non-law-enforcement persons.)
My understanding is that, no, it wasn't really a possibility. At least, not as a practical matter, maybe in some extremely attenuated theoretical sense.
Not really a possibility. Justice Thomas noted in his statement denying cert that in 2017, the year of the arrest, police had granted zero licenses.
Here's the relevant portion of his statement:
"A police chief could grant a concealed carry license only if the applicant had shown that he had an “exceptional case,” with “reason to fear injury to [his] person or property.” §134–9(a). And, a police chief could grant an open-carry license only if the applicant had shown “urgency” or “need,” “good moral character,” and that he would be “engaged in the protection of life and property.” Ibid. The result of this scheme was that very few Hawaiians could obtain licenses: In 2017, the year of Wilson’s arrest, Hawaii police granted zero licenses to private citizens."
If Wilson's only "reason" for wanting a license was ordinary self-defense, then there was precisely zero chance that he could get the license because a concealed carry license would only be granted in an "execeptional case" and an open carry license with a showing of "urgency."
One of the maxims of judicial construction is that the law does not require impossibilities or futile acts.
This is actually a pretty good blog.
Gun control laws are an important issue in our society (both for and against), and this blog provides clear, neutral information without the normal Prof. Blackman snively whining or cocktail hour anecdotes.
"cocktail hour anecdotes"
Got something against those?
Sure, but most people don't want to go out and violate the law with the hopes that the court will agree a law is unconstitutional.
You can also often seek injunctive relief, which is a much safer bet.
Lawsuits for money damages is the area where DeViller comes in.
Well, where precisely is the "no sword without enabling legislation" doctrine written into the text of the Constitution? It is simply "made up words" by an unelected judge.
The 2nd Amendment does not have an overbreadth doctrine. When abortion or something like it was involved, Justice Thomas was a stickler for standing. The standards should be the same.
In order to challenge being turned down for a license, you have to apply for one first. Rules about how applications are evaluated do not apply to non-applicants and non-applicants have no standing to contest them.
You can’t break entire laws with impunity because you believe there’s some unconstitutional provision buried in there somewhere.
The very existence of this law was the unconstitutional provision, and it's not buried very deep.